28. C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994), p. 14. There is a vast amount of material on the relationship between Platonism and Christianity. Did Platonism corrupt an original "pure" Christianity or was it the "nurse" without which it would not have survived as a respectable partic.i.p.ant in a highly compet.i.tive intellectual world? No easy answers are to be found in what has been a celebrated debate. A useful overview, with reading list, can be found in A. Le Boullec, "h.e.l.lenism and Christianity," in J. Brunschwig and G. E. R. Lloyd, eds., Greek Thought: A Guide to Cla.s.sical Knowledge Greek Thought: A Guide to Cla.s.sical Knowledge (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 2000). (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 2000).

29. Definitions of these "heresies" and alternative interpretations can be found in F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, eds., The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Church, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1997). The Sabellians used the sun as an a.n.a.logy. G.o.d the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit are the equivalent of the heat, light and what Sabellius called "the astrological energy" of the sun, in other words different manifestations of the same essence. 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1997). The Sabellians used the sun as an a.n.a.logy. G.o.d the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit are the equivalent of the heat, light and what Sabellius called "the astrological energy" of the sun, in other words different manifestations of the same essence.

30. See the article "Soul" in A. D. Fitzgerald, ed., Augustine Through the Ages Augustine Through the Ages (Grand Rapids, Mich., and Cambridge, 1999), and Kallistos Ware, "The Soul in Greek Christianity," in M. James and C. Crabbe, eds., From Soul to Self (London and New York, 1999), p. 53. Thomas Aquinas was to talk of the "ensouled body," deliberately turning his back on Plato's conception (see chap. 20 of this book). The mind/body debate so beloved of philosophers is tied in with all this. (Grand Rapids, Mich., and Cambridge, 1999), and Kallistos Ware, "The Soul in Greek Christianity," in M. James and C. Crabbe, eds., From Soul to Self (London and New York, 1999), p. 53. Thomas Aquinas was to talk of the "ensouled body," deliberately turning his back on Plato's conception (see chap. 20 of this book). The mind/body debate so beloved of philosophers is tied in with all this.

31. An interesting example is the Song of Solomon, which most would read at face value and without qualms as a mildly erotic love poem. However, the Church Fathers were deeply troubled by any hint of s.e.xuality, and Origen interpreted the Song as an allegory of G.o.d's relations with the individual soul, an approach that removed the s.e.xual "danger" implicit in a straightforward reading of it. The "allegorical" approach to biblical interpretation taken by Origen was followed by Jerome and Augustine.

32. The first quotation is taken from Origen's Contra Celsum Contra Celsum 4:99. The second is from J. Clark Smith, 4:99. The second is from J. Clark Smith, The Ancient Wisdom of Origen The Ancient Wisdom of Origen (London and Toronto, 1992), p. 52. There is an echo here of Homer's depiction of the G.o.ds returning all to how it used to be; see chap. 2, note 7 above. (London and Toronto, 1992), p. 52. There is an echo here of Homer's depiction of the G.o.ds returning all to how it used to be; see chap. 2, note 7 above.

33. From Pindar, Nemean Ode 6, Nemean Ode 6, trans. R. Buxton. trans. R. Buxton.

34. See the individual entries for the early popes in J. Kelly, The Oxford The Oxford Dictionary of the Popes Dictionary of the Popes (Oxford, 1986). A good study of the psychology and impact of martyrdom is to be found in R. Lane Fox, (Oxford, 1986). A good study of the psychology and impact of martyrdom is to be found in R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians Pagans and Christians (London, 1986), chap. 9. I wonder whether an a.n.a.logy might be made between the memory of martyrdoms and the memory of the Holocaust, both of which seem to have intensified rather than diminished through time. (London, 1986), chap. 9. I wonder whether an a.n.a.logy might be made between the memory of martyrdoms and the memory of the Holocaust, both of which seem to have intensified rather than diminished through time.

35. R. Stark, in his The Rise of Christianity The Rise of Christianity (Princeton, 1996), makes some calculations in chap. 1. His estimate of the Christian population for A.D. 274 is 4.2 percent for the whole empire, and he compares this with evidence from Egypt, a more heavily Christianized part of the empire, that suggests that just over 10 percent of the population there were Christian by this date. Whether these figures mean anything is open to doubt. There was no clear definition of what it meant to be a Christian in the third century, and, as has been seen, many religious movements included Christ among their spiritual leaders, so it is hard to see how any valid calculations could be made. Again, one has only to read of the ma.s.s rejection of their faith by Christians at times of persecution in north Africa to realize how fluid a conception "being a Christian" was. See also K. Hopkins, "Christian Number and Its Implication," (Princeton, 1996), makes some calculations in chap. 1. His estimate of the Christian population for A.D. 274 is 4.2 percent for the whole empire, and he compares this with evidence from Egypt, a more heavily Christianized part of the empire, that suggests that just over 10 percent of the population there were Christian by this date. Whether these figures mean anything is open to doubt. There was no clear definition of what it meant to be a Christian in the third century, and, as has been seen, many religious movements included Christ among their spiritual leaders, so it is hard to see how any valid calculations could be made. Again, one has only to read of the ma.s.s rejection of their faith by Christians at times of persecution in north Africa to realize how fluid a conception "being a Christian" was. See also K. Hopkins, "Christian Number and Its Implication," Journal of Early Christian Studies Journal of Early Christian Studies 6 (1998): 185226. 6 (1998): 185226.

