10. Plato, The Republic 7.530 BC. One should contrast Plato's approach with Aristotle's privileging of empirical observation over theory. As Aristotle puts it when discussing the reproduction of bees: This then seems to be what happens with regard to the generation of bees, judging from theory (logos) and from what are thought to be the facts about them. But the facts have not been sufficiently ascertained, and if they ever are ascertained, then we must trust perception rather than theories, and theories too, so long as what they show agrees with what appears to be the case.

De Generatione Animalium 760 b. 27ff., quoted in G. E. R. Lloyd, 760 b. 27ff., quoted in G. E. R. Lloyd, Magic, Reason Magic, Reason and Experience and Experience (Cambridge, 1979), p. 138. (Cambridge, 1979), p. 138.

11. If Plato had been right there would surely have been someone who would have left record of the Form of, say, Justice that others, using no more than the power of reason, would have agreed with totally. There is little evidence for this, although some Christian theologians would claim that there is. The problem lies in finding a relationship between a mathematical proof and the concept of, for example, "justice." Plato would have argued that both could be found in the same way using deductive logic, although he accepted that the task of finding "justice" would be much more intellectually demanding. A mathematical proof starts from an agreed symbolic representation (for instance a drawing of a square divided into quarters) and a proof can be developed from there. All are agreed on the first principles (as set out in the drawing), and each step follows logically from the one before to the satisfaction of all. The proof fails as soon as one person can find a valid reason for disagreeing. While individuals can come up with instances of what they, as individuals, consider to be beautiful, it is hard to see how an agreed symbolic representation could ever be set out from which to start the process of deductive reasoning towards a Form of Beauty that has the same degree of truth as a mathematical proof. What has happened more often is that one figure or ruling elite has claimed to have found the Forms and then imposed them on others. The French revolutionary leader Robespierre, for instance, who, like his colleagues, was deeply influenced by his cla.s.sical education, stated his political aims in absolutely Platonic terms: "the peaceful enjoyment of liberty and equality; the reign of eternal justice, whose laws are engraved, not in marble or stone, but in the hearts of all men, even in that of the slave who forgets them [compare Meno] and of the tyrant who rejects them." When others disagreed with his interpretation of "Virtue" they were, in the manner recommended by Plato in his Laws, Laws, eliminated in the Terror. The cla.s.sic book on all this is K. Popper's The Open Society and Its Enemies (reprint, London, 1995). Of course, for many the sheer sparkle of Plato, and his method of using dialogues to explore all possible points of view, lead to all this being forgiven. The point is also made later in this book that Plato attempts to convince through reason (even though we may have doubts about the way he uses it) rather than by the power of emotion. eliminated in the Terror. The cla.s.sic book on all this is K. Popper's The Open Society and Its Enemies (reprint, London, 1995). Of course, for many the sheer sparkle of Plato, and his method of using dialogues to explore all possible points of view, lead to all this being forgiven. The point is also made later in this book that Plato attempts to convince through reason (even though we may have doubts about the way he uses it) rather than by the power of emotion.

12. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics Nicomachean Ethics 1155a3. As an introduction to Aristotle's ethics, see chap. 5, "Ethics and the Organisation of Desire," in J. Lear, 1155a3. As an introduction to Aristotle's ethics, see chap. 5, "Ethics and the Organisation of Desire," in J. Lear, Aristotle: The Aristotle: The Desire to Understand Desire to Understand (Cambridge, 1988). (Cambridge, 1988).

13. Nicomachean Ethics Nicomachean Ethics 1144b3. 1144b3.

14. The contrast is developed in the conclusion of the first part of The Pa.s.sion The Pa.s.sion of the Western Mind of the Western Mind (London, 1996) by R. Tarnas. (London, 1996) by R. Tarnas.

4.

1. The term "h.e.l.lenistic," coined in the nineteenth century to describe the fusion of Greek and non-Greek, is given to the period between the death of Alexander (323) and the conquest of Egypt by Rome (30 B.C.). For a recent and comprehensive introduction to the period, see G. Shipley, The Greek World After The Greek World After Alexander, 32330 B.C. (London, 2000). Alexander, 32330 B.C. (London, 2000).

