31. Ibid. Pelikan shows how "natural theology," based on cla.s.sical philosophy, was woven into the Cappadocians' work so that they would use reason, "the natural apprehensions of humanity," a.n.a.logies from the physical world and so on in the search for support for Christian orthodoxy. The difficulty was how to distinguish between those aspects of pagan philosophy that they could use to support Christianity from those they had to condemn as pagan. Then they had to reconcile the parts of pagan philosophy they used with the teaching of the scriptures. No one can doubt the quality and ingenuity of the minds of the Cappadocian Fathers, but, as Pelikan shows, they often had to indulge in special pleading to achieve results that coincided with Nicene orthodoxy. A more supportive view is that of Hopko: Their glory . . . lay in their ability to overcome those elements of this [Greek philosophical] tradition that were incompatible with Christianity, particularly in regard to the vision of G.o.d, and to coin new terms and formulate new explanations to protect and preserve the authentic experience and proper understanding of Christians.

Hopko, "The Trinity in the Cappadocians," p. 261.

32. H. Chadwick, in "Orthodoxy and Heresy," chap. 19 in Cameron and Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII, p. 573, does suggest the connection between the Cappadocians and Plotinus, but J. Rist, in "Plotinus and Christian Philosophy," in Gerson, ed., vol. XIII, p. 573, does suggest the connection between the Cappadocians and Plotinus, but J. Rist, in "Plotinus and Christian Philosophy," in Gerson, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, The Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, argues against it, pp. 397401. Rist's view is in its turn rejected by Hanson, argues against it, pp. 397401. Rist's view is in its turn rejected by Hanson, The The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, who concludes (p. 866): "It seems impossible to deny that Basil knew something of the work of Plotinus and consciously employed both his ideas and vocabulary when he thought them applicable." For an overview of the whole problem from a philosophical point of view, see Stead, who concludes (p. 866): "It seems impossible to deny that Basil knew something of the work of Plotinus and consciously employed both his ideas and vocabulary when he thought them applicable." For an overview of the whole problem from a philosophical point of view, see Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, chap. 15, "Substance and Persons." The Cappadocians were certainly not blind followers of Plotinus, because the latter made it quite clear that his three chap. 15, "Substance and Persons." The Cappadocians were certainly not blind followers of Plotinus, because the latter made it quite clear that his three hypostaseis hypostaseis were in a hierarchy, while the Trinitarian formulation insists that they are equal to each other. were in a hierarchy, while the Trinitarian formulation insists that they are equal to each other.

33. Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus ill.u.s.trates how fluid the concept of the Holy Spirit was at this stage: "Of the wise men among ourselves, some have conceived of the Holy Spirit as an activity, some as a creature, some as G.o.d; and some have been uncertain which to call him . . . And therefore they neither worship him nor treat him with dishonour, but take up a neutral position." Orations Orations 21.33, quoted in Pelikan, 21.33, quoted in Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, p. 213. Pages 21125 give a full account of the difficulties involved in defining the Holy Spirit as G.o.d. vol. 1, p. 213. Pages 21125 give a full account of the difficulties involved in defining the Holy Spirit as G.o.d.

34. Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, p. 245. p. 245.

35. Ibid., pp. 23738 for the problems with the terminology of Father and Son and pp. 19596 for Basil's views on the Holy Spirit. The key pa.s.sage from the New Testament is Matthew 28:19 where Jesus calls upon the disciples to baptize "all nations . . . in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." However, this says nothing about the relationship between them, which is so crucial a part of Trinitarian orthodoxy, and according to Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, p. 212, the lack of any direct reference to the Spirit as G.o.d in the scriptures was "a source of considerable embarra.s.sment" to Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus. In his letter to his flock after the Council of Nicaea, Eusebius of Caesarea a.s.sured them that the use of vol. 1, p. 212, the lack of any direct reference to the Spirit as G.o.d in the scriptures was "a source of considerable embarra.s.sment" to Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus. In his letter to his flock after the Council of Nicaea, Eusebius of Caesarea a.s.sured them that the use of h.o.m.oousios h.o.m.oousios was consistent with Matthew 28:19 being interpreted in terms of a " was consistent with Matthew 28:19 being interpreted in terms of a " hierarchy hierarchy" of Father, Son and Holy Spirit (see R. Vaggione, Eunomius of Cyzicus Eunomius of Cyzicus and the Nicene Revolution and the Nicene Revolution [Oxford, 2000], p. 60). The point about Hebrews 1:3 is made by Pelikan, [Oxford, 2000], p. 60). The point about Hebrews 1:3 is made by Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, pp. 21920. vol. 1, pp. 21920.