36. MacMullen, Christianising the Roman Empire, p. 40. A useful account of the growth of Christianity in Asia Minor in this period is to be found in Mitch.e.l.l's study Anatolia, Anatolia, vol. 2, chaps. 16 (pp. 3742) and 17. Mitch.e.l.l suggests that Phrygia was perhaps the most highly Christianized part of the empire by 300, but he emphasizes that while some communities in the province were heavily Christian, others were still largely pagan. As he puts it, a map of cities highlighting those that were Christian would "resemble an irregular patchwork quilt, not a simple monochrome blanket" (p. 63). vol. 2, chaps. 16 (pp. 3742) and 17. Mitch.e.l.l suggests that Phrygia was perhaps the most highly Christianized part of the empire by 300, but he emphasizes that while some communities in the province were heavily Christian, others were still largely pagan. As he puts it, a map of cities highlighting those that were Christian would "resemble an irregular patchwork quilt, not a simple monochrome blanket" (p. 63).

11.

1. Quoted in R. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries Eighth Centuries (New Haven and London, 1997), p. 130. See the new edition of (New Haven and London, 1997), p. 130. See the new edition of Eusebius: Life of Constantine, Eusebius: Life of Constantine, trans. with introduction and commentary by A. Cameron and S. Hall (Oxford, 1999), and pp. 2748 of the editors' introduction in particular for an a.s.sessment of the work in literary terms. trans. with introduction and commentary by A. Cameron and S. Hall (Oxford, 1999), and pp. 2748 of the editors' introduction in particular for an a.s.sessment of the work in literary terms.

2. H. A. Drake, "Constantine and Consensus," Church History Church History 64 (1995): 7. Drake has now expanded his argument in 64 (1995): 7. Drake has now expanded his argument in Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance of Intolerance (Baltimore and London, 2000). (Baltimore and London, 2000).

3. For a survey of Constantine's life, see H. Pohlsander, Constantine the Constantine the Emperor Emperor (London, 1997); the chapters on Constantine in A. Cameron, (London, 1997); the chapters on Constantine in A. Cameron, The Later The Later Roman Empire Roman Empire (London, 1993); and D. Bowder, (London, 1993); and D. Bowder, The Age of Constantine and Julian The Age of Constantine and Julian (London, 1978). (London, 1978).

4. S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and London, 1981), p. 108.

5. Ibid., pp. 10615, for Constantine's definition of his own legitimacy.

6. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine, Life of Constantine, 1:2832. 1:2832.

7. Ibid., 1:27. See J. W. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion Religion (Oxford, 1979), pp. 27880, for comment. (Oxford, 1979), pp. 27880, for comment.

8. H. A. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance (Baltimore and London, 2000). (Baltimore and London, 2000).

9. The decree is given in full in N. Lewis and M. Reinhold, Roman Roman Civilization, Sourcebook II: The Empire Civilization, Sourcebook II: The Empire (New York, 1995), pp. 6024, from which this translation is taken. Drake, (New York, 1995), pp. 6024, from which this translation is taken. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, Constantine and the Bishops, p. 195, stresses the importance of the edict in proclaiming freedom of worship, and on p. 249 he quotes the pagan orator Themistius (second half of the fourth century) addressing the emperor Valens as follows: p. 195, stresses the importance of the edict in proclaiming freedom of worship, and on p. 249 he quotes the pagan orator Themistius (second half of the fourth century) addressing the emperor Valens as follows: The law of G.o.d and your law remains unchanged for ever-that the mind of each and every man should be free to follow the way of worship which it thinks [to be best]. This is a law against which no confiscation, no crucifixion, no death at the stake has ever availed; you may hale and kill the body, if so be that this comes to pa.s.s; but the mind will escape you, taking with it freedom of thought and the right of the law as it goes, even if it is subject to force in the language used by the tongue.

10. For the arch, see Bowder, The Age of Constantine and Julian, The Age of Constantine and Julian, pp. 2428, and A. Claridge, pp. 2428, and A. Claridge, Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide (Oxford and New York, 1998), pp. 27276. (Oxford and New York, 1998), pp. 27276.

11. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change, Continuity and Change, pp. 28384. pp. 28384.

12. P. Chuvin, A Chronicle of the Last Pagans (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 1990), p. 125. There is also the prayer of St. Francis: "Praise be to you, oh G.o.d my Lord, and to all your creatures, and above all to their great brother the sun, who brings the day and illumines with his light; and he is beautiful and brilliantly radiant; he is the symbol of you, oh Lord."

13. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change, Continuity and Change, p. 300. In p. 300. In Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 2:48, Eusebius quotes a decree that Constantine sent out to the eastern provinces which, in its insistence on the natural order of things, suggests a Stoic influence. It begins: 2:48, Eusebius quotes a decree that Constantine sent out to the eastern provinces which, in its insistence on the natural order of things, suggests a Stoic influence. It begins: Everything embraced by the sovereign laws of nature provides everybody with sufficient evidence of the providence and thoughtfulness of the divine ordering; nor is there any doubt among those whose intellect approaches that topic by a correct scientific method, that accurate apprehension by a healthy mind and by sight itself rise in a single impulse of true virtue to the true knowledge of G.o.d.

Compare chap. 9, note 16, above.