2. See W. G. Runciman, "Doomed to Extinction: The Polis as an Evolutionary Dead-End," in O. Murray and S. Price, eds., The Greek City from Homer to Alexander Alexander (Oxford, 1990). For a survey of the Greek world in the fourth century, see the later chapters of J. K. Davies, Democracy and Cla.s.sical Greece, 2nd ed. (London, 1993). (Oxford, 1990). For a survey of the Greek world in the fourth century, see the later chapters of J. K. Davies, Democracy and Cla.s.sical Greece, 2nd ed. (London, 1993).

3. For Alexander, a judicious life which avoids over-romanticization is by A. B. Bosworth, Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great (Cambridge, 1988). (Cambridge, 1988).

4. See A. B. Bosworth, Alexander and the East: The Tragedy of Triumph Alexander and the East: The Tragedy of Triumph (Oxford, 1996), for a study of the sources behind Alexander's campaigns there. (Oxford, 1996), for a study of the sources behind Alexander's campaigns there.

5. See R. R. R. Smith, h.e.l.lenistic Sculpture h.e.l.lenistic Sculpture (London, 1991), chap. 1, pp. 1933. (London, 1991), chap. 1, pp. 1933.

6. On ruler cults in this period, see Shipley, The Greek World After Alexander, The Greek World After Alexander, pp. 15663. There is a good exposition of the theory of divine kingship in a (? third century A.D.) tract attributed to the Egyptian G.o.d Thoth in his h.e.l.lenistic guise of Hermes Trismegistus. (Hermes Trismegistus is credited with some forty-two books of spiritual wisdom.) pp. 15663. There is a good exposition of the theory of divine kingship in a (? third century A.D.) tract attributed to the Egyptian G.o.d Thoth in his h.e.l.lenistic guise of Hermes Trismegistus. (Hermes Trismegistus is credited with some forty-two books of spiritual wisdom.) There are in the universe four regions . . . namely, heaven, the aether, the air, and the earth. Above, my son, in heaven dwell G.o.ds, over whom, as over all else likewise, rules the maker of the universe . . . and upon earth dwell men, over whom rules he who is king for the time being; for the G.o.ds, my son, cause to be born at the right time a man that is worthy to govern upon earth . . . he who is king on earth is the last of the four rulers, but the first of men. As long as he is on earth, he has no part in true deity; but as compared with other men, he has something exceptional, which is like to G.o.d.

Quoted in H. A. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance (Baltimore and London, 2000), p. 128. Echoes of such statements survived to justify the Byzantine emperors' role as representatives of G.o.d on earth. (Baltimore and London, 2000), p. 128. Echoes of such statements survived to justify the Byzantine emperors' role as representatives of G.o.d on earth.