36. These points are taken from chap. 15 of Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, Culture, "The One and the Three." "The One and the Three."

37. "If your own Scriptures are sufficient for you, why do you nibble at the learning of the Greeks?" Julian had asked in his Contra Galilaeos Contra Galilaeos (quoted in Smith, (quoted in Smith, Julian's G.o.ds, Julian's G.o.ds, p. 198). For the philosophical problems created by the Trinity, see the entry "Trinity" in Edward Craig, ed., p. 198). For the philosophical problems created by the Trinity, see the entry "Trinity" in Edward Craig, ed., The Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy The Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (London and New York, 1998). (London and New York, 1998).

38. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae Summa theologiae 1a 3c.1c. 1a 3c.1c.

39. Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, p. 241. p. 241.

40. Ibid., pp. 24647.

41. Ibid., p. 233: The Nicene dogma did not abolish the need for apophasis apophasis [a.s.sertions about G.o.d expressed in a negative form], as a shallow interpretation of orthodox doctrine might have led someone to suppose. If anything, orthodox trinitarianism intensified that need, for any increase in knowledge about G.o.d (above all the revelation of the knowledge of G.o.d as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit) ultimately consisted in an increase in the knowledge that G.o.d was and remained incomprehensible and transcendent. [a.s.sertions about G.o.d expressed in a negative form], as a shallow interpretation of orthodox doctrine might have led someone to suppose. If anything, orthodox trinitarianism intensified that need, for any increase in knowledge about G.o.d (above all the revelation of the knowledge of G.o.d as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit) ultimately consisted in an increase in the knowledge that G.o.d was and remained incomprehensible and transcendent.

42. See, for this, Wiles, Archetypal Heresy, Archetypal Heresy, pp. 4051. pp. 4051.

43. N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley, 1994), p. 106. (Berkeley, 1994), p. 106.

44. Quoted in Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, p. 821. Hanson has full details of the Council of Constantinople, but I have also drawn on Deno John Geanakoplos, "The Second Ec.u.menical Council at Constantinople (381): Proceedings and Theology of the Holy Spirit," in his p. 821. Hanson has full details of the Council of Constantinople, but I have also drawn on Deno John Geanakoplos, "The Second Ec.u.menical Council at Constantinople (381): Proceedings and Theology of the Holy Spirit," in his Constantinople and the West Constantinople and the West (Madison, Wis., and London, 1989). (Madison, Wis., and London, 1989).

45. Hanson The Search for the Christian Doctrine, The Search for the Christian Doctrine, p. 828. There is one theory that the final form of the Nicene Creed (that is, with the Holy Spirit fully part of the G.o.dhead) dates from the 370s, although another says it was originally a baptismal creed from Constantinople that was developed. The first known recitations of the creed in a service date from much later, from Antioch at the end of the fifth century. Rome did not adopt the creed officially until 1014 (and so it is hardly surprising that Augustine does not seem to have heard of it). See entry "Nicene Creed" in F. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, eds., p. 828. There is one theory that the final form of the Nicene Creed (that is, with the Holy Spirit fully part of the G.o.dhead) dates from the 370s, although another says it was originally a baptismal creed from Constantinople that was developed. The first known recitations of the creed in a service date from much later, from Antioch at the end of the fifth century. Rome did not adopt the creed officially until 1014 (and so it is hardly surprising that Augustine does not seem to have heard of it). See entry "Nicene Creed" in F. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, eds., The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1997). The links between Theodosius, the council and the Cappodocian Fathers still needs further research, particularly concerning the degree to which the council drew directly on the writings of the Cappadocian Fathers. For divine condemnation, note the words of the theologian Ambrosiaster from these same years: "Those people who have discordant opinions, their thoughts being different from the Catholic faith about Christ . . . their exchange of thoughts will accuse them on the day of judgement." Quoted in Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1997). The links between Theodosius, the council and the Cappodocian Fathers still needs further research, particularly concerning the degree to which the council drew directly on the writings of the Cappadocian Fathers. For divine condemnation, note the words of the theologian Ambrosiaster from these same years: "Those people who have discordant opinions, their thoughts being different from the Catholic faith about Christ . . . their exchange of thoughts will accuse them on the day of judgement." Quoted in Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The The Evolution of the Late Antique World Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge, 2001), p. 137. (Cambridge, 2001), p. 137.

46. Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus is worth quoting in this context: If the truth be told my att.i.tude towards all gatherings of bishops is to avoid them. I have never seen a good outcome to any synod, or a synod which produced deliverance from evils rather than the addition to them . . . rivalries and manoeuvres always prevail over reason [sic] . . . and in trying to decide between others it is easier to get accused of wickedness itself than to deal with their wickedness. Consequently I have withdrawn to myself. I consider retirement to be the only means of saving my soul.

Epistle 130, quoted in Rosemary Radford Ruether, Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus, Rhetor Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus, Rhetor and Philosopher and Philosopher (Oxford, 1969), p. 48. (Oxford, 1969), p. 48.

47. Wiles, Archetypal Heresy, Archetypal Heresy, p. 44. p. 44.

48. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, p. 855. p. 855.

49. Ibid., p. 852. In his Ecclesiastical History (V, 8), the early-fifth-century Socrates notes: "Great disturbances occurred in other cities as the Arians were ejected from their churches." Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, suggests that Ambrose's attempt to impose Nicene orthodoxy in Milan at the Council of Aquileia in 381 actually led to an increase in support for the h.o.m.oean alternative. See his chap. 7, "A h.o.m.oian Revival in Milan." suggests that Ambrose's attempt to impose Nicene orthodoxy in Milan at the Council of Aquileia in 381 actually led to an increase in support for the h.o.m.oean alternative. See his chap. 7, "A h.o.m.oian Revival in Milan."

50. Quoted in Kallistos Ware, "Eastern Christendom," chap. 4, in John McManners, ed., The Oxford Ill.u.s.trated History of Christianity The Oxford Ill.u.s.trated History of Christianity (Oxford, 1990), p. 137. It is certainly arguable that historians and theologians have underestimated the hostility to Theodosius' imposition of "his" faith-the widespread opposition to the imposition of Nicene orthodoxy in Constantinople provides a plausible explanation as to why the creed formulated by the council of 381 was given so little publicity. One could go on to suggest that it was not until 451, when h.o.m.oean Christianity had largely disappeared, that it was possible to proclaim the creed openly in the east. As mentioned above there is no record of its public use in the east before the late fifth century. This is an area of history that needs further research. (Oxford, 1990), p. 137. It is certainly arguable that historians and theologians have underestimated the hostility to Theodosius' imposition of "his" faith-the widespread opposition to the imposition of Nicene orthodoxy in Constantinople provides a plausible explanation as to why the creed formulated by the council of 381 was given so little publicity. One could go on to suggest that it was not until 451, when h.o.m.oean Christianity had largely disappeared, that it was possible to proclaim the creed openly in the east. As mentioned above there is no record of its public use in the east before the late fifth century. This is an area of history that needs further research.

51. S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor (Oxford, 1993), vol. 2, ch. 17, section X, "The Epigraphy of the Anatolian Heresies."

52. For Palladius' attack on De Fide, De Fide, see Williams, see Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, pp. 14853. pp. 14853.

53. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, pp. 67273. pp. 67273.

54. Wiles, Archetypal Heresy, Archetypal Heresy, p. 39. p. 39.

55. See comment ibid., p. 50. One scholar quoted by Wiles describes the h.o.m.oean Goths as having "a ponderous and earthbound reliance on the text of the Bible" (E. A. Thompson, The Visigoths in the Time of Ulfila The Visigoths in the Time of Ulfila [Oxford, 1966]). There is perhaps a hint of condescension here reflecting the traditional att.i.tude to Arians by a conventional scholar, but the point is made-they clung to the scriptures. [Oxford, 1966]). There is perhaps a hint of condescension here reflecting the traditional att.i.tude to Arians by a conventional scholar, but the point is made-they clung to the scriptures.

56. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, p. 831. For the debate, in which Maximinus was considered the winner, see A. D. Fitzgerald, ed., p. 831. For the debate, in which Maximinus was considered the winner, see A. D. Fitzgerald, ed., Augustine Through the Ages Augustine Through the Ages (Grand Rapids, Mich., and Cambridge, 1999), p. 550. The full text of the debate is given in (Grand Rapids, Mich., and Cambridge, 1999), p. 550. The full text of the debate is given in Arianism and Other Heresies, Arianism and Other Heresies, vol. 18 of vol. 18 of The The Works of Saint Augustine, Works of Saint Augustine, Augustinian Heritage Inst.i.tute, J. Rutelle, ed. (New York, 1995), pp. 175230. Augustinian Heritage Inst.i.tute, J. Rutelle, ed. (New York, 1995), pp. 175230.

57. Fitzgerald, ed., Augustine Through the Ages, Augustine Through the Ages, p. 80. The article on "authority" in this excellent survey of Augustine and his time gives a number of quotations from Augustine ill.u.s.trating his adherence to orthodoxy when interpreting the scriptures. His insistence that the scriptures be interpreted to support the doctrine of the Trinity comes from his p. 80. The article on "authority" in this excellent survey of Augustine and his time gives a number of quotations from Augustine ill.u.s.trating his adherence to orthodoxy when interpreting the scriptures. His insistence that the scriptures be interpreted to support the doctrine of the Trinity comes from his De Trinitate De Trinitate 1.11.22. One prominent Italian scholar has summed it up as follows: "The whole development of Catholic doctrine is based on the interpretation of a certain number of pa.s.sages in Scripture in the light of particular needs" (M. Simonetti, 1.11.22. One prominent Italian scholar has summed it up as follows: "The whole development of Catholic doctrine is based on the interpretation of a certain number of pa.s.sages in Scripture in the light of particular needs" (M. Simonetti, Profilo storico dell'esegesi patristica Profilo storico dell'esegesi patristica [Rome, 1980], quoted in D. Janes, [Rome, 1980], quoted in D. Janes, G.o.d and Gold in Late Antiquity G.o.d and Gold in Late Antiquity [Cambridge, 1998]). [Cambridge, 1998]).

58. Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana 3:5. The translation is from the Oxford World's Cla.s.sics edition (Oxford, 1999) by R. P. H. Green. Pelikan explores the same issue from the perspective of the Cappadocian Fathers in 3:5. The translation is from the Oxford World's Cla.s.sics edition (Oxford, 1999) by R. P. H. Green. Pelikan explores the same issue from the perspective of the Cappadocian Fathers in Christianity and Cla.s.sical Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture; Culture; see pp. 22526 especially. see pp. 22526 especially.

59. Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana 3:33. 3:33.

60. Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, p. 76. vol. 1, p. 76.

61. The most common interpretation of the S. Pudenziana mosaic, adopted here, is of Christ as emperor, with reference being made back to the frontal image of Constantine on his arch as a model. However, a strong critique of this interpretation has been made by T. Mathews in his The Clash of G.o.ds: A Reinterpretation of The Clash of G.o.ds: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, Early Christian Art, rev. paperback ed. (Princeton, 1999), chap. 4. Mathews sees the Christ of the mosaic essentially as a teaching figure, with his Apostles as "co-philosophers," and as representative of a bishop rather than an emperor. He concludes his a.s.sessment (p. 114): "The mosaic is propaganda not for the imperial aspirations of Christ, but for the divine origins of ecclesiastical authority." A full study of the iconography is to be found in G. h.e.l.lemo, rev. paperback ed. (Princeton, 1999), chap. 4. Mathews sees the Christ of the mosaic essentially as a teaching figure, with his Apostles as "co-philosophers," and as representative of a bishop rather than an emperor. He concludes his a.s.sessment (p. 114): "The mosaic is propaganda not for the imperial aspirations of Christ, but for the divine origins of ecclesiastical authority." A full study of the iconography is to be found in G. h.e.l.lemo, Adventus Domini Adventus Domini (Leiden, 1989), pp. 4164, and it is this I have drawn on here. There is also much relevant material in A. Grabar, (Leiden, 1989), pp. 4164, and it is this I have drawn on here. There is also much relevant material in A. Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins (London, 1968), esp. pp. 6086, which has a wealth of ill.u.s.trations relating the mosaic to contemporary pagan art. (London, 1968), esp. pp. 6086, which has a wealth of ill.u.s.trations relating the mosaic to contemporary pagan art.