14. Quoted in M. Beard, J. North and S. Price, Religions of Rome (Cambridge, 1998), vol. 1, p. 367.

15. Ibid., p. 370.

16. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, Constantine and the Bishops, p. 230, makes this important point. For the elimination of the Donatists, see chap. 18. p. 230, makes this important point. For the elimination of the Donatists, see chap. 18.

17. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 3:4. The quotation from Constantine's address is from Drake, 3:4. The quotation from Constantine's address is from Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, Constantine and the Bishops, p. 4. One dispute between rival bishops in Ancyra in Galatia was described (to a synod of bishops meeting in Africa in 343) as follows: p. 4. One dispute between rival bishops in Ancyra in Galatia was described (to a synod of bishops meeting in Africa in 343) as follows: Houses were burned down and all manner of fighting broke out. Priests were dragged naked to the forum by the bishop himself . . . he profaned the sacred Host of the Lord by hanging it openly and in public from the necks of priests, and with horrendous barbarity tore the vestments from holy virgins dedicated to G.o.d and Christ, and displayed them naked before the public in the forum, in the middle of the city.

18. See R. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d (Edinburgh, 1988); M. Wiles, (Edinburgh, 1988); M. Wiles, Archetypal Heresy: Arianism Through the Centuries Archetypal Heresy: Arianism Through the Centuries (Oxford, 1996); and D. Williams, (Oxford, 1996); and D. Williams, Ambrose of Milan and the End of Nicene-Arian Conflicts Ambrose of Milan and the End of Nicene-Arian Conflicts (Oxford, 1995), for recent surveys of the issues and of traditional historiography. There is also an excellent survey of the controversy as it took place over the fourth century in R. Vaggione, (Oxford, 1995), for recent surveys of the issues and of traditional historiography. There is also an excellent survey of the controversy as it took place over the fourth century in R. Vaggione, Eunomius of Cyzicus and the Nicene Revolution Eunomius of Cyzicus and the Nicene Revolution (Oxford, 2000). Eunomius was the most articulate defender of the extreme Arian position that the Father and the Son are to be seen as dissimilar to each other. (Oxford, 2000). Eunomius was the most articulate defender of the extreme Arian position that the Father and the Son are to be seen as dissimilar to each other.

19. Quotation from Wiles, Archetypal Heresy, Archetypal Heresy, p. 9. p. 9.

20. The examples come from ibid., chap. 1.

21. Ibid., p. 17.

22. R. Hanson, "The Achievement of the Orthodoxy in the Fourth Century A.D.," in R. Williams, ed., The Making of Orthodoxy: Essays in Honour of Henry The Making of Orthodoxy: Essays in Honour of Henry Chadwick Chadwick (Cambridge, 1989), p. 153. J. Pelikan notes four different approaches to the Christ as G.o.d debate, all of which could draw on scriptural backing: (1) Christ was born a man but became divine either at his baptism or at his resurrection. (2) Christ was fully G.o.d from eternity and to be equated with the Yahweh of the Old Testament. (3) There were two distinct "Lords," G.o.d and Jesus. (4) There was a Father who had a son, who is referred to in the scriptures as variously Son, Spirit, the (Cambridge, 1989), p. 153. J. Pelikan notes four different approaches to the Christ as G.o.d debate, all of which could draw on scriptural backing: (1) Christ was born a man but became divine either at his baptism or at his resurrection. (2) Christ was fully G.o.d from eternity and to be equated with the Yahweh of the Old Testament. (3) There were two distinct "Lords," G.o.d and Jesus. (4) There was a Father who had a son, who is referred to in the scriptures as variously Son, Spirit, the logos, logos, even an angel, but always in a context that suggested he was subordinate to the Father. (See Pelikan's even an angel, but always in a context that suggested he was subordinate to the Father. (See Pelikan's The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1: vol. 1: The Emergence of the The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100600) Catholic Tradition (100600) [Chicago and London, 1971], p. 175.) This simply underlines one of the major problems in Christian doctrine. Everyone felt that scriptural backing was important, but the sheer diversity of texts meant that almost any formulation of doctrine could find support from one text or another. It is hardly surprising that the church had eventually to a.s.sume absolute authority over the interpretation of scripture, a development that had the effect, of course, of stifling debate. [Chicago and London, 1971], p. 175.) This simply underlines one of the major problems in Christian doctrine. Everyone felt that scriptural backing was important, but the sheer diversity of texts meant that almost any formulation of doctrine could find support from one text or another. It is hardly surprising that the church had eventually to a.s.sume absolute authority over the interpretation of scripture, a development that had the effect, of course, of stifling debate.

23. See the article on Arianism by R. Williams in E. Ferguson, ed., Encyclopaedia of Early Christianity Encyclopaedia of Early Christianity (Chicago and London, 1990), p. 85. (Chicago and London, 1990), p. 85.

24. Again see ibid. for some of the variations of Arianism.

25. Quoted in Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, Constantine and the Bishops, p. 240. p. 240.

26. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 3:10. See also Bowder, 3:10. See also Bowder, The The Age of Constantine and Julian, Age of Constantine and Julian, p. 70, and R. Hanson, p. 70, and R. Hanson, The Search for the Christian The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d Doctrine of G.o.d (Edinburgh, 1988), chap. 6. (Edinburgh, 1988), chap. 6.

27. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, Constantine and the Bishops, p. 253, note 2. p. 253, note 2.

28. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, looks at the evidence on pp. 190202. There is also an excellent account in C. Stead, Philosophy looks at the evidence on pp. 190202. There is also an excellent account in C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994), chap. 14, "Unity of Substance." (Cambridge, 1994), chap. 14, "Unity of Substance."