7. The careful and critical work of A. B. Bosworth has done much to produce a balanced a.s.sessment of Alexander. One reason why Alexander's reputation has remained high is the influence of the main surviving source for his life, Arrian's, written in the second century A.D. In fact, Arrian based his life on one of Alexander's commanders, Ptolemy, whose eulogistic account of Alexander's campaigns was developed to boost his own claim to succession to Alexander in Egypt. (See A. B. Bosworth, From Arrian to Alexander: Studies in Historical Interpretation From Arrian to Alexander: Studies in Historical Interpretation [Oxford, 1988], and A. B. Bosworth and E. J. Baynham, eds., [Oxford, 1988], and A. B. Bosworth and E. J. Baynham, eds., Alexander the Great in Fact and Alexander the Great in Fact and Fiction Fiction [Oxford, 2000].) [Oxford, 2000].) See A. B. Bosworth, Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 28586 for Callisthenes' opposition to (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 28586 for Callisthenes' opposition to proskynesis proskynesis and pp. 11819 for his death. For a sober a.s.sessment of Plutarch's view that Alexander tried to create some form of unity between Greeks, see R. Baldry, and pp. 11819 for his death. For a sober a.s.sessment of Plutarch's view that Alexander tried to create some form of unity between Greeks, see R. Baldry, The Greeks and the The Greeks and the Unity of Mankind Unity of Mankind (Cambridge, 1965), chap. 4, esp. pp. 11334. For an a.s.sessment of Plutarch's eulogy, see also J. R. Hamilton, (Cambridge, 1965), chap. 4, esp. pp. 11334. For an a.s.sessment of Plutarch's eulogy, see also J. R. Hamilton, Plutarch's Alexander: A Commentary Plutarch's Alexander: A Commentary (Bristol, 1999), pp. xxivx.x.xiii. Hamilton shows how it was a rhetorical display piece in which the speaker, here a young Plutarch, was expected to make the very best case possible, even at the risk, as here, of gross distortion of the reality. Adulation of Alexander was boosted in the nineteenth century by the Prussian historian Droysen's claim that without Alexander the Greek world would have remained confined to the Aegean, and Christianity would have been unable to spread across the Mediterranean and Asia. The implication is that the pagan Alexander was sent by G.o.d to pave the way. Droysen's view reached its apogee in the work of William Tarn. In his (Bristol, 1999), pp. xxivx.x.xiii. Hamilton shows how it was a rhetorical display piece in which the speaker, here a young Plutarch, was expected to make the very best case possible, even at the risk, as here, of gross distortion of the reality. Adulation of Alexander was boosted in the nineteenth century by the Prussian historian Droysen's claim that without Alexander the Greek world would have remained confined to the Aegean, and Christianity would have been unable to spread across the Mediterranean and Asia. The implication is that the pagan Alexander was sent by G.o.d to pave the way. Droysen's view reached its apogee in the work of William Tarn. In his Alexander Alexander (Cambridge, 1948), Tarn makes the suggestion that (Cambridge, 1948), Tarn makes the suggestion that Alexander lifted the civilized world out of one groove and set in in another . . . In so far as the modern world derives its civilization from Greece, it largely owes it to Alexander that it had the opportunity . . . when at last Christianity showed the way to that spiritual unity after which men were feeling, there was ready to hand a medium for the new religion to spread in the common h.e.l.lenistic civilization of the "inhabited world."

Even today, when we are much more sensitive to imperialist propaganda, there are those who see Alexander's immediate legacy as positive, but on the whole the brutality of his conquests and the lack of vision beyond them is now being recognized. It was his successors who provided the stability within which Greek civilization could spread, and there is much evidence that it was not until the long Roman centuries that Greek culture penetrated below the surface of the native cultures of Asia. The Romans never swallowed the Alexander legend uncritically. In a bitter attack on Alexander in his History of Rome, History of Rome, Livy suggests that it was one thing for Alexander to conquer barbarians-if he had met the Romans the outcome would have been very different! (Livy, Livy suggests that it was one thing for Alexander to conquer barbarians-if he had met the Romans the outcome would have been very different! (Livy, History of Rome History of Rome 9, xviii) Cicero in his 9, xviii) Cicero in his De De Republica Republica tells the story of a pirate captured by Alexander. tells the story of a pirate captured by Alexander.

Alexander asked the fellow, "What is your idea in infesting the sea?" And the pirate answered, with uninhibited insolence, "The same as yours, in infesting the earth! But because I do it in a tiny craft, I'm called a pirate: because you have a mighty navy, you are called an emperor."

De Republica 3.14.24. 3.14.24.

8. Translation by P. Green from Apollonios Rhodios, The Argonautika (Berkeley and London, 1997), book 3, lines 76065.

9. An introduction to Archimedes can be found in M. Bragg, On Giants' On Giants' Shoulders Shoulders (London, 1998), chap. 1, a discussion of Archimedes' achievements that includes a contribution by Geoffrey Lloyd. See also M. Kline, (London, 1998), chap. 1, a discussion of Archimedes' achievements that includes a contribution by Geoffrey Lloyd. See also M. Kline, Mathematical Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, vol. 1 (New York and Oxford, 1972), chap. 5, which, besides discussing Archimedes, considers the work of Alexandrian mathematicians in general. vol. 1 (New York and Oxford, 1972), chap. 5, which, besides discussing Archimedes, considers the work of Alexandrian mathematicians in general.

