8.

1. There have been many scholars involved in reconstructing the life and teachings of Jesus within his Jewish heritage. The three I have drawn on here are Geza Vermes, W. D. Davies and E. P. Sanders. See, for instance, E. P. Sanders and W. D. Davies, "Jesus; From the Jewish Point of View," in William Horbury, W. D. Davies and John St.u.r.dy, The Cambridge History of Judaism, The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1999). One result of a deeper understanding of the Jewish roots of Christianity has been to defuse the anti-Semitism that has scarred the Christian experience so deeply. In 1999 the Catholic Church recognized "the weaknesses" shown "by so many of her sons and daughters" in this respect ( vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1999). One result of a deeper understanding of the Jewish roots of Christianity has been to defuse the anti-Semitism that has scarred the Christian experience so deeply. In 1999 the Catholic Church recognized "the weaknesses" shown "by so many of her sons and daughters" in this respect (Memory and Reconciliation: The Church and the Faults of the Past, and the Faults of the Past, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Vatican, December 1999), although the Church fell short of a.s.suming any responsibility as an inst.i.tution for teaching anti-Semitism. Jews themselves increasingly feel able to reclaim Jesus as part of their own inheritance. (It is always instructive, however, to read the entry "Jesus" in a dictionary of Judaism.) Here is a rare example where long years of patient academic study of ancient doc.u.ments have proved able to dissolve deep-rooted prejudices (although no one, Christian or not, with a knowledge of European history can have failed to reflect on the underlying long-term causes of the Holocaust, which took part deep in a predominantly Christian Europe). issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Vatican, December 1999), although the Church fell short of a.s.suming any responsibility as an inst.i.tution for teaching anti-Semitism. Jews themselves increasingly feel able to reclaim Jesus as part of their own inheritance. (It is always instructive, however, to read the entry "Jesus" in a dictionary of Judaism.) Here is a rare example where long years of patient academic study of ancient doc.u.ments have proved able to dissolve deep-rooted prejudices (although no one, Christian or not, with a knowledge of European history can have failed to reflect on the underlying long-term causes of the Holocaust, which took part deep in a predominantly Christian Europe).

2. G. Vermes, The Changing Faces of Jesus The Changing Faces of Jesus (London, 2000), p. 258. (London, 2000), p. 258.

3. There is, of course, a ma.s.s of material on the Gospels. A useful starting point for contemporary thinking is the relevant entries in F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, eds., The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1997), and M. Coogan and B. Metzger, eds., 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1997), and M. Coogan and B. Metzger, eds., The Oxford Companion to the Bible The Oxford Companion to the Bible (Oxford and New York, 1993). See also, for an overview, J. Court and K. Court, The (Oxford and New York, 1993). See also, for an overview, J. Court and K. Court, The New Testament World New Testament World (Cambridge, 1999). (Cambridge, 1999).

4. For a summary of Jewish views on the afterlife, see L. Grabbe, Judaic Religion in the Second Temple Period in the Second Temple Period (London and New York, 2000), chap. 12, "Eschatologies and Ideas of Salvation." See also the entry "Gehenna" in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. Adrian Hastings, writing on "h.e.l.l" in A. Hastings, ed., The Oxford (London and New York, 2000), chap. 12, "Eschatologies and Ideas of Salvation." See also the entry "Gehenna" in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. Adrian Hastings, writing on "h.e.l.l" in A. Hastings, ed., The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought Companion to Christian Thought (Oxford and New York, 2000), notes: "It is especially the judgement scene as described in Matthew 25:3146, one of the most influential of biblical pa.s.sages, which has established the doctrine of h.e.l.l, both theologically and for public imagination." In particular, Augustine, who reinforced the concept of eternal punishment for western Christianity, used this text as backing. (Oxford and New York, 2000), notes: "It is especially the judgement scene as described in Matthew 25:3146, one of the most influential of biblical pa.s.sages, which has established the doctrine of h.e.l.l, both theologically and for public imagination." In particular, Augustine, who reinforced the concept of eternal punishment for western Christianity, used this text as backing.

5. The quotation is taken from Court and Court, The New Testament World, The New Testament World, p. 207. See this book for a discussion of all the Gospels and the contexts in which they were written. The fullest exposition of the essential Judaism of Matthew's community is to be found in D. C. Sim, The Gospel of Matthew and Christian p. 207. See this book for a discussion of all the Gospels and the contexts in which they were written. The fullest exposition of the essential Judaism of Matthew's community is to be found in D. C. Sim, The Gospel of Matthew and Christian Judaism Judaism (Edinburgh, 1998). Sim agrees with the traditional placing of Matthew's community in Antioch and argues strongly that it should be seen as a sect within Judaism. (Edinburgh, 1998). Sim agrees with the traditional placing of Matthew's community in Antioch and argues strongly that it should be seen as a sect within Judaism.

6. E. P. Sanders, The Historical Figure of Jesus (Harmondsworth, 1993), is a good starting point. A very well ill.u.s.trated recent survey is J. R. Porter, Jesus Christ: Jesus Christ: The Jesus of History, the Christ of Faith The Jesus of History, the Christ of Faith (London, 1999). (London, 1999). The Cambridge Companion to Jesus, The Cambridge Companion to Jesus, ed. Markus Bockmuehl (Cambridge, 2001), has a series of essays on the quest for the historical Jesus. There is broad agreement in the Gospels over the "baptism" of Jesus by John the Baptist, although some scholars believe that Jesus was originally a follower of John's and it was only later that the account of the baptism was developed to give him a higher status than John. The birth stories a.s.sociated with Jesus are full of contradictions, and it is difficult to find any scholarly agreement, even over whether he was born in Bethlehem. ed. Markus Bockmuehl (Cambridge, 2001), has a series of essays on the quest for the historical Jesus. There is broad agreement in the Gospels over the "baptism" of Jesus by John the Baptist, although some scholars believe that Jesus was originally a follower of John's and it was only later that the account of the baptism was developed to give him a higher status than John. The birth stories a.s.sociated with Jesus are full of contradictions, and it is difficult to find any scholarly agreement, even over whether he was born in Bethlehem.

7. See R. Horsley, "Jesus and Galilee: The Contingencies of a Renewal Movement," in E. Mayes, ed., Galilee Through the Centuries: Confluence of Cultures Galilee Through the Centuries: Confluence of Cultures (Winona Lake, Ind., 1999). In his earlier work on Galilee, (Winona Lake, Ind., 1999). In his earlier work on Galilee, Bandits, Prophets Bandits, Prophets and Messiahs: Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus and Messiahs: Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus (New York, 1985), Horsley explored the social tensions in Galilee in Jesus' time and related his teachings to them. There is a ma.s.s of background material on first-century Galilee in E. W. Stegemann and W. Stegemann, The Jesus Movement: A Social History of Its First (New York, 1985), Horsley explored the social tensions in Galilee in Jesus' time and related his teachings to them. There is a ma.s.s of background material on first-century Galilee in E. W. Stegemann and W. Stegemann, The Jesus Movement: A Social History of Its First Century Century (Edinburgh, 1999). There was certainly a tradition of unrest in Galilee- Galileans were seen as making good fighters and providing revolutionary leaders, and many of the leaders of the Jewish revolt of A.D. 66 were from that area. (Edinburgh, 1999). There was certainly a tradition of unrest in Galilee- Galileans were seen as making good fighters and providing revolutionary leaders, and many of the leaders of the Jewish revolt of A.D. 66 were from that area.