29. See Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, p. 169, for this idea. As H. Chadwick notes in his "Orthodoxy and Heresy," in A. Cameron and P. Garnsey, eds., p. 169, for this idea. As H. Chadwick notes in his "Orthodoxy and Heresy," in A. Cameron and P. Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII (Cambridge, 1998), p. 573, "the epithet vol. XIII (Cambridge, 1998), p. 573, "the epithet h.o.m.oousios h.o.m.oousios was an ordinary term in Plotinus' vocabulary." The response of the Cappadocian Fathers to was an ordinary term in Plotinus' vocabulary." The response of the Cappadocian Fathers to h.o.m.oousios h.o.m.oousios as a term is discussed by J. Pelikan, as a term is discussed by J. Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture (New Haven and London, 1993), p. 43. (New Haven and London, 1993), p. 43.

30. Kee, Constantine Versus Christ Constantine Versus Christ (London, 1982), p. 15. (London, 1982), p. 15.

31. Hanson, The Search for Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, deals with Eusebius' letter on pp. 16366. Hanson's a.n.a.lysis of the terminology is invaluable. deals with Eusebius' letter on pp. 16366. Hanson's a.n.a.lysis of the terminology is invaluable.

32. Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, p. 203. vol. 1, p. 203.

33. Once again Hanson's a.n.a.lysis of the twists and turns in the attempt to accommodate the council's creed (The Search for Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, chap. 10) is masterly. See D. Williams, chap. 10) is masterly. See D. Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 16, for Ossius and Serdica. The full text of the western bishops' statement at Serdica is given in Hanson at pp. 3012. As Hanson makes clear (p. 303), Ossius was not at home with Greek philosophy and the statement is "confused." p. 16, for Ossius and Serdica. The full text of the western bishops' statement at Serdica is given in Hanson at pp. 3012. As Hanson makes clear (p. 303), Ossius was not at home with Greek philosophy and the statement is "confused."

34. D. Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 15. Vaggione, p. 15. Vaggione, Eunomius of Cyzicus, Eunomius of Cyzicus, notes on p. 151: "Over the next fifteen years [from the death of Constantine in 337] the Creed of Nicaea was more ignored than opposed, even by those who were later considered 'Nicene.' During this period, public ecclesiastical loyalty tended to be expressed in terms of political and theological loyalty to specific bishops." Vaggione goes on to argue that accounts of the controversy written from hindsight in the following century, by which time the Nicene Creed was enshrined as orthodoxy, tended to describe the leading figures of the period in terms of their allegiance, or otherwise, to the Nicene Creed even though no defined parties emerged until the 350s. notes on p. 151: "Over the next fifteen years [from the death of Constantine in 337] the Creed of Nicaea was more ignored than opposed, even by those who were later considered 'Nicene.' During this period, public ecclesiastical loyalty tended to be expressed in terms of political and theological loyalty to specific bishops." Vaggione goes on to argue that accounts of the controversy written from hindsight in the following century, by which time the Nicene Creed was enshrined as orthodoxy, tended to describe the leading figures of the period in terms of their allegiance, or otherwise, to the Nicene Creed even though no defined parties emerged until the 350s.

35. See Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, chap. 8, "Controlling the Message." Drake shows how Constantine used texts from the Bible to isolate the more intransigent of the Christians from the majority, whom he wished to keep on his side.

36. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change, Continuity and Change, p. 281. p. 281.

37. In Cameron and Hall, eds., Eusebius, Eusebius, the editors state that the sources for the a.s.sertion that he did "are tendentious: the extent to which Constantine did attempt to suppress pagan worship [including sacrifice] is therefore disputed." They go on to provide references to recent articles on the issue (pp. 31920). If Drake's thesis is accepted, it is unlikely that Constantine felt strongly about the issue, but it should be noted that by now many sophisticated pagans had themselves rejected sacrifices. the editors state that the sources for the a.s.sertion that he did "are tendentious: the extent to which Constantine did attempt to suppress pagan worship [including sacrifice] is therefore disputed." They go on to provide references to recent articles on the issue (pp. 31920). If Drake's thesis is accepted, it is unlikely that Constantine felt strongly about the issue, but it should be noted that by now many sophisticated pagans had themselves rejected sacrifices.

38. D. Bowder, The Age of Constantine and Julian, The Age of Constantine and Julian, p. 33. For Constantine's legislation see A. Cameron, p. 33. For Constantine's legislation see A. Cameron, The Later Roman Empire The Later Roman Empire (London, 1993), p. 58. The influential legend that Helena found "the True Cross" in the Holy Land appears only much later, for the first time in 395, when it was mentioned in an oration by Ambrose, bishop of Milan. It is not mentioned in Eusebius' biography, an omission which suggests that it is a later development in Christian mythology. Despite this later date, Helena's "finding of the True Cross" has proved to be one of the most influential of Christian legends, and even recently it has been argued that the (London, 1993), p. 58. The influential legend that Helena found "the True Cross" in the Holy Land appears only much later, for the first time in 395, when it was mentioned in an oration by Ambrose, bishop of Milan. It is not mentioned in Eusebius' biography, an omission which suggests that it is a later development in Christian mythology. Despite this later date, Helena's "finding of the True Cross" has proved to be one of the most influential of Christian legends, and even recently it has been argued that the t.i.tulus, t.i.tulus, the board bearing the inscription "Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews," from the cross survives in the church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme in Rome (Matthew D'Ancona and Carsten Peter Thiede, the board bearing the inscription "Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews," from the cross survives in the church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme in Rome (Matthew D'Ancona and Carsten Peter Thiede, The Quest for the True Cross The Quest for the True Cross [London, 2000]). In view of the embarra.s.sment and shame Christ's crucifixion caused to his followers, it seems highly unlikely that they would have preserved the cross. It is also worth mentioning that another complete "True Cross" is recorded in Jerusalem in the seventh century. It was looted from there by the Persians but returned to the city by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius in 630. [London, 2000]). In view of the embarra.s.sment and shame Christ's crucifixion caused to his followers, it seems highly unlikely that they would have preserved the cross. It is also worth mentioning that another complete "True Cross" is recorded in Jerusalem in the seventh century. It was looted from there by the Persians but returned to the city by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius in 630.