10. See, as an introduction to Epicureanism and Stoicism, A. A. Long, "h.e.l.lenistic Philosophy," in R. Popkin, ed., The Pimlico History of Western The Pimlico History of Western Philosophy (New York, 1998; London, 1999), and C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Philosophy (New York, 1998; London, 1999), and C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity Antiquity (Cambridge, 1995), chap. 5. Another excellent, and lively, survey of Stoicism is to be found in "Stoicism" by J. Brunschwig, in J. Brunschwig and G. E. R. Lloyd, eds., (Cambridge, 1995), chap. 5. Another excellent, and lively, survey of Stoicism is to be found in "Stoicism" by J. Brunschwig, in J. Brunschwig and G. E. R. Lloyd, eds., Greek Thought: A Guide to Cla.s.sical Knowledge Greek Thought: A Guide to Cla.s.sical Knowledge (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 2000), pp. 97796. A much fuller and demanding study is M. Nussbaum, (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 2000), pp. 97796. A much fuller and demanding study is M. Nussbaum, The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in h.e.l.lenistic Ethics The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in h.e.l.lenistic Ethics (Princeton, 1994). A recent, well-received book on the difficult but important subject of Stoicism and free will is S. Bobzien, Determinism and Freedom in Stoic (Princeton, 1994). A recent, well-received book on the difficult but important subject of Stoicism and free will is S. Bobzien, Determinism and Freedom in Stoic Philosophy Philosophy (Oxford, 2000), while there is much on the relationship between the Stoics and emotion in R. Sorabji, (Oxford, 2000), while there is much on the relationship between the Stoics and emotion in R. Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation to Christian Temptation (Oxford, 2000). (Oxford, 2000).

11. Much of the old way of life remained undisturbed, and it was only in the stable Roman centuries that followed that Greek culture penetrated "to the most remote of rural contexts." See F. Millar, The Roman Near East 31 B.C.A.D. 337 (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 1993), especially the summing-up, pp. 52332.

5.

1. For the origins of Rome, see T. J. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome The Beginnings of Rome (London, 1995), which takes the story up to 264 B.C. Essential for an understanding of Rome's expansion is W. Harris, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome (Oxford, 1979). (London, 1995), which takes the story up to 264 B.C. Essential for an understanding of Rome's expansion is W. Harris, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome (Oxford, 1979).

2. In one early layer of the Roman forum, dating from the second quarter of the sixth century B.C., a sanctuary to the G.o.d Volca.n.u.s, an ancient Roman G.o.d of destructive, devouring fire (as, for instance, in volcanoes), has been uncovered. Among the votive deposits found in the sanctuary was a black-figure vase from Athens with a representation of the Greek G.o.d of fire and blacksmiths, Hephaestus. This shows at how early a date Greek and Roman mythology interacted. In later Roman mythology Volca.n.u.s and Hephaestus were merged. See M. Beard, J. North and S. Price, Religions of Rome (Cambridge, 1998), p. 12.

3. E. Gruen, Culture and National Ident.i.ty in Republican Rome Culture and National Ident.i.ty in Republican Rome (Ithaca, 1992), is the essential introduction to the relationship between the Romans and Greek culture. (Ithaca, 1992), is the essential introduction to the relationship between the Romans and Greek culture.

4. On Cicero, E. Rawson, Cicero: A Portrait Cicero: A Portrait (London, 1995), is a good starting point. There has been renewed interest in Cicero's philosophy in recent years. See J. G. F. Powell, ed., (London, 1995), is a good starting point. There has been renewed interest in Cicero's philosophy in recent years. See J. G. F. Powell, ed., Cicero the Philosopher Cicero the Philosopher (Oxford, 1995). The introductory essay by the editor covers the main issues. (Oxford, 1995). The introductory essay by the editor covers the main issues.

5. A concise overview of these years can be found in D. Shotter, The Fall of the The Fall of the Roman Republic Roman Republic (London and New York, 1994). (London and New York, 1994).