8. For the relationship between Galilean and Judaean Judaism, see the detailed study by M. Goodman, "Galilean Judaism and Judaean Judaism," chap. 19 in Horbury, Davies and St.u.r.dy, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism, The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 3. The issue is also discussed by Vermes, vol. 3. The issue is also discussed by Vermes, The Changing Faces of Jesus, The Changing Faces of Jesus, pp. 22526. pp. 22526.

9. A useful introduction is to be found in the entry "Judaism of the First Century A.D.," in Coogan and Metzger, eds., The Oxford Companion to the Bible, The Oxford Companion to the Bible, Fuller treatments of particular groups are to be found in Horbury, Davies and St.u.r.dy, eds., Fuller treatments of particular groups are to be found in Horbury, Davies and St.u.r.dy, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism. The Cambridge History of Judaism.

10. The quotation on "children of light" and "darkness" comes from Dead Sea Scroll texts I QS I 3f 9f and is quoted in Otto Betz, "The Essenes," chap. 15 in Horbury, Davies and St.u.r.dy, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism. The Cambridge History of Judaism. The quotation on liberation comes from the same texts, 94Q521, and is from Vermes, The quotation on liberation comes from the same texts, 94Q521, and is from Vermes, The Changing Faces of Jesus, The Changing Faces of Jesus, p. 17. p. 17.

11. As an introduction to the concept, see the entries for "Messiah" in F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, eds., The Oxford History of the Christian Church, The Oxford History of the Christian Church, and Coogan and Metzger, eds., and Coogan and Metzger, eds., The Oxford Companion to the Bible. The Oxford Companion to the Bible. A much fuller a.n.a.lysis from a Jewish perspective is to be found in chap. 13, "Messiahs," in Grabbe, Judaic Religion. See also S. Freyne, Galilee and Gospel (Tubingen, 2000), chap. 11, "Messiah and Galilee," where Freyne considers Messianism in a specifically Galilean context. A much fuller a.n.a.lysis from a Jewish perspective is to be found in chap. 13, "Messiahs," in Grabbe, Judaic Religion. See also S. Freyne, Galilee and Gospel (Tubingen, 2000), chap. 11, "Messiah and Galilee," where Freyne considers Messianism in a specifically Galilean context.

12. M. Allen Powell, The Jesus Debate The Jesus Debate (Oxford, 1999), reviews the various historical interpretations of Jesus' life and shows just how diverse the approaches are. Frances Young's point is made in "A Cloud of Witnesses," in J. Hick, ed., (Oxford, 1999), reviews the various historical interpretations of Jesus' life and shows just how diverse the approaches are. Frances Young's point is made in "A Cloud of Witnesses," in J. Hick, ed., The The Myth of G.o.d Incarnate, Myth of G.o.d Incarnate, 2nd ed. (London, 1993), p. 22. It is interesting to find that the theological presentations of Jesus have not obscured his essential humanity. "They seem to say he was a goodish kind of man," says a Victorian costermonger interviewed by Henry Mayhew in his 2nd ed. (London, 1993), p. 22. It is interesting to find that the theological presentations of Jesus have not obscured his essential humanity. "They seem to say he was a goodish kind of man," says a Victorian costermonger interviewed by Henry Mayhew in his London Labour and the London Poor London Labour and the London Poor (London, 186162), "but if he says as how a cove's to forgive a feller who hits you, I should say he know'd nothing about it" (vol. 1, pp. 21, 40). (London, 186162), "but if he says as how a cove's to forgive a feller who hits you, I should say he know'd nothing about it" (vol. 1, pp. 21, 40).

13. Fredriksen's point comes from her Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews (London, 2000), p. 268. (London, 2000), p. 268.

14. On "the kingdom," see the exhaustive discussion in E. P. Sanders and W. D. Davies, "Jesus; From the Jewish Point of View," in Horbury, Davies and St.u.r.dy, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism, The Cambridge History of Judaism, pp. 63649. Richard Horsley's comment is to be found in "Jesus and Galilee: The Contingencies of a Renewal Movement," in Mayes, ed., pp. 63649. Richard Horsley's comment is to be found in "Jesus and Galilee: The Contingencies of a Renewal Movement," in Mayes, ed., Galilee Through the Centuries, Galilee Through the Centuries, p. 68. p. 68.

15. Sanders and Davies, "Jesus; From the Jewish Point of View," p. 676. Geza Vermes' views on the "Son of Man" t.i.tle, of which he has made a particular study, are summarized in his The Changing Faces of Jesus, The Changing Faces of Jesus, pp. 3841 and 17577. pp. 3841 and 17577.

16. The subject is well covered by E. P. Sanders in his "Contention and Opposition in Galilee," chap. 14 in The Historical Figure of Jesus The Historical Figure of Jesus (Harmondworth, 1993). The reasons for John's execution are also discussed, pp. 9395. (Harmondworth, 1993). The reasons for John's execution are also discussed, pp. 9395.

17. The responsibility for arresting Jesus has been placed by scholars on virtually every group including Jews outside the priesthood, the priesthood, and the Romans (see Sanders and Davies, "Jesus; From the Jewish Point of View," p. 668, for the range of interpretations), but the central role of Caiaphas, who was responsible for keeping order in the city, seems likely. Richard Horsley makes the following point: Jesus' agenda of renewing Israel required what must be seen as a challenge to illegitimate rulers and/or as an attempt to reach out to the rest of Israel from the capital. Israelite tradition was rich with prophetic precedents of challenge to and condemnation of-or simply laments over-the ruling inst.i.tutions and their families.

"Jesus and Galilee: The Contingencies of a Renewal Movement" in Mayes, Galilee Galilee Through the Centuries, Through the Centuries, p. 73. p. 73.