39. For Constantinople, see the relevant chapters in R. Krautheimer, Three Three Christian Capitals Christian Capitals (Berkeley, 1983), and Christopher Kelly, "Empire Building," in G. W. Bowersock, P. Brown and O. Grabar, eds., Late Antiquity: A Guide to the (Berkeley, 1983), and Christopher Kelly, "Empire Building," in G. W. Bowersock, P. Brown and O. Grabar, eds., Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postcla.s.sical World Postcla.s.sical World (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 1999). (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 1999).

40. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 3:48 for Constantinople as a Christian capital. For the pagan statues, see ibid., 3:54, and the comments on the pa.s.sage made by the editors on pp. 3013. Later (tolerant) att.i.tudes to pagan art in Constantinople are discussed in C. Mango, "Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder," 3:48 for Constantinople as a Christian capital. For the pagan statues, see ibid., 3:54, and the comments on the pa.s.sage made by the editors on pp. 3013. Later (tolerant) att.i.tudes to pagan art in Constantinople are discussed in C. Mango, "Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, no. 17 (1963): 5575. The same point could be made of Constantine's activities in Rome, as it was by the anti-clerical Italian aristocrat Count Leopoldo Cicognera in his history of sculpture (Venice, 181318): no. 17 (1963): 5575. The same point could be made of Constantine's activities in Rome, as it was by the anti-clerical Italian aristocrat Count Leopoldo Cicognera in his history of sculpture (Venice, 181318): The same hand that raised so many basilicas to the true G.o.d was also generous in beautifying and restoring the temples of the G.o.ds in Rome; and the medals that were issued in his imperial mint carried the images and attributes of Jupiter, Apollo, Mars and Hercules, while through the apotheosis of his father Constantius he added a new deity to Mount Olympus.

41. See C. Kelly, in Bowersock, Brown and Grabar, eds., Late Antiquity, for details of the ceremony of dedication and the building of the city. A story was told by later Byzantine writers that hidden underneath the column was an ancient statue of Pallas Athene, which had been taken to Rome by Aeneas after the sack of Troy and then secretly brought on by Constantine for his new city.

42. See my The Horses of St. Mark's in European History The Horses of St. Mark's in European History (forthcoming, London, 2004), where it is argued that it was the set of horses a.s.sociated in later sources with Constantine's golden chariot that were the ones selected by the Venetian Doge Enrico Dandolo for Venice after the sack of Constantinople by the Venetians in 1204. (forthcoming, London, 2004), where it is argued that it was the set of horses a.s.sociated in later sources with Constantine's golden chariot that were the ones selected by the Venetian Doge Enrico Dandolo for Venice after the sack of Constantinople by the Venetians in 1204.

43. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 3:49. In her book 3:49. In her book Divine Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christian Constantinople Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christian Constantinople (London and New York, 1994), Vasiliki Limberis argues that Constantine was deliberately setting out "to make Christianity a Greco-Roman civic religion" (p. 27). He could do this because his new foundation had no pre-existing Christian community with which he had to compromise, so he was able to create his own ceremonies without opposition. (London and New York, 1994), Vasiliki Limberis argues that Constantine was deliberately setting out "to make Christianity a Greco-Roman civic religion" (p. 27). He could do this because his new foundation had no pre-existing Christian community with which he had to compromise, so he was able to create his own ceremonies without opposition.

44. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 4:24. 4:24.

45. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony, p. 122, with her ill.u.s.trations nos. 33 and 34.

46. Cameron and Hall, eds., Life of Constantine Life of Constantine 1:6. 1:6.

47. New Catholic Encyclopaedia (Washington D.C., 1967), entry on "Conscientious Objection." The comparison with the pre-Constantine period makes the point. There were those such as Marcellus the Centurion who refused to fight for the state. He threw off his arms and proclaimed to his superiors that "a Christian who is in the service of the Lord Christ should not serve the affairs of this world." As a result he was made a saint (see entry for Marcellus in D. Farmer, The Oxford The Oxford Dictionary of the Saints, Dictionary of the Saints, 4th ed. [Oxford, 1997]). The adoption of Christianity by the state made this approach impossible. For the Sala di Constantino, see the description in Loren Partridge, 4th ed. [Oxford, 1997]). The adoption of Christianity by the state made this approach impossible. For the Sala di Constantino, see the description in Loren Partridge, The Renaissance in Rome The Renaissance in Rome (London, 1996), p. 152. (London, 1996), p. 152.