6. C. Meier, Caesar (London, 1995), is a thorough and thoughtful biography of Julius Caesar.

7. The Philippics were called after the famous speeches made in fourth-century Athens by the orator Demosthenes in response to the growing power of Philip of Macedon.

8. For a general survey of these years see M. Goodman, The Roman World, 44 The Roman World, 44 B.C.A.D. 180 (London, 1997). B.C.A.D. 180 (London, 1997).

9. Among the manifestations of Augustus' pietas pietas was a return to a sterner s.e.xual morality after the undoubted decadence of the late republic. While Greek sculptures of the G.o.d Priapus show him as phallic and randy, the Augustan equivalent is decently clothed and his energies are diverted towards a ma.s.s of children clambering over him. See K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture: An Interpretive was a return to a sterner s.e.xual morality after the undoubted decadence of the late republic. While Greek sculptures of the G.o.d Priapus show him as phallic and randy, the Augustan equivalent is decently clothed and his energies are diverted towards a ma.s.s of children clambering over him. See K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture: An Interpretive Introduction Introduction (Princeton, 1996), p. 345. This is an essential book for those who wish to study the cultural effects of Augustus' rule, as is P. Zanker's The Power of Images (Princeton, 1996), p. 345. This is an essential book for those who wish to study the cultural effects of Augustus' rule, as is P. Zanker's The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor, 1988). (Ann Arbor, 1988).

10. Galinsky, Augustan Culture, Augustan Culture, p. 197 with plan. p. 197 with plan.

11. Paraphrase of the original by D. Ross, quoted ibid., p. 354. Sappho (seventh century B.C.) is, of course, the great Greek lyric poet from Lesbos; Alcaeus, her contemporary, another lyric poet from Lesbos. Callimachus was the highly erudite h.e.l.lenistic poet from Alexandria, probably the most influential of his period.

12. The translation is by Robert Fitzgerald.

13. Tacitus, the most astute of the Roman historians, had no illusions about the process that he describes in his account of his father-in-law Agricola's period as governor in Britain.

Agricola had to deal with people living in isolation and ignorance, and therefore p.r.o.ne to fight: and his object was to accustom them to a life of peace and quiet by the provision of amenities. He therefore gave private encouragement and official a.s.sistance to the building of temples, public squares and good houses. He praised the energetic and scolded the slack; and compet.i.tion for honour proved as effective as compulsion. Furthermore he educated the sons of the chiefs in the liberal arts . . . The result was that instead of loathing the Latin language they became eager to speak it effectively. In the same way, our national dress came into favour and the toga was everywhere to be seen. And so the population was led into the demoralising temptations of arcades, baths and sumptuous banquets. The unsuspecting Britons spoke of such novelties as "civilization," when in fact they were only a feature of their enslavement.

Translation from Agricola, S. A. Handford, Penguin Cla.s.sics.

14. These themes can be followed up in Janet Huskinson, ed., Experiencing Experiencing Rome: Culture, Ident.i.ty and Power in the Roman Empire Rome: Culture, Ident.i.ty and Power in the Roman Empire (London, 2000). The process by which a particular family could be integrated into the administration of the empire can be seen through the descendants of a Gallic aristocrat, Epotsorovidius. After Caesar's conquest of Gaul in the 50s B.C., Epotsorovidius' son appears as a Roman citizen with the name Gaius Julius Agedomopas, an indication that his citizenship was granted by Caesar himself. Two generations later the family has become completely Romanized, and Latin may have become their first language. Gaius Julius Rufus, of the fourth generation, was a priest of the cult of Rome and Augustus at Lyons and a (London, 2000). The process by which a particular family could be integrated into the administration of the empire can be seen through the descendants of a Gallic aristocrat, Epotsorovidius. After Caesar's conquest of Gaul in the 50s B.C., Epotsorovidius' son appears as a Roman citizen with the name Gaius Julius Agedomopas, an indication that his citizenship was granted by Caesar himself. Two generations later the family has become completely Romanized, and Latin may have become their first language. Gaius Julius Rufus, of the fourth generation, was a priest of the cult of Rome and Augustus at Lyons and a praefectus fabrorum, praefectus fabrorum, an army official concerned with building works. His wealth was such that he was able to choose from among the traditional repertoire of Roman buildings to donate an amphitheatre to Lyons and a triumphal arch to his native town, Mediolanum Santomum (the modern Saintes). Over time the conquered had become the patrons of the regime that had conquered them, and herein lay the reasons for the empire's success. an army official concerned with building works. His wealth was such that he was able to choose from among the traditional repertoire of Roman buildings to donate an amphitheatre to Lyons and a triumphal arch to his native town, Mediolanum Santomum (the modern Saintes). Over time the conquered had become the patrons of the regime that had conquered them, and herein lay the reasons for the empire's success.