18. The earliest representation is actually an anti-Christian taunt from a third-century graffito in Rome mocking a Christian called Alexamenos, who is shown worshipping a donkey hanging from a cross. One of the earliest "public" Christian representations, on the fifth-century wooden door of Santa Sabina in Rome, shows Christ with his arms outstretched and nail marks in them but no actual cross behind him. The elaboration of Christ's suffering on the cross was a much later development in Christian iconography. The issue is well dealt with in Robin Margaret Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art Understanding Early Christian Art (London and New York, 2000), chap. 5, "Images of the Suffering Redeemer." 19. See chap. 17, "Epilogue: The Resurrection" in E. P. Sanders, The Historical (London and New York, 2000), chap. 5, "Images of the Suffering Redeemer." 19. See chap. 17, "Epilogue: The Resurrection" in E. P. Sanders, The Historical Figure of Jesus Figure of Jesus (Harmondsworth, 1993). For a traditional perspective, see Markus Bockmuehl, "Resurrection," chap. 7 in Bockmuehl, ed., (Harmondsworth, 1993). For a traditional perspective, see Markus Bockmuehl, "Resurrection," chap. 7 in Bockmuehl, ed., The Cambridge Companion The Cambridge Companion to Jesus. to Jesus. In her book In her book The Gnostic Gospels The Gnostic Gospels (London, 1980), chap. 1, E. Pagels suggests a battle for control over the resurrection experience, one in which Peter attempts to claim the earliest experience of the resurrection in order to justify his leadership of the church. This explains why Paul, who reports Peter's claim that he was the first, is also so keen to equate his own experience on the road to Damascus with those of the disciples. Pagels suggests that the Catholic Church was to insist on the primacy of Peter's experience of the resurrection, followed by that of the remaining Apostles, in order to sustain the idea of apostolic succession, so crucial to upholding church hierarchy and tradition. (London, 1980), chap. 1, E. Pagels suggests a battle for control over the resurrection experience, one in which Peter attempts to claim the earliest experience of the resurrection in order to justify his leadership of the church. This explains why Paul, who reports Peter's claim that he was the first, is also so keen to equate his own experience on the road to Damascus with those of the disciples. Pagels suggests that the Catholic Church was to insist on the primacy of Peter's experience of the resurrection, followed by that of the remaining Apostles, in order to sustain the idea of apostolic succession, so crucial to upholding church hierarchy and tradition.

From earliest times concerns have been raised over the credibility of the resurrection accounts. They were dismissed by pagans as "a fable or the report of a hysterical woman." The theologian Origen (who will be discussed in detail in chap. 10) made a Platonic distinction between the few who could grasp the allegorical meaning of the resurrection, "that in the body there lies a certain principle which is not corrupted from which the body is raised in corruption"-not the same body that died but a body appropriate to the new and immortal life-and the many who could only grasp a literal explanation (that Jesus' actual body was raised) "preached in the churches for the simpleminded and for the ears of the common crowd who are led on to lead better lives by their belief." (See Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1: vol. 1: The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition ( (100600) [Chicago and London, 1971], pp. 30 and 48.) Powell, The Jesus Debate, The Jesus Debate, p. 191, notes that the Jesus Seminar, a group of theologians and historians who vote on contentious issues in Jesus' life, decided by "a large majority" that Jesus' resurrection did not involve the resuscitation of a corpse. (Note, however, that the Jesus Seminar is regarded as radical by traditionalists.) This is in line with Paul's view. However, if the risen Jesus was not his own corpse resuscitated, where did this go? The earliest account (Mark 16:18, the last verses of the original Gospel) suggests that when the disciples came across the opened tomb, there was a man in white robes inside telling them they would see the risen Jesus in Galilee. There is a possible explanation in terms of Caiaphas' own desperate need to deal with Jesus' followers without further trouble. So long as they believed his actual body was in the tomb, they could be expected to congregate there and keep the movement alive. There is increasing evidence, archaeological and otherwise, of "cults of the dead" in Palestine during this period, which would explain why Jesus' tomb might become a centre of cult worship. See L. Grabbe, Priests, Prophets, Divines, p. 191, notes that the Jesus Seminar, a group of theologians and historians who vote on contentious issues in Jesus' life, decided by "a large majority" that Jesus' resurrection did not involve the resuscitation of a corpse. (Note, however, that the Jesus Seminar is regarded as radical by traditionalists.) This is in line with Paul's view. However, if the risen Jesus was not his own corpse resuscitated, where did this go? The earliest account (Mark 16:18, the last verses of the original Gospel) suggests that when the disciples came across the opened tomb, there was a man in white robes inside telling them they would see the risen Jesus in Galilee. There is a possible explanation in terms of Caiaphas' own desperate need to deal with Jesus' followers without further trouble. So long as they believed his actual body was in the tomb, they could be expected to congregate there and keep the movement alive. There is increasing evidence, archaeological and otherwise, of "cults of the dead" in Palestine during this period, which would explain why Jesus' tomb might become a centre of cult worship. See L. Grabbe, Priests, Prophets, Divines, Sages: A Socio-Historical Study of Religious Specialists in Ancient Israel Sages: A Socio-Historical Study of Religious Specialists in Ancient Israel (Valley Forge, Pa., 1995), pp. 14145. Taking the body out (and making it clear that it had gone by leaving the tomb open) would dissolve this possibility, but Caiaphas, anxious to settle things down while Pilate was still in Jerusalem, needed to go further. He had to find a way of persuading the disciples to return home to Galilee, out of his jurisdiction and back into that of Herod Antipas. So a messenger is left telling them that the body is gone but Jesus would rise in Galilee if they would return there. If there is any truth in this account it was, of course, essential that Jesus' body was (Valley Forge, Pa., 1995), pp. 14145. Taking the body out (and making it clear that it had gone by leaving the tomb open) would dissolve this possibility, but Caiaphas, anxious to settle things down while Pilate was still in Jerusalem, needed to go further. He had to find a way of persuading the disciples to return home to Galilee, out of his jurisdiction and back into that of Herod Antipas. So a messenger is left telling them that the body is gone but Jesus would rise in Galilee if they would return there. If there is any truth in this account it was, of course, essential that Jesus' body was not not produced by Caiaphas or his a.s.sociates, as it would undermine any reason for the disciples returning to Galilee. One a.s.sumes that there would be no incentive for preserving it anyway. Matthew suggests that Caiaphas used Roman guards on the tomb so that the disciples would not take Jesus' body away, but when the body was discovered missing, these were bribed by the chief priests to tell Pilate that the body had been taken by the disciples. There could be hidden in this story an attempt by the chief priests to cover up the fact that they had arranged the body's removal. produced by Caiaphas or his a.s.sociates, as it would undermine any reason for the disciples returning to Galilee. One a.s.sumes that there would be no incentive for preserving it anyway. Matthew suggests that Caiaphas used Roman guards on the tomb so that the disciples would not take Jesus' body away, but when the body was discovered missing, these were bribed by the chief priests to tell Pilate that the body had been taken by the disciples. There could be hidden in this story an attempt by the chief priests to cover up the fact that they had arranged the body's removal.

Matthew's account is repeated with elaboration in the so-called Gospel of Peter, a fragment of which was found in the nineteenth century. It probably dates from the second century A.D. Here the author talks of the elders approaching Pilate for a guard, as Matthew does (in other words, the Gospel appears to draw on an early source), but adds the detail that there were crowds around the tomb on the Sabbath following the crucifixion. The guards seal up the tomb, but that night the stone is rolled away, and three men, two of them supporting another (the body of Jesus?), are seen to emerge. As in Matthew's Gospel, the centurion and the soldiers are commanded not to repeat what they have seen. The text of the Gospel of Peter is to be found in R. E. Brown, The The Death of the Messiah Death of the Messiah (London, 1994), vol. 2, pp. 131821. (London, 1994), vol. 2, pp. 131821.

A fuller historical study of the resurrection would need to examine the many other accounts of charismatic leaders who had been "seen" by their followers after their deaths.