62. Mathews, The Clash of the G.o.ds, The Clash of the G.o.ds, p. 104. p. 104.

63. R. Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 3121308 Rome: Profile of a City, 3121308 (Princeton, 2000), pp. 4243. Margaret Mitch.e.l.l's study was published in Tubingen in 2000. (Princeton, 2000), pp. 4243. Margaret Mitch.e.l.l's study was published in Tubingen in 2000.

13.

1. Quoted in Philip Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority and the Church in the Age Ascetics, Authority and the Church in the Age of Jerome and Ca.s.sian of Jerome and Ca.s.sian (Oxford, 1978), p. 84. (Oxford, 1978), p. 84.

2. Eusebius: Life of Constantine, ed. A. Cameron and S. Hall (Oxford, 1999), 3:14.

3. R. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals Three Christian Capitals (Berkeley, 1983), p. 100. (Berkeley, 1983), p. 100.

4. Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire The Later Roman Empire xxvii. 3.14. xxvii. 3.14.

5. D. Hunt, "The Church as a Public Inst.i.tution," chap. 8 in A. Cameron and P. Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII (Cambridge, 1998), is my main source for these points. Guy Stroumsa notes on p. 112 of his Barbarian Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity (Tubingen, 1999): "in pre-Nicene Christian writings the birthplace of the new religion was first and foremost identified as the city of Christ's killers." Chap. 18 in Stroumsa's book, "Mystical Jerusalems," is also of interest. (Tubingen, 1999): "in pre-Nicene Christian writings the birthplace of the new religion was first and foremost identified as the city of Christ's killers." Chap. 18 in Stroumsa's book, "Mystical Jerusalems," is also of interest.

6. See K. Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 14553, for this argument.

7. Augustine, The City of G.o.d The City of G.o.d 19:15. No effective Christian opposition to slavery was shown until the eighteenth century, and, as debates over the issue during the American Civil War showed, there was no consensus that it was against the teachings of the Bible even a century later. For Augustine's thoughts on slavery, see Peter Garnsey, 19:15. No effective Christian opposition to slavery was shown until the eighteenth century, and, as debates over the issue during the American Civil War showed, there was no consensus that it was against the teachings of the Bible even a century later. For Augustine's thoughts on slavery, see Peter Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine (Cambridge, 1996), chap. 13. Garnsey also discusses the views of Paul (chap. 11) and Ambrose (chap. 12) in addition to those of earlier cla.s.sical authors. (Cambridge, 1996), chap. 13. Garnsey also discusses the views of Paul (chap. 11) and Ambrose (chap. 12) in addition to those of earlier cla.s.sical authors.

8. Aristotle, Politics Politics 1330 a 8160. 1330 a 8160.

9. Quoted in S. Williams, Diocletian and the Roman Recovery (London, 1985), p. 162.

10. These calculations come from D. Janes, G.o.d and Gold in Late Antiquity G.o.d and Gold in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 5557. Janes' study is essential for an understanding of the rationales that lay behind accepting opulence in building. (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 5557. Janes' study is essential for an understanding of the rationales that lay behind accepting opulence in building.

11. The relationship between Christianity and art remained an ambivalent one. There is no indication that Jesus wished resources to be spent on opulent decoration (if anything the opposite, Luke 21:56). The spending of so much money on material possession was in essence a pagan custom transferred by the state into Christianity. It is remarkable how many traditional histories of church architecture fail to mention the enormous resources involved and the shifts in perspective needed to justify the building of churches. A common approach in such histories is to say the large churches were built simply because Christianity was now free to operate openly and was attracting larger congregations.