15. The relatively detached approach taken by the Romans to Judaism can be sensed from this a.s.sessment by the historian Dio Ca.s.sius writing in the early third century A.D.: They [the Jews] are distinguished from the rest of mankind in practically every detail of their lives, and especially in that they honour none of the other G.o.ds, but show extreme reverence for one particular deity. They have never had a statue of him even in Jerusalem itself, but believing him to be so unnameable and invisible, they worship him in the most extravagant way among humans. They built him a large and splendid temple . . . and dedicated to him the day of Saturn, on which, among other peculiar observances, they undertake no serious occupation.

Dio Ca.s.sius's History History 39, xvii. Compare this a.s.sessment with the frenzied outbursts of John Chrysostom quoted in chap. 17. 39, xvii. Compare this a.s.sessment with the frenzied outbursts of John Chrysostom quoted in chap. 17.

16. Censuses and a.s.sessments for tax were made when a province was first incorporated into the empire. There is no record of any empire-wide census. The a.s.sessment was made on land and property so taxpayers were a.s.sessed in the area where they held land, not in the town in which they or their forebears originated. At the time of Jesus' birth (before the death of Herod the Great and therefore c. 4 B.C.), Nazareth in Galilee was not under direct Roman control and so was not subject to Roman taxation. There was certainly a census by Quirinius in Judaea in A.D. 6, and doubtless Luke had heard of this. However, whether Jesus was born in Bethlehem or not-and Matthew relates separately (without any mention of the census) that he was born there-it would not have been a census that required Mary and Joseph to travel there.

17. Compared to the wealthy provinces of Asia Minor to the north and Egypt to the south, Judaea was not a major contributor of taxes. In fact, it has even been suggested that it failed to provide enough taxes to cover the costs of its own administration. The main objective of the Romans was stability in the region, and they knew that this came from supporting local elites, not provoking them. Nevertheless, in Judaea, as elsewhere, the imposition of a new tax system when Rome took control in A.D. 6 was met with opposition. What really offended the Jews, however, was religious provocation, above all any intrusion in the sacred areas of Jerusalem. For the interaction of Judaism and Rome, The Cambridge History of The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 3, ed. W. Horbury, W. D. Davies and J. St.u.r.dy (Cambridge, 1999), provides the essential background. Judaism, vol. 3, ed. W. Horbury, W. D. Davies and J. St.u.r.dy (Cambridge, 1999), provides the essential background.

18. Philo, Emba.s.sy to Gaius, Emba.s.sy to Gaius, trans. F. A. Colson (Loeb Cla.s.sical Library), 302. trans. F. A. Colson (Loeb Cla.s.sical Library), 302.

19. The Romans were so disillusioned by the problems of governing Judaea that in 41 they even handed back the province to a grandson of Herod, Agrippa. Agrippa was popular, but he died in 44 and direct Roman rule was restored. By now heavy taxation (Jews had to pay both Roman and Jewish taxes) and tensions between the rich, who benefited from the wealth coming into Jerusalem for the Temple, and the poor were fuelling resentments that could not be contained. In A.D. 66 a ma.s.sive if uncoordinated revolt broke out. Roman retaliation was thorough and brutal. Perhaps a million died in the repression, and the Temple itself was sacked by t.i.tus, the son of the emperor Vespasian. Some of his plunder can be seen on reliefs on the triumphal arch in the Forum in Rome erected to celebrate the victory. Another revolt in 13235 (under the emperor Hadrian) led to Jews being excluded from Jerusalem and the refounding of the city as a Roman colony. Judaea then remained a subdued province of the empire, its priests turning inwards to intensive study of sacred texts of the Torah (the Law), until the Arab invasion of A.D. 640 that brought the loss of the province to the empire.