20. Jewish scholars have not shared this perspective. For a Jewish view on the concept of the "suffering Messiah," see L. Grabbe, Judaic Religion in the Second Temple Period Temple Period (London and New York, 2000), who concludes his a.n.a.lysis of the texts (p. 291), including the Dead Sea Scrolls: "As far as can be determined from present textual evidence, the New Testament view of Jesus as both a messiah and one who suffered and died for the sins of his people was developed from the experience of the early church and has no precedent as such in Judaism." He notes (p. 290) that the "servant of Isaiah 4055 was not a messianic figure in its original context." (London and New York, 2000), who concludes his a.n.a.lysis of the texts (p. 291), including the Dead Sea Scrolls: "As far as can be determined from present textual evidence, the New Testament view of Jesus as both a messiah and one who suffered and died for the sins of his people was developed from the experience of the early church and has no precedent as such in Judaism." He notes (p. 290) that the "servant of Isaiah 4055 was not a messianic figure in its original context."

21. It has been suggested that Saul adopted the name Paul, essentially a Roman name, after his conversion of Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus, Acts 13:412. See S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1993), pp. 68. Mitch.e.l.l suggests that Sergius Paulus, who came from Pisidian Antioch in the south of the Roman province of Galatia, was the impetus for Paul's missionary journeys to the Galatians in that after his conversion he would have been able to provide Paul with contacts, letters of introduction and other a.s.sistance.

9.

1. I have drawn heavily on E. P. Sanders, Paul (Oxford, 1991), for this chapter, and this short biography provides an excellent starting point. Further sources are cited in the following notes. Paula Fredriksen sums up the problem of Paul's enduring authority as follows: "The problem of history did not resolve itself as Paul so fervently believed it would. What arrived was not the kingdom but the Church, and Paul came to serve as the foundation for something he certainly never envisioned: orthodox ecclesiastical tradition." From "Paul and Augustine: Conversion Narratives, Orthodox Traditions, and the Retrospective Self," Journal of Theological Studies Journal of Theological Studies 37 (1986): 31. For a recent and comprehensive introduction to Paul's theology, see J. Dunn, 37 (1986): 31. For a recent and comprehensive introduction to Paul's theology, see J. Dunn, The The Theology of Paul the Apostle (Edinburgh, 1998). Theology of Paul the Apostle (Edinburgh, 1998).

2. Many scholars doubt that Paul was born a Roman citizen. For discussion as to how Paul might have become one, see R. Wallace and W. Williams, The Three Worlds of Paul of Tarsus Worlds of Paul of Tarsus (London, 1998), pp. 13746. See also the important article by J. Barclay, "Paul Among Diaspora Jews: Anomaly or Apostate," (London, 1998), pp. 13746. See also the important article by J. Barclay, "Paul Among Diaspora Jews: Anomaly or Apostate," Journal of the Journal of the Study of the New Testament Study of the New Testament 60 (1995): 89120. 60 (1995): 89120.

3. Barclay, "Paul Among Diaspora Jews," p. 105, for the quotation on Paul's Greek. On Paul's links to the Essenes, M. Hengel puts it as follows: Paul is akin to the Qumran writings in his basic eschatological dualist att.i.tude, his sense of an imminent end and of the concealed presence of salvation, the eschatological gift of the spirit, which makes it possible to interpret scriptures in terms of the eschatological present, the predestination bound up with G.o.d's election and the inability of human beings to secure salvation by themselves-a feature which was controversial in contemporary Judaism.

From "The Pre-Christian Paul" in J. Lieu, J. North and T. Rajak, eds., The Jews The Jews Among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire Among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire (London and New York, 1992), pp. 4041. Paul was one of those people who was desperate to belong and to express his commitment. The similarities to the Essenes in his eschatology, his language, his commitment to celibacy and his att.i.tudes to those who offend (see the Corinthian who lived with his stepmother, below) make it possible that he was a member of this sect before "conversion," in much the same way as Augustine found a temporary resting place in Manicheism. It has to be stressed that there is no evidence for Paul's involvement with the Essenes and most commentators do not even raise the issue. (London and New York, 1992), pp. 4041. Paul was one of those people who was desperate to belong and to express his commitment. The similarities to the Essenes in his eschatology, his language, his commitment to celibacy and his att.i.tudes to those who offend (see the Corinthian who lived with his stepmother, below) make it possible that he was a member of this sect before "conversion," in much the same way as Augustine found a temporary resting place in Manicheism. It has to be stressed that there is no evidence for Paul's involvement with the Essenes and most commentators do not even raise the issue.

4. See, for instance, the alternative chronologies in J. Becker, Paul: Apostle to Paul: Apostle to the Gentiles, trans. O. C. Dean, Jr. (Louisville, 1993), chap. 2, and Jerome Murphy O'Connor, Paul, a Critical Life (Oxford, 1996), chap. 1. the Gentiles, trans. O. C. Dean, Jr. (Louisville, 1993), chap. 2, and Jerome Murphy O'Connor, Paul, a Critical Life (Oxford, 1996), chap. 1.

5. The issue of the righteous Gentiles and Judaism is discussed in depth by Alan Segal, "Universalism in Judaism and Christianity," in Troels Engbury-Pedersen, ed., Paul in His h.e.l.lenistic Context Paul in His h.e.l.lenistic Context (Edinburgh, 1994). On an inscription found at the city of Aphrodisias, possibly third century A.D., which records a list of benefactors from the Jewish community in the city, ninety Jews are named and alongside them sixty-five "G.o.d-fearers" ( (Edinburgh, 1994). On an inscription found at the city of Aphrodisias, possibly third century A.D., which records a list of benefactors from the Jewish community in the city, ninety Jews are named and alongside them sixty-five "G.o.d-fearers" (theosebeis). Nine of the "G.o.d-fearers" were members of the city council. This suggests, alongside material given in Acts, that "G.o.d-fearers" were not only numerous in the Jewish communities but also often influential members of the community. One might even argue that the "G.o.d-fearers" were a means through which the Jews mediated and sustained their position within the local community. See S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1993), p. 32, for details of the Aphrodisias inscription.

6. On Apollos, see O'Connor, Paul, pp. 276 and 281. The quotation from Barrett is taken from his A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (London, 1971), p. 211. (London, 1971), p. 211.

7. Gronbech is quoted in J. D. Moores, Westling with Rationality in Paul Westling with Rationality in Paul (Cambridge, 1995), p. 1. "A rhetoric of the heart" is the view of E. Norden, quoted in Barclay, "Paul Among Diaspora Jews," p. 105, where the quotation about Paul's "rudimentary knowledge of Greek literature or philosophy" comes from. (Cambridge, 1995), p. 1. "A rhetoric of the heart" is the view of E. Norden, quoted in Barclay, "Paul Among Diaspora Jews," p. 105, where the quotation about Paul's "rudimentary knowledge of Greek literature or philosophy" comes from.

8. S. Mitch.e.l.l suggests that the "Unknown G.o.d" was theos hypsistos, who was described as the G.o.d "not admitting of a name, known by many names." See Mitch.e.l.l's "The Cult of Theos Hypsistos," in P. Athana.s.siadi and M. Frede, eds., Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), p. 122. (Oxford, 1999), p. 122.