Such offerings were always vulnerable to alternative interpretations of the Christian message, as witnessed by the ma.s.sive destruction of Christian art by the iconoclasts of eighth-century Byzantium and by Protestant Christians in Reformation Europe. One must also remember that vast quant.i.ties of pagan art and architecture were destroyed by Christians.

12. Janes, G.o.d and Gold, G.o.d and Gold, p. 78. p. 78.

13. P. Brown, "Art and Society in Late Antiquity," in K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality: A Symposium Spirituality: A Symposium (New York, 1980). (New York, 1980).

14. Janes, G.o.d and Gold, G.o.d and Gold, p. 145. p. 145.

15. S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and London, 1981), p. 130.

16. Janes, G.o.d and Gold, G.o.d and Gold, p. 119. p. 119.

17. Ibid., p. 169.

18. Ibid., p. 137. Specifically on renunciation of property, see D. Trout, Paulinus of Nola Paulinus of Nola (Berkeley and London, 1999), chap. 6, "Salvation Economics: The Theory and Practice of Property Renunciation." (Berkeley and London, 1999), chap. 6, "Salvation Economics: The Theory and Practice of Property Renunciation."

19. Quoted in P. Brown, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity (Madison, Wis., and London, 1992), p. 121.

20. Hunt, "The Church as a Public Inst.i.tution," p. 263.

21. R. MacMullen, Christianising the Roman Empire (A.D. 100400) (New Haven and London, 1984), p. 115.

22. Brown, Power and Persuasion, p. 148. For Synesius, see J. W. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church and State in the Age of Arcadius and Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom Chrysostom (Oxford, 1990), chap. 23, "The Bishop and Public Life in the Cyrenaica of Synesius." (Oxford, 1990), chap. 23, "The Bishop and Public Life in the Cyrenaica of Synesius."

23. Quoted in Hunt, "The Church as a Public Inst.i.tution," p. 265. An anonymous Catholic priest writing in the April 2000 edition of the magazine Prospect Prospect (London) tells the story of how a Vatican representative sent to Britain after the Second Vatican Council (196265) brought the message that English Catholic bishops should be of the appropriate cla.s.s, public school and Oxbridge educated, so that they would be socially fitted to develop ec.u.menical links with the Anglican bishops! (London) tells the story of how a Vatican representative sent to Britain after the Second Vatican Council (196265) brought the message that English Catholic bishops should be of the appropriate cla.s.s, public school and Oxbridge educated, so that they would be socially fitted to develop ec.u.menical links with the Anglican bishops!

24. Brown, Power and Persuasion, Power and Persuasion, p. 122. See also chap. 2 of his study. p. 122. See also chap. 2 of his study.

25. Hunt, "The Church as a Public Inst.i.tution," p. 266.

26. Brown, Power and Persuasion, Power and Persuasion, p. 150. p. 150.

27. Ibid., p. 98. The issue is fully discussed by Peter Brown in his Poverty and Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (Hanover and London, 2002). Brown argues that the bishops' acceptance of their responsibility for the poor was in part a recognition of the privileges they had been granted (p. 32). (Hanover and London, 2002). Brown argues that the bishops' acceptance of their responsibility for the poor was in part a recognition of the privileges they had been granted (p. 32).

28. The quotation from Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus (xxvii.3.5) comes from S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor (Oxford, 1993), vol. 2, p. 82. The quotation from Basil is in the same book, p. 83. (Oxford, 1993), vol. 2, p. 82. The quotation from Basil is in the same book, p. 83.

29. Letters of Basil 28, quoted ibid., vol. 2, p. 84.

30. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 77.

31. Brown, Power and Persuasion, Power and Persuasion, p. 16. p. 16.

14.