6.

1. From Plutarch, "On the Face of the Orb of the Moon," translated in the Loeb edition of the Moralia, Moralia, vol. 12, by H. Cherniss. Discussed in T. Rihill, vol. 12, by H. Cherniss. Discussed in T. Rihill, Greek Greek Science Science (Oxford, 1999), pp. 7680. (Oxford, 1999), pp. 7680.

2. Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap. 2, Penguin Cla.s.sics. chap. 2, Penguin Cla.s.sics.

3. See S. Swain, h.e.l.lenism and Empire: Language, Cla.s.sicism and Power in the Greek World, A.D. 50250 the Greek World, A.D. 50250 (Oxford, 1996), for a full survey of the movement and its main pract.i.tioners. Plutarch is covered in chap. 5. For the second sophistic from an art historian's point of view, see J. Elsner, (Oxford, 1996), for a full survey of the movement and its main pract.i.tioners. Plutarch is covered in chap. 5. For the second sophistic from an art historian's point of view, see J. Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph: The Art of the Roman Empire, A.D. 100450 Triumph: The Art of the Roman Empire, A.D. 100450 (Oxford, 1998), chap. 7. (Oxford, 1998), chap. 7.

4. See G. Kennedy, A New History of Cla.s.sical Rhetoric A New History of Cla.s.sical Rhetoric (Princeton, 1994), pp. 23337, for Dio Chrysostom and this speech, which is translated in the Loeb edition of his works. (Princeton, 1994), pp. 23337, for Dio Chrysostom and this speech, which is translated in the Loeb edition of his works.

5. On Nero, a fine biography is M. Griffin, Nero: The End of a Dynasty Nero: The End of a Dynasty (London, 1984). (London, 1984).

6. Hadrian had certainly been very close to the emperor Trajan, his predecessor, serving as a governor in two provinces, including Syria, and on the imperial staff as a speech writer, but his proclamation as emperor immediately after Trajan's death smacked of opportunism, and many believed that he had usurped the post. When he surrendered some of Trajan's conquests, there was even more antagonism, and four former consuls had to be executed for plotting to overthrow him. Many among the Roman elite refused to forgive him for the executions. Hadrian was never at ease in Rome, the centre of hostility to him, but in any case he was a wanderer by nature. Twelve of his twenty-one years of rule were spent in the provinces.

Hadrian's surrender of territory was, in fact, a brave move. He grasped the important fact that expansion for its own sake was self-defeating. Trajan had become preoccupied with the ambition of emulating Alexander-shortly before he died he had broken down in tears at the mouth of the Euphrates when it became clear that an unsettled empire behind him forced him to give up a campaign to the east. Hadrian not only surrendered the newly conquered provinces, he also put in place a policy of consolidating the frontiers of the existing empire. Along the northern borders, always vulnerable to raiding Germanic tribes, he strengthened the limes, limes, a military road overlooked by watchtowers joined by palisades. In Britain he created an even more formidable barrier between Roman and barbarian, Hadrian's Wall, somewhat south of what is now the border between England and Scotland. As if this was not enough, he appreciated that legionaries stationed behind defensible frontiers would soon become unfit and demoralized. He visited the legions regularly, and insisted that they keep up their training. A hundred years after his death he was still remembered for his "training and disciplining of the whole army." Anthony Birley, a military road overlooked by watchtowers joined by palisades. In Britain he created an even more formidable barrier between Roman and barbarian, Hadrian's Wall, somewhat south of what is now the border between England and Scotland. As if this was not enough, he appreciated that legionaries stationed behind defensible frontiers would soon become unfit and demoralized. He visited the legions regularly, and insisted that they keep up their training. A hundred years after his death he was still remembered for his "training and disciplining of the whole army." Anthony Birley, Hadrian, the Restless Emperor Hadrian, the Restless Emperor (London and New York, 1997), p. 303, quoting Ca.s.sius Dio. (London and New York, 1997), p. 303, quoting Ca.s.sius Dio.