9. See Barclay, "Paul Among Diaspora Jews," p. 108. The quotation is also by Barclay (p. 114), drawing on the view of Richard Hays from the latter's Echoes of Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven and London, 1989). A wide-ranging study of the relationship of Paul and Jewish apocalyptic teachings is to be found in M. C. de Boer, "Paul and Apocalyptic Eschatology," in John J. Collins, ed., The (New Haven and London, 1989). A wide-ranging study of the relationship of Paul and Jewish apocalyptic teachings is to be found in M. C. de Boer, "Paul and Apocalyptic Eschatology," in John J. Collins, ed., The Encyclopaedia of Apocalypticism, Encyclopaedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 1 (New York, 1998). vol. 1 (New York, 1998).

10. Sanders, Paul, Paul, p. 84. An excellent introduction to Paul's relationship with Judaism is provided by W. D. Davies, "Paul from a Jewish Point of View," in W. Horbury, W. D. Davies and J. St.u.r.dy, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1999), chap. 21. The section on Paul and the Law (pp. 70214) is especially good on Paul's complex and ambiguous att.i.tude to the Law. p. 84. An excellent introduction to Paul's relationship with Judaism is provided by W. D. Davies, "Paul from a Jewish Point of View," in W. Horbury, W. D. Davies and J. St.u.r.dy, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1999), chap. 21. The section on Paul and the Law (pp. 70214) is especially good on Paul's complex and ambiguous att.i.tude to the Law.

11. See J. Macquarrie, Jesus Christ in Modern Thought Jesus Christ in Modern Thought (London and Philadelphia, 1990), pp. 5568, for the debate in relation to Paul's writings, and G. Vermes, chap. 4, "The Christ of Paul: Son of G.o.d and Universal Redeemer of Mankind," in (London and Philadelphia, 1990), pp. 5568, for the debate in relation to Paul's writings, and G. Vermes, chap. 4, "The Christ of Paul: Son of G.o.d and Universal Redeemer of Mankind," in The Changing Faces of Jesus The Changing Faces of Jesus (London, 2000). See also the discussion in Frances Young, "A Cloud of Witnesses," in J. Hick, ed., (London, 2000). See also the discussion in Frances Young, "A Cloud of Witnesses," in J. Hick, ed., The Myth of G.o.d Incarnate, The Myth of G.o.d Incarnate, 2nd ed. (London, 1993), pp. 2022. 2nd ed. (London, 1993), pp. 2022.

12. See Vermes, The Changing Faces of Jesus, The Changing Faces of Jesus, p. 85, for this idea. In the later second century, Melito, bishop of Sardis, followed up the idea, writing, "He [Jesus] carried the wood upon his shoulders and he was led up to be slain like Isaac by his father. But Christ suffered, whereas Isaac did not suffer; for he was the model of the Christ who was going to suffer." Quoted in Robin Margaret Jensen, p. 85, for this idea. In the later second century, Melito, bishop of Sardis, followed up the idea, writing, "He [Jesus] carried the wood upon his shoulders and he was led up to be slain like Isaac by his father. But Christ suffered, whereas Isaac did not suffer; for he was the model of the Christ who was going to suffer." Quoted in Robin Margaret Jensen, Understanding Understanding Early Christian Art Early Christian Art (London and New York, 2000), p. 146. (London and New York, 2000), p. 146.

13. See Sanders, Paul, Paul, pp. 7879, for the background to this idea. It has to be remembered that sacrifices were important social rituals that probably served to legitimize the killing of domestic animals. To see them as unnecessary acts of cruelty, as implied in many Christian critiques of sacrifice, is wrong. Animals had to be killed somehow if the community was to survive, and it can certainly be argued that Greek att.i.tudes to domesticated animals were more sensitive than Christian ones. Richard Sorabji, in an essay t.i.tled "Rationality" in M. Frede and G. Striker, eds., pp. 7879, for the background to this idea. It has to be remembered that sacrifices were important social rituals that probably served to legitimize the killing of domestic animals. To see them as unnecessary acts of cruelty, as implied in many Christian critiques of sacrifice, is wrong. Animals had to be killed somehow if the community was to survive, and it can certainly be argued that Greek att.i.tudes to domesticated animals were more sensitive than Christian ones. Richard Sorabji, in an essay t.i.tled "Rationality" in M. Frede and G. Striker, eds., Rationality in Rationality in Greek Thought Greek Thought (Oxford, 1996), pp. 32830, cites the pagan philosopher Porphyry's taunt that Christ was not much of a saviour as he was quite happy to transfer demons into the Gadarene swine, which then galloped over a cliff to their deaths. This was not the issue, replied Augustine ( (Oxford, 1996), pp. 32830, cites the pagan philosopher Porphyry's taunt that Christ was not much of a saviour as he was quite happy to transfer demons into the Gadarene swine, which then galloped over a cliff to their deaths. This was not the issue, replied Augustine (The City of G.o.d 1:20): animals "did not belong within the community of just dealing"; and Christ was making the point that it was superst.i.tious to refrain from killing animals. Augustine later went on to draw on Stoicism in order to argue that as animals lack a rational mind they have no rights and are subordinate to the needs of man. Augustine is cited by Thomas Aquinas in his own defence of the killing of animals. For the development of these ideas in a later historical context, see K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Att.i.tudes 1:20): animals "did not belong within the community of just dealing"; and Christ was making the point that it was superst.i.tious to refrain from killing animals. Augustine later went on to draw on Stoicism in order to argue that as animals lack a rational mind they have no rights and are subordinate to the needs of man. Augustine is cited by Thomas Aquinas in his own defence of the killing of animals. For the development of these ideas in a later historical context, see K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Att.i.tudes in England, 15001800 in England, 15001800 (London, 1983). It was the Enlightenment that introduced the idea that animals have a "right" not to feel pain. (Some relevant quotes relating to this new approach, including one from Jeremy Bentham, are in Thomas, (London, 1983). It was the Enlightenment that introduced the idea that animals have a "right" not to feel pain. (Some relevant quotes relating to this new approach, including one from Jeremy Bentham, are in Thomas, Man and the Man and the Natural World, Natural World, pp. 17980, while the works of Peter Singer should be addressed for a deeper understanding of the philosophical issues.) pp. 17980, while the works of Peter Singer should be addressed for a deeper understanding of the philosophical issues.) 14. Chaps. 6 and 7 of Sanders, Paul, Paul, provide a full discussion. The original Greek word for faith ( provide a full discussion. The original Greek word for faith (pistis) can be translated as meaning both "firm a.s.surance" and "that which gives firm a.s.surance." Hebrews 11:1 gives a definition of faith which was to be particularly influential: "the a.s.surance of things hoped for and the evidence of things unseen." A discussion of the various nuances of the word "faith" can be found in C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 11013, and the complexities of the word are also explored by N. Wolterstorff in his article "Faith" in the Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (London and New York, 2000). Wolterstorff writes: (London and New York, 2000). Wolterstorff writes: Of what genus is faith a species? Is it a species of believing propositions on say-so? Is it a species of loyalty to some person or cause? Is it a species of trusting someone? Is it a species of believing what someone has promised? Is it a species of "concern"? Is it a virtue of a certain sort? Is it a species of knowledge?