1. N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley and London, 1994), p. 371, which I have drawn on heavily for this chapter. See also D. Williams, (Berkeley and London, 1994), p. 371, which I have drawn on heavily for this chapter. See also D. Williams, Ambrose of Milan and the End of the NiceneArian Ambrose of Milan and the End of the NiceneArian Conflicts Conflicts (Oxford, 1995). A short and balanced account of Ambrose's career is that by Ivor Davidson, chap. 47 in P. Esler, ed., The Early Christian World, vol. 2 (New York and London, 2000). (Oxford, 1995). A short and balanced account of Ambrose's career is that by Ivor Davidson, chap. 47 in P. Esler, ed., The Early Christian World, vol. 2 (New York and London, 2000).

2. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 376. p. 376.

3. Augustine, Confessions Confessions 6.3.3. 6.3.3.

4. J. Kelly, Jerome Jerome (London, 1975), p. 143. For an alternative view on Ambrose and On Duties, see M. L. Colish, "Cicero, Ambrose and Stoic Ethics: Transmission or Transformation?" in A. S. Bernardo and S. Levin, eds., The Cla.s.sics (London, 1975), p. 143. For an alternative view on Ambrose and On Duties, see M. L. Colish, "Cicero, Ambrose and Stoic Ethics: Transmission or Transformation?" in A. S. Bernardo and S. Levin, eds., The Cla.s.sics in the Middle Ages in the Middle Ages (New York, 1990). (New York, 1990).

5. For discussion of this basilica, see R. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals Three Christian Capitals (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 8186, and McLynn, (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 8186, and McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, pp. 17479. pp. 17479.

6. Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, chap. 5; R. Hanson, chap. 5; R. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d (Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 66775. (Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 66775.

7. R. Lim, Public Disputation, Power and Social Order in Late Antiquity Public Disputation, Power and Social Order in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and London, 1995), explores the way in which written texts presented as the basis for discussion came to displace oral debate during these years. (Berkeley and London, 1995), explores the way in which written texts presented as the basis for discussion came to displace oral debate during these years.

8. Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, pp. 15455. pp. 15455.

9. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, pp. 18195. pp. 18195.

10. Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 216. p. 216.

11. Ambrose, Letters, Letters, trans. Sr. Melchior Beyenka (New York, 1954). Letter number 61 in this collection, number 22 in the older Benedictine enumeration. trans. Sr. Melchior Beyenka (New York, 1954). Letter number 61 in this collection, number 22 in the older Benedictine enumeration.

12. McLynn covers these points in Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, chap. 7. chap. 7.

13. Ambrose, Letters; Letters; letter number 2 in this collection, number 40 in the Benedictine enumeration. letter number 2 in this collection, number 40 in the Benedictine enumeration.

14. M. Simon, Verus Israel Verus Israel (Oxford, 1986), pp. 22728. (Oxford, 1986), pp. 22728.

15. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 308. p. 308.

16. Ibid., p. 315.

17. Ibid., pp. 35860. The quotation is taken from S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and London, 1981), pp. 14550. (Berkeley and London, 1981), pp. 14550.

18. Davidson, in Esler, ed., The Early Christian World, The Early Christian World, vol. 2, p. 1197. vol. 2, p. 1197.

15.

1. The diptych had apparently been brought from Rome in the seventh century by one Bercharius and lodged in an abbey he founded in France at Montier-en-Der (Haut Marne). There the panels had been adapted to serve as the door leaves of a thirteenth-century reliquary casket. The abbey had suffered badly in the French Revolution, and the panels had been burned and apparently lost. The Musee de Cluny panel was recovered in a well in 1860 and acquired by the Musee soon afterwards. The Victoria and Albert panel was found by a local collector in France who sold it in 1862 to a Mr. Webb, who in his turn sold it to the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1865. I found it a moving experience to visit an exhibition in Rome in the spring of 2001 at which the two sides of the diptych had been reunited, presumably for the first time in the city since the seventh century. Here I have drawn on two major articles on the diptych: B. Kiilerich, "A Different Interpretation of the Nicomachorum-Symmachorum Diptych," Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 34 (1991): 115, and D. Kinney, "The Iconography of the Ivory Diptych Nicomachorum-Symmachorum," 34 (1991): 115, and D. Kinney, "The Iconography of the Ivory Diptych Nicomachorum-Symmachorum," Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 37 (1994): 64. 37 (1994): 64.

2. Kiilerich, "A Different Interpretation," pp. 11819.