48. The quotation comes from De Fide De Fide 2:16. It appears to have been written about the time of the devastating Roman defeat at Adrianople in 378. A common Christian symbol from the fourth century onward was a chi-ro placed above a cross, a composition adapted from a Roman cavalry standard. In later centuries, there was a relative lack of inhibition as regards Christians fighting wars (despite a doctrine of the conditions for "a just war" elaborated by Thomas Aquinas). Augustine had argued that a soldier who killed in war was not guilty of sin so long as he acted under the orders of a recognized authority, even if that authority or the war itself was unjust (see C. Harrison, Augustine: Christian Truth and Fractured Humanity [Oxford, 2000], p. 291), and in practice the doctrine of "a just war" proved elastic as the number of cases where both Christian sides to a conflict have relied on it shows. As an example of the lack of inhibition, one can take the outspoken remarks of A. F. Winnington-Ingram, bishop of London, during the First World War, a war fought between Christian nations. The war was, he proclaimed, "a great crusade to kill Germans, to kill them not for the sake of killing but to save the world; to kill the good as well as the bad, to kill the young as well as the old . . . ," and on a later occasion he called the war ". . . a war for purity, for freedom, for international honour and for the principles of Christianity . . . everyone who dies in it is a martyr." Quoted in N. Ferguson, 2:16. It appears to have been written about the time of the devastating Roman defeat at Adrianople in 378. A common Christian symbol from the fourth century onward was a chi-ro placed above a cross, a composition adapted from a Roman cavalry standard. In later centuries, there was a relative lack of inhibition as regards Christians fighting wars (despite a doctrine of the conditions for "a just war" elaborated by Thomas Aquinas). Augustine had argued that a soldier who killed in war was not guilty of sin so long as he acted under the orders of a recognized authority, even if that authority or the war itself was unjust (see C. Harrison, Augustine: Christian Truth and Fractured Humanity [Oxford, 2000], p. 291), and in practice the doctrine of "a just war" proved elastic as the number of cases where both Christian sides to a conflict have relied on it shows. As an example of the lack of inhibition, one can take the outspoken remarks of A. F. Winnington-Ingram, bishop of London, during the First World War, a war fought between Christian nations. The war was, he proclaimed, "a great crusade to kill Germans, to kill them not for the sake of killing but to save the world; to kill the good as well as the bad, to kill the young as well as the old . . . ," and on a later occasion he called the war ". . . a war for purity, for freedom, for international honour and for the principles of Christianity . . . everyone who dies in it is a martyr." Quoted in N. Ferguson, The Pity of War The Pity of War (London, 1998), pp. 2089. There is, of course, a deep-rooted Christian pacifist tradition, but the point made here can be underlined by realizing how impossible it would be for an Anglican bishop of the period to have argued, for instance, for a less rigorous approach to the ethics of s.e.xuality. There is much to reflect on here, but a knowledge of why Christianity and war became so closely linked in Constantine's reign and those of his successors does help clarify matters. Christianity is not easily separated from the specific historical circ.u.mstances in which it developed, but at least these circ.u.mstances can be recognized. (London, 1998), pp. 2089. There is, of course, a deep-rooted Christian pacifist tradition, but the point made here can be underlined by realizing how impossible it would be for an Anglican bishop of the period to have argued, for instance, for a less rigorous approach to the ethics of s.e.xuality. There is much to reflect on here, but a knowledge of why Christianity and war became so closely linked in Constantine's reign and those of his successors does help clarify matters. Christianity is not easily separated from the specific historical circ.u.mstances in which it developed, but at least these circ.u.mstances can be recognized.

12.

1. Statement to a church council of 355 attributed to Constantius II, quoted in R. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d (Edinburgh, 1988), p. 849. (Edinburgh, 1988), p. 849.

2. For the background to the politics of this period, see D. Hunt, "The Successors of Constantine," chap. 1 in Averil Cameron and Peter Garnsey, eds., The The Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII (Cambridge, 1998). vol. XIII (Cambridge, 1998).

3. See Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, p. 166. I have drawn heavily on Hanson's book for this chapter, as it provides the fullest account of the tortuous process by which an orthodoxy was eventually established. This again is an area where there has been some major rethinking in recent years. The traditional account is, as already mentioned in the previous chapter, that Nicaea affirmed traditional teaching, then "evil-minded" Arians (the term was often extended to include the h.o.m.oeans, who were termed "semi-Arians") attempted to subvert orthodoxy until Theodosius triumphantly saw off the "heretics" at the end of the century. Discovering what really happened is particularly difficult for two reasons: (a) Christian history was effectively rewritten from the Nicene point of view, so that many texts supporting the alternative positions have been lost, and (b) there is very little evidence to show how the western view of the single G.o.dhead evolved. See D. Williams, p. 166. I have drawn heavily on Hanson's book for this chapter, as it provides the fullest account of the tortuous process by which an orthodoxy was eventually established. This again is an area where there has been some major rethinking in recent years. The traditional account is, as already mentioned in the previous chapter, that Nicaea affirmed traditional teaching, then "evil-minded" Arians (the term was often extended to include the h.o.m.oeans, who were termed "semi-Arians") attempted to subvert orthodoxy until Theodosius triumphantly saw off the "heretics" at the end of the century. Discovering what really happened is particularly difficult for two reasons: (a) Christian history was effectively rewritten from the Nicene point of view, so that many texts supporting the alternative positions have been lost, and (b) there is very little evidence to show how the western view of the single G.o.dhead evolved. See D. Williams, Ambrose of Milan and the End of NiceneArian Conflicts Ambrose of Milan and the End of NiceneArian Conflicts (Oxford, 1995), for the problems. As Williams suggests, it is very difficult to trace the revival or adoption of Nicene thought in the west, especially as there was virtually no western representation at Nicaea itself. Certainly the fight over the issue was as much a political as a theological one, and, in different circ.u.mstances, the question might have been left open or an alternative formulation adopted. (Oxford, 1995), for the problems. As Williams suggests, it is very difficult to trace the revival or adoption of Nicene thought in the west, especially as there was virtually no western representation at Nicaea itself. Certainly the fight over the issue was as much a political as a theological one, and, in different circ.u.mstances, the question might have been left open or an alternative formulation adopted.