Enough has been said here to show that it will have different meanings in different contexts and therefore needs to be used with some caution.

15. Quoted in A. Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire (Berkeley and London, 1991), p. 28. (Berkeley and London, 1991), p. 28.

16. This is a pa.s.sage used by those who argue that Paul did have some knowledge of Stoicism-the Stoics had put forward proofs for the existence of G.o.d and Paul appears to be a.s.suming that they are valid ones; C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, Christian Antiquity, pp. 11516. Compare, for instance, Paul in Romans 1:1920: "What can be known about G.o.d is plain to men for G.o.d has shown it to them. Ever since the creation of the world his invisible nature, namely his eternal power and deity, has been clearly perceived in the things that have been made," with the Stoic philosopher Lucillus quoted by Cicero in his pp. 11516. Compare, for instance, Paul in Romans 1:1920: "What can be known about G.o.d is plain to men for G.o.d has shown it to them. Ever since the creation of the world his invisible nature, namely his eternal power and deity, has been clearly perceived in the things that have been made," with the Stoic philosopher Lucillus quoted by Cicero in his On the Nature of the G.o.ds On the Nature of the G.o.ds 2, iii, c. 45 B.C.: "The point seems scarcely to need affirming. What can be so obvious and clear, as we gaze up at the sky and observe the heavenly bodies, as that there is some divine power of surpa.s.sing intelligence by which they are ordered?" 2, iii, c. 45 B.C.: "The point seems scarcely to need affirming. What can be so obvious and clear, as we gaze up at the sky and observe the heavenly bodies, as that there is some divine power of surpa.s.sing intelligence by which they are ordered?"

17. This statement is quoted in John Hick, "Interpretation and Reinterpretation in Religion," in S. Coakley and D. Pailin, eds., The Making and Remaking of Christian Doctrine: Essays in Honour of Maurice Wiles of Christian Doctrine: Essays in Honour of Maurice Wiles (Oxford, 1993). "The majority of human beings, most theologians agreed, do end up in h.e.l.l, including, the Council of Florence (143945) insisted, all Jews, heretics, and schismatics unless they become Catholic before they die." This is from the entry on "h.e.l.l" in A. Hastings, ed., (Oxford, 1993). "The majority of human beings, most theologians agreed, do end up in h.e.l.l, including, the Council of Florence (143945) insisted, all Jews, heretics, and schismatics unless they become Catholic before they die." This is from the entry on "h.e.l.l" in A. Hastings, ed., The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought (New York and Oxford, 2000). This problem of inclusion versus exclusion is well dealt with in G. Stroumsa, (New York and Oxford, 2000). This problem of inclusion versus exclusion is well dealt with in G. Stroumsa, Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity (Tubingen, 1999), chap. 1, "Early Christianity as Radical Religion." On the debate over whether in Paul's letters all will be saved, see the section "Does Paul Believe All Human Beings Will Be Saved in the End?" in de Boer's article "Paul and Apocalyptic Eschatology," p. 371. (Tubingen, 1999), chap. 1, "Early Christianity as Radical Religion." On the debate over whether in Paul's letters all will be saved, see the section "Does Paul Believe All Human Beings Will Be Saved in the End?" in de Boer's article "Paul and Apocalyptic Eschatology," p. 371.

18. As J. D. Moores puts it, Wrestling with Rationality, Wrestling with Rationality, p. 31, Paul's logic is "so wayward that we may wonder whether Paul is not just ironically exposing the irrelevance of logical argument." p. 31, Paul's logic is "so wayward that we may wonder whether Paul is not just ironically exposing the irrelevance of logical argument."

19. Quoted in Robert Markus, Gregory the Great and His World Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge, 1997), p. 38. (Cambridge, 1997), p. 38.

20. This may seem a sweeping statement, but it is hard to know where else the famous conflict originated. It is perhaps possible to take it back to Plato, but Paul's condemnation of logic and philosophy is so violent, his statements came to have such authority and the rejection of traditional philosophy, including science, is so marked in the Christian tradition that Paul is the obvious starting point. While Paul's concept of faith implies openness to G.o.d's revelation, the concept shifted and expanded as the inst.i.tutional church and its hierarchy developed, so that having "faith" meant accepting "specific articles of faith" that had been "communicated to Christ and mediated through the church" (see the article on "faith" by Avery Dulles in Hastings, ed., The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought), an interpretation that consolidated the faithful as acceptors who were not required to question articles of faith for themselves. In fact, it was seen as a virtue that they did not. This shift, which is related to the growth of authority in the church, will be discussed further in the next chapter.

21. See Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Before the Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Before the Era of Art, Era of Art, trans. E. Jephcott (Chicago and London, 1994). This is a penetrating study of the art of icons and the contexts in which images were appreciated or abhorred. While early Christianity put a great deal of energy into distancing itself from Judaism, the Jewish rejection of idols continued to give Judaism some value among Christians. The theologian Origen, for instance, wrote in his trans. E. Jephcott (Chicago and London, 1994). This is a penetrating study of the art of icons and the contexts in which images were appreciated or abhorred. While early Christianity put a great deal of energy into distancing itself from Judaism, the Jewish rejection of idols continued to give Judaism some value among Christians. The theologian Origen, for instance, wrote in his Contra Celsum Contra Celsum (V, 43): "The Jews do possess some deeper wisdom, not only more than the mult.i.tude, but also than those who seem to be philosophers, because the philosophers in spite of their impressive philosophical teachings fall down to idols and daemons, while even the lowest Jews look only to the supreme G.o.d." (V, 43): "The Jews do possess some deeper wisdom, not only more than the mult.i.tude, but also than those who seem to be philosophers, because the philosophers in spite of their impressive philosophical teachings fall down to idols and daemons, while even the lowest Jews look only to the supreme G.o.d."

22. The summary of the Jewish writer Josephus, quoted in chap. 10, "Behaviour," in Sanders, Paul. Paul.

23. One needs to get away from the idea that there was a s.e.xual free-for-all in the Greek and Roman world before the coming of Christianity. See, as an introduction to this issue, M. Nussbaum, "Platonic Love and Colorado Love: The Relevance of Ancient Greek Norms to Modern s.e.xual Controversies," in R. B. Louden and P. Schollmeier, eds., The Greeks and Us: Essays in Honor of Arthur W. H. Adkins (Chicago and London, 1999), pp. 168223. However, it is also clear that there was widespread s.e.xual exploitation of women, particularly slaves by their owners and others. See also chap. 18, "s.e.x, Love and Marriage in Pagan Philosophy and the Use of Catharsis," in R. Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation Agitation to Christian Temptation (Oxford, 2000). (Oxford, 2000).

24. For Paul's contribution to Christian views on s.e.xuality, see P. Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women and s.e.xual Renunciation in Early Christianity Body and Society: Men, Women and s.e.xual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988; London, 1989), pp. 4457. (New York, 1988; London, 1989), pp. 4457.

25. G. Stroumsa, Barbarian Philosophy, Barbarian Philosophy, especially chap. 1, "Early Christianity as Radical Religion"; the quotation comes from p. 25. especially chap. 1, "Early Christianity as Radical Religion"; the quotation comes from p. 25.

26. Few questions can be more complex than that of the relationship between emotion and will and the question of whether the self is divided (as Plato believed), which is why I hesitate in making too many generalizations here. (In The Republic The Republic 444 B, Plato talks of "the injustice, indiscipline . . . and vice of all kinds" that are the result of "internal quarrels" between the three parts of the soul.) It is a mark of the intellectual sophistication of ancient thought that the question was tackled in the depth it was, particularly by the Stoics. See, as a starter, chap. 20, "Emotional Conflict and the Divided Self" in Sorabji's important 444 B, Plato talks of "the injustice, indiscipline . . . and vice of all kinds" that are the result of "internal quarrels" between the three parts of the soul.) It is a mark of the intellectual sophistication of ancient thought that the question was tackled in the depth it was, particularly by the Stoics. See, as a starter, chap. 20, "Emotional Conflict and the Divided Self" in Sorabji's important Emotion and Peace of Mind. Emotion and Peace of Mind. In his chapters on Christianity (22 onwards), Sorabji shows how in a Christian context "bad thoughts" came to be seen as the intrusion of the devil. The question then became how one dealt with the thought-did one linger over it or enjoy it? If so, one had already committed sin. Compare Matthew 5:27: "if a man looks at a woman l.u.s.tfully, he has already committed adultery with her in his heart." The possibility of committing evil when no outward sign of any evil action is apparent is an important component of the Christian conception of sin. In his chapters on Christianity (22 onwards), Sorabji shows how in a Christian context "bad thoughts" came to be seen as the intrusion of the devil. The question then became how one dealt with the thought-did one linger over it or enjoy it? If so, one had already committed sin. Compare Matthew 5:27: "if a man looks at a woman l.u.s.tfully, he has already committed adultery with her in his heart." The possibility of committing evil when no outward sign of any evil action is apparent is an important component of the Christian conception of sin.

27. See Vermes, The Changing Faces of Jesus, The Changing Faces of Jesus, pp. 6869, for the view that Paul founded the Eucharist as a feature of Christian communal life, and Wayne Meeks, pp. 6869, for the view that Paul founded the Eucharist as a feature of Christian communal life, and Wayne Meeks, The First Urban Christians The First Urban Christians (New Haven and London, 1983), especially chap. 5, for the early practice of the Eucharist. For archaeological evidence for the early Christian communities in Anatolia, see Mitch.e.l.l, (New Haven and London, 1983), especially chap. 5, for the early practice of the Eucharist. For archaeological evidence for the early Christian communities in Anatolia, see Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia, Anatolia, vol. 2, chap. 16, part iv. As Mitch.e.l.l states, p. 38, there is only one Christian inscription from Celtic Galatia (possibly not the main focus of Paul's activity) from before the fourth century. He sums up (p. 41): "It is interesting that the Asian communities with which Paul himself had been involved, for instance the churches in south Galatia, and at Laodicea and Colossae, by no means always prospered." vol. 2, chap. 16, part iv. As Mitch.e.l.l states, p. 38, there is only one Christian inscription from Celtic Galatia (possibly not the main focus of Paul's activity) from before the fourth century. He sums up (p. 41): "It is interesting that the Asian communities with which Paul himself had been involved, for instance the churches in south Galatia, and at Laodicea and Colossae, by no means always prospered."

28. Quoted in Vermes, The Changing Faces of Jesus, The Changing Faces of Jesus, p. 105. p. 105.

29. Sanders, Paul, Paul, p. 2. p. 2.

30. Quoted in K. Armstrong, A History of G.o.d (London, 1993), p. 115.

31. For an a.n.a.lysis of Marcion's thought, see Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian The Christian Tradition Tradition (Chicago and London, 1971), vol. 1, pp. 7181. It is important to stress the resilience of the Marcionites, as Marcion has been largely obliterated from the Christian tradition. If his approach to Christianity had been adopted, as it might well have been, and the "Old Testament" discarded, European culture would have been severely impoverished-but on the other hand, Christianity might have avoided the debilitating conflict with Judaism over "ownership" of the scriptures (see chap. 10) and been deprived, as Marcion hoped they would, of the model of a warlike and vengeful G.o.d that has been particularly influential at specific periods of Christian history. There would also not have been such backing for the destruction of idols, which was to include both pagan and, in the Reformation, Christian art. It was the Greek Septuagint, rather than the Hebrew Bible known to Jesus, which was adopted by Christians. (Chicago and London, 1971), vol. 1, pp. 7181. It is important to stress the resilience of the Marcionites, as Marcion has been largely obliterated from the Christian tradition. If his approach to Christianity had been adopted, as it might well have been, and the "Old Testament" discarded, European culture would have been severely impoverished-but on the other hand, Christianity might have avoided the debilitating conflict with Judaism over "ownership" of the scriptures (see chap. 10) and been deprived, as Marcion hoped they would, of the model of a warlike and vengeful G.o.d that has been particularly influential at specific periods of Christian history. There would also not have been such backing for the destruction of idols, which was to include both pagan and, in the Reformation, Christian art. It was the Greek Septuagint, rather than the Hebrew Bible known to Jesus, which was adopted by Christians.

32. The argument has to be a complex one (one can as easily find statements in Matthew supporting the Gentiles), but it is the central thesis of D. Sim in his The The Gospel of Matthew and Christian Judaism Gospel of Matthew and Christian Judaism (Edinburgh, 1998), one he argues convincingly. (Edinburgh, 1998), one he argues convincingly.

33. Quoted in Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, p. 24. Sim, in vol. 1, p. 24. Sim, in The The Gospel of Matthew, Gospel of Matthew, leaves himself, of course, with the problem of fitting Matthew's community back into mainstream Christianity, as Christian Judaism withered and Gentile Christianity prevailed; see his chap. 7: "The Fate of the Matthean Community." Peter, too, has somehow to be transferred to the Gentile world. Luke achieves this through a message from G.o.d in which Peter is commanded to accept the Gentile Cornelius as a Christian and then persuades the other Apostles that the Church should be open to Gentiles (see Acts of the Apostles 10). leaves himself, of course, with the problem of fitting Matthew's community back into mainstream Christianity, as Christian Judaism withered and Gentile Christianity prevailed; see his chap. 7: "The Fate of the Matthean Community." Peter, too, has somehow to be transferred to the Gentile world. Luke achieves this through a message from G.o.d in which Peter is commanded to accept the Gentile Cornelius as a Christian and then persuades the other Apostles that the Church should be open to Gentiles (see Acts of the Apostles 10).

10.

1. There is evidence from Lystra itself that these two G.o.ds were, in fact, worshipped together in the city, so the story is plausible. S. Mitch.e.l.l gives a number of cases of the a.s.sociation between Zeus and Hermes in this very area. At Kavak in the territory of Lystra, a relief has been found showing Hermes accompanied by the eagle of Zeus, while in Lystra itself a stone has been found showing Hermes with a second G.o.d, arguably Zeus. A number of other examples have been found in Asia Minor, but, as Mitch.e.l.l suggests, the concentration in the Lystra area is "highly suggestive and confirms the historical precision" of the episode. It is also interesting that Paul and Barnabas are acclaimed in the local language, Lycaonian (Acts 14:11), as Greek G.o.ds, an indication of the superficial adoption of Greek culture by the native peoples of the area. Mitch.e.l.l goes on to suggest that Paul is referring to this same incident when, in Galatians 4:14, he reminds the Galatians that they welcomed him as "angel of G.o.d." S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men, and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1993), p. 24.