4. See H. Chadwick, chap. 19, "Orthodoxy and Heresy from the Death of Constantine to the Eve of the First Council of Ephesus," in Cameron and Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII, and generally Hanson, vol. XIII, and generally Hanson, The Search The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d. for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d.

5. C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994), p. 160.

6. Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 136. p. 136.

7. Ibid., p. 19.

8. Chadwick, "Orthodoxy and Heresy," p. 572.

9. M. Wiles, Archetypal Heresy: Arianism Through the Centuries Archetypal Heresy: Arianism Through the Centuries (Oxford, 1996), p. 28. (Oxford, 1996), p. 28.

10. Quoted in Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, pp. 36364. pp. 36364.

11. See ibid., chap. 12, and Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, chap. 1. The two councils between them attracted some 600 bishops, twice as many as Nicaea and four times as many as the Council of Constantinople of 381. The pagan historian Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus ( chap. 1. The two councils between them attracted some 600 bishops, twice as many as Nicaea and four times as many as the Council of Constantinople of 381. The pagan historian Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus (The Later Roman Empire xxi, 16) memorably described the process by which the bishops gathered: "Public transport hurried throngs of bishops. .h.i.ther and thither to attend what they call synods, and by his attempts to impose conformity, Constantius only succeeded in hamstringing the postal service." xxi, 16) memorably described the process by which the bishops gathered: "Public transport hurried throngs of bishops. .h.i.ther and thither to attend what they call synods, and by his attempts to impose conformity, Constantius only succeeded in hamstringing the postal service."

12. See Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, p. 27. Why they changed their minds is not clear. One report (by a pro-Nicene) suggested it was because they were "of weak character" but also "because of weariness of being threatened with expulsion into foreign lands." In other words, the message from the east must have been that they would lose their sees if they did not accept the Dated Creed. p. 27. Why they changed their minds is not clear. One report (by a pro-Nicene) suggested it was because they were "of weak character" but also "because of weariness of being threatened with expulsion into foreign lands." In other words, the message from the east must have been that they would lose their sees if they did not accept the Dated Creed.

13. For short introductions to Julian, see D. Hunt, "Julian," chap. 2 in Cameron and Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII, and the chapter "Julian the Apostate," by M. B. Simmons, in P. Esler, ed., The Early vol. XIII, and the chapter "Julian the Apostate," by M. B. Simmons, in P. Esler, ed., The Early Christian World, Christian World, vol. 2 (New York and London, 2000). Julian is one of the most complex of the Roman emperors, and he has aroused approval and hostility in equal measure ever since his reign. R. Smith, vol. 2 (New York and London, 2000). Julian is one of the most complex of the Roman emperors, and he has aroused approval and hostility in equal measure ever since his reign. R. Smith, Julian's G.o.ds: Religion and Philosophy in the Julian's G.o.ds: Religion and Philosophy in the Thought and Action of Julian the Apostate Thought and Action of Julian the Apostate (London and New York, 1995), is a useful survey of the difficulties in coming to a fair a.s.sessment of him. (London and New York, 1995), is a useful survey of the difficulties in coming to a fair a.s.sessment of him.

14. Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire The Later Roman Empire xxii, 5. xxii, 5.

15. "He turned to paganism with the zeal of the convert," as G. W. Bowersock puts it in his h.e.l.lenism in Late Antiquity h.e.l.lenism in Late Antiquity (Ann Arbor, 1990), p. 6. (Ann Arbor, 1990), p. 6.

16. See Smith, Julian's G.o.ds, Julian's G.o.ds, for a full and balanced discussion of Julian's ideas. Smith (p. 183) quotes the pagan orator Libanius on Julian's "conversion." for a full and balanced discussion of Julian's ideas. Smith (p. 183) quotes the pagan orator Libanius on Julian's "conversion."

And upon your arrival in Ionia you encountered a wise man, you heard of those who fashioned and maintained the universe, you gazed upon the beauty of philosophy and tasted its sweetest springs. Then you quickly threw aside your error [Christianity], released yourself from darkness and grasped truth instead of ignorance, reality in place of falsehood, our old G.o.ds in place of that wicked one and his rites.

Contra Galilaeos is available in the Loeb Cla.s.sics ( is available in the Loeb Cla.s.sics (Works of Julian, vol. 3). vol. 3).

17. Julian, Contra Galilaeos 115 DE, trans. W. C. Wright.

18. The destruction of the Temple was so deeply engrained in Christian thought as a symbol of G.o.d's rejection of the Jews that its rebuilding aroused deep emotional reaction, and the fire was later used by Christians as convincing evidence of G.o.d's continuing hostility to the Jews. It was "a fire from heaven," as Ambrose of Milan was to put it. Ambrose's Letters, trans. S. Mary Melchior Beyenka (New York, 1954), letter no. 2 in this collection, no. 40 according to the traditional Benedictine enumeration.