2. See the article on the Gospel in B. Metzger and M. Coogan, eds., The The Oxford Companion to the Bible (Oxford and New York, 1993), and J. Court and K. Court, Oxford Companion to the Bible (Oxford and New York, 1993), and J. Court and K. Court, The New Testament World The New Testament World (Cambridge, 1999), especially chap. 5, "John and the Community Apart." There has been much argument over whether John drew on the Synoptic Gospels or wrote independently of them. The scholarly consensus (in so far as such a thing is possible in this area) at present seems to be that he did know of them. The other "signs" are Jesus' healing of an official at Capernaum, his cure of a cripple at the pool, the feeding of the five thousand, the walking on water, the giving of sight to the blind man and the raising of Lazarus. (Cambridge, 1999), especially chap. 5, "John and the Community Apart." There has been much argument over whether John drew on the Synoptic Gospels or wrote independently of them. The scholarly consensus (in so far as such a thing is possible in this area) at present seems to be that he did know of them. The other "signs" are Jesus' healing of an official at Capernaum, his cure of a cripple at the pool, the feeding of the five thousand, the walking on water, the giving of sight to the blind man and the raising of Lazarus.

3. The concept of a son from G.o.d the Father means something very different in a Greco-Roman context from what it means in a Jewish one. As G. Vermes puts it: In Hebrew or Aramaic "son of G.o.d" is always employed figuratively as a metaphor for a child of G.o.d, whereas in Greek addressed to Gentile Christians, grown up in a religious culture filled with G.o.ds, sons of G.o.ds and demiG.o.ds, the New Testament expression tended to be understood literally as "Son of G.o.d," spelled as it were with a capital letter: that is to say, as someone as the same nature as G.o.d.

The Changing Faces of Jesus (London, 2000), p. 3. See also, from Vermes' book, pp. 3234 on John's concept of "the Son" and pp. 18385 on the Synoptic Gospels' approach to the concept. It is important to be aware of these conceptual shifts that took place as Jesus came to be seen through Greek rather than Jewish eyes. The relationship between Christ and the (London, 2000), p. 3. See also, from Vermes' book, pp. 3234 on John's concept of "the Son" and pp. 18385 on the Synoptic Gospels' approach to the concept. It is important to be aware of these conceptual shifts that took place as Jesus came to be seen through Greek rather than Jewish eyes. The relationship between Christ and the logos logos was, of course, a complex one, as was, of course, a complex one, as logos logos had so many different meanings. On the other hand, as Jaroslav Pelikan has noted, the diversity of meanings could allow the word to be used creatively as a principle of creation, rationality, of speech ("the Word") and of revelation. It could also be used to give philosophical respectability to the Son of G.o.d, whom pagans such as Celsus were to deride as degraded by his crucifixion. In some instances the had so many different meanings. On the other hand, as Jaroslav Pelikan has noted, the diversity of meanings could allow the word to be used creatively as a principle of creation, rationality, of speech ("the Word") and of revelation. It could also be used to give philosophical respectability to the Son of G.o.d, whom pagans such as Celsus were to deride as degraded by his crucifixion. In some instances the logos logos was even described as an angel, that is, taking on a "Christian" role totally independent of the Platonic tradition. See J. Pelikan, was even described as an angel, that is, taking on a "Christian" role totally independent of the Platonic tradition. See J. Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971), pp. 18889 and pp. 19798, for the relationship between the vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971), pp. 18889 and pp. 19798, for the relationship between the logos logos and angels. The great issue of later centuries was that of how the divine and angels. The great issue of later centuries was that of how the divine logos logos could suffer on the cross. could suffer on the cross.

4. I have deliberately not used the term "anti-Semitism," as it was coined in the nineteenth century in a specific racist context. Opposition to Judaism was in this period rooted in theology, not race. The whole question of anti-Judaism/anti-Semitism and Christianity is enormously contentious, particularly in light of the Holocaust. With Christianity's roots so deeply embedded in Judaism and Jesus himself a Jew, the development of Christianity as a religious movement separate from Judaism was bound to be difficult. It was inevitable that Christians would draw and defend boundaries between themselves and orthodox Jews, and that Jews would do the same to a religion which rejected their Law: witness the many lashings administered to Paul. The process of disentangling Christianity from this past has been a tortuous one and continues to this day. I have drawn heavily here on M. Taylor, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Ident.i.ty Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Ident.i.ty (Leiden and New York, 1995); the quotations all come from chap. 4, "Symbolic Anti-Judaism." Taylor in her turn pays respect to R. Ruether's (Leiden and New York, 1995); the quotations all come from chap. 4, "Symbolic Anti-Judaism." Taylor in her turn pays respect to R. Ruether's Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism (New York, 1974). For an excellent overview of the issues involved, see G. Stroumsa, (New York, 1974). For an excellent overview of the issues involved, see G. Stroumsa, Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity Christianity (Tubingen, 1999), chap. 8, "From Anti-Judaism to Anti-Semitism in Early Christianity?" (Tubingen, 1999), chap. 8, "From Anti-Judaism to Anti-Semitism in Early Christianity?"

5. Quoted in M. Beard, J. North and S. Price, Religions of Rome (Cambridge, 1998), vol. 1, p. 267.

6. R. MacMullen, Christianising the Roman Empire (A.D. 100400) (New Haven and London, 1984), p. 34.

7. Ibid., p. 37.

8. Ibid., p. 111.

9. Stephen Mitch.e.l.l in his study of Asia Minor, Anatolia, Anatolia, pp. 3738, notes only a handful of Christian inscriptions from Pontus and Bithynia (an area described by Pliny in A.D. 110 as having many Christians) from before Constantine's toleration and, interestingly in view of Paul's mission, only one in Galatia. There are rather more from Phrygia, the home of the Montanists, for whom see further below. A good example of the kind of story told about Christians by outsiders is to be found in the pp. 3738, notes only a handful of Christian inscriptions from Pontus and Bithynia (an area described by Pliny in A.D. 110 as having many Christians) from before Constantine's toleration and, interestingly in view of Paul's mission, only one in Galatia. There are rather more from Phrygia, the home of the Montanists, for whom see further below. A good example of the kind of story told about Christians by outsiders is to be found in the Octavius Octavius of Minucius Felix (third century). Christians come from the lowest ranks of the people . . . ignorant and gullible women who indeed, just because of the weakness of their s.e.x, are easily persuaded . . . [These] bands of conspirators [ of Minucius Felix (third century). Christians come from the lowest ranks of the people . . . ignorant and gullible women who indeed, just because of the weakness of their s.e.x, are easily persuaded . . . [These] bands of conspirators [sic] . . . fraternise in nocturnal a.s.semblies and at solemn fasts and barbarous feasts, not through a holy ceremony, but through an unatonable crime . . . Everywhere they also practise among themselves, so t