19. For the reigns of Jovian through to Theodosius, see J. Curran, chap. 3 in Cameron and Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII. vol. XIII.

20. The most lively account of this disaster is to be found in Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus' history, The Later Roman Empire The Later Roman Empire x.x.xi. x.x.xi.

21. Ibid., x.x.x, 9.

22. J. Rist in "Plotinus and Christian Philosophy," in Lloyd P. Gerson, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Plotinus Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (Cambridge, 1996), p. 396. For Athanasius' writings and a critical discussion of his theology, see Hanson, (Cambridge, 1996), p. 396. For Athanasius' writings and a critical discussion of his theology, see Hanson, The Search for the The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, chap. 14. There is also a good chapter on Athanasius by David Brakke in Esler, chap. 14. There is also a good chapter on Athanasius by David Brakke in Esler, The Early Christian World, The Early Christian World, vol. 2, chap. 44. vol. 2, chap. 44.

23. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, pp. 23962. pp. 23962.

24. Ibid., p. 436.

25. Ibid., p. 446, for the text of Athanasius' a.n.a.lysis of the Incarnation followed by Hanson's own a.s.sessment of it.

26. Quotation from ibid., p. 449.

27. The quotations from Origen and Athanasius come from J. Pelikan, The The Christian Tradition, Christian Tradition, vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971), pp. 282 and 285. Pelikan's section on "The State of Christian Anthropology," from which these quotations are drawn, is helpful in exploring the development of Christian ideas on the nature of sin and free will. Some idea of Athanasius' polemical style can be gauged from the following quotation from vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971), pp. 282 and 285. Pelikan's section on "The State of Christian Anthropology," from which these quotations are drawn, is helpful in exploring the development of Christian ideas on the nature of sin and free will. Some idea of Athanasius' polemical style can be gauged from the following quotation from Against the Arians, Against the Arians, discourse II, para. 58. discourse II, para. 58.

A heretic is a wicked thing in truth and in every respect his heart is depraved and irreligious. For behold, though convicted on all points and shown to be utterly bereft of understanding, they show no shame, but as the hydra of Gentile fable, when its former serpents were destroyed, gave birth to fresh ones, contending against the slayer of the old by the production of the new, so also they are hostile and hateful to G.o.d, as hydras losing their life in their objections which they advance, invent for themselves other questions, Judaic [sic] and foolish, and new expedients, as if Truth were their enemy, thereby to show that they are Christ's enemies in all things.

For the rhetorical devices used by Athanasius, see the article by C. Stead, "Rhetorical Method in Athanasius," Vigiliae Christianae Vigiliae Christianae 30 (1976): 12137. As suggested in the main text, this kind of polemic helped undermine the tradition of rational argument, and it was deeply unfortunate that it became such a prominent part of Christian discourse. Not least, it undermined the concept of a loving G.o.d who could accept diversity among his creatures. As will be seen, Jerome and John Chrysostom, and, to a lesser extent perhaps, Ambrose, sustained this tradition so that the more measured works of Augustine, despite their underlying pessimism, come as something of a relief. 30 (1976): 12137. As suggested in the main text, this kind of polemic helped undermine the tradition of rational argument, and it was deeply unfortunate that it became such a prominent part of Christian discourse. Not least, it undermined the concept of a loving G.o.d who could accept diversity among his creatures. As will be seen, Jerome and John Chrysostom, and, to a lesser extent perhaps, Ambrose, sustained this tradition so that the more measured works of Augustine, despite their underlying pessimism, come as something of a relief.

28. See Williams, Ambrose of Milan, Ambrose of Milan, chap. 2, and Hanson, chap. 2, and Hanson, The Search for the The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, chap. 15. As Williams points out, one must be cautious in the use of "Nicene" for the beliefs of the bishops of the west. Speaking of the 340s, he suggests that "outside Rome, the Nicene creed appears to have been known but not relevant to the confessional needs of western bishops" ( chap. 15. As Williams points out, one must be cautious in the use of "Nicene" for the beliefs of the bishops of the west. Speaking of the 340s, he suggests that "outside Rome, the Nicene creed appears to have been known but not relevant to the confessional needs of western bishops" (Ambrose of Milan, pp. 1617). There is no evidence that Hilary of Poitiers even knew of the creed before the 350s. One cannot stress too strongly the lack of any immediate impact on the church from the Nicene Council, which really deserves to be called an imperial council rather than a church one. pp. 1617). There is no evidence that Hilary of Poitiers even knew of the creed before the 350s. One cannot stress too strongly the lack of any immediate impact on the church from the Nicene Council, which really deserves to be called an imperial council rather than a church one.

29. See Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d, chap. 21. For a good resume of the Cappadocians' case, see T. Hopko, "The Trinity in the Cappadocians," part 1 of chap. 11 in B. McGinn and J. Meyendorff, eds., chap. 21. For a good resume of the Cappadocians' case, see T. Hopko, "The Trinity in the Cappadocians," part 1 of chap. 11 in B. McGinn and J. Meyendorff, eds., Christian Christian Spirituality: Origins to the Twelfth Century Spirituality: Origins to the Twelfth Century (London, 1986). (London, 1986).

30. Jaroslav Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture (New Haven and London, 1993), p. 175. (New Haven and London, 1993), p. 175.