7. Quoted, along with other a.s.sessments, ibid.

8. For Hadrian's villa, see W. MacDonald and J. Pinto, Hadrian's Villa and Its Legacy Legacy (New Haven and London, 1995). For Hadrian and the cities, see M. T. Boatwright, (New Haven and London, 1995). For Hadrian and the cities, see M. T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire (Princeton and Chichester, Eng., 2000). (Princeton and Chichester, Eng., 2000).

9. For the Antonine Altar, see S. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 15859 (complete with ill.u.s.tration of a reconstruction). Most of the remaining fragments are now in the Kunsthistorische Museum in Vienna. (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 15859 (complete with ill.u.s.tration of a reconstruction). Most of the remaining fragments are now in the Kunsthistorische Museum in Vienna.

10. The grat.i.tude that members of the Greek elite felt toward the Romans was memorably expressed by one of the leaders of the second sophistic, Aelius Aristides, in his famous panegyric to Rome delivered in the city in A.D. 150. Aristides talks of the cities of the empire relaxing in contentment now that all their ancient quarrels with each other are over.

You continue to care for the Greeks as for foster parents. You protect them; you raise them up as though prostrate . . . Their energies are now focused in a frenzy of rebuilding. While all other compet.i.tion between cities has ceased, but a single rivalry obsesses every one of them-to appear as beautiful and attractive as possible. Every place is full of gymnasia, gymnasia, fountains, gateways, temples, shops and schools . . . All the monuments, works of art and adornments in them mean glory for you . . . fountains, gateways, temples, shops and schools . . . All the monuments, works of art and adornments in them mean glory for you . . .

A long quotation from this speech, from which this extract is taken, can be found in N. Lewis and M. Reinhold, Roman Civilization, Sourcebook II: The Empire Roman Civilization, Sourcebook II: The Empire (New York, 1995), pp. 13538. (New York, 1995), pp. 13538.

11. For a mathematician's a.s.sessment of Diophantus' achievement, see M. Kline, Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, vol. 1 (New York and Oxford, 1972), pp. 13844. vol. 1 (New York and Oxford, 1972), pp. 13844.

12. For Galen, see Roy Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present (London, 1997), pp. 7377; G. E. R. Lloyd, (London, 1997), pp. 7377; G. E. R. Lloyd, Greek Science After Aristotle Greek Science After Aristotle (London, 1973), and chap. 6 of Rihill, (London, 1973), and chap. 6 of Rihill, Greek Science. Greek Science. The quotation on Galen as both logician and physician comes from G. E. R. Lloyd, "Demonstration in Galen," in M. Frede and G. Striker, eds., The quotation on Galen as both logician and physician comes from G. E. R. Lloyd, "Demonstration in Galen," in M. Frede and G. Striker, eds., Rationality in Greek Thought Rationality in Greek Thought (Oxford, 1996), p. 256. (Oxford, 1996), p. 256.

13. The translation is by Peter Green. Compare Einstein's words from his Ideas Ideas and Opinions: and Opinions: "The most beautiful experience we can have is the mysterious. It is the fundamental emotion which stands at the cradle of true science." For Ptolemy, see Lloyd, "The most beautiful experience we can have is the mysterious. It is the fundamental emotion which stands at the cradle of true science." For Ptolemy, see Lloyd, Greek Science After Aristotle, Greek Science After Aristotle, the source of his comment, as well as an introductory history of astronomy such as M. Hoskin, ed., the source of his comment, as well as an introductory history of astronomy such as M. Hoskin, ed., The Cambridge Concise The Cambridge Concise History of Astronomy History of Astronomy (Cambridge, 1999). The major contribution that Ptolemy made to geography is also being recognized. The review quoted here of (Cambridge, 1999). The major contribution that Ptolemy made to geography is also being recognized. The review quoted here of Ptolemy's Ptolemy's Geography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters, Geography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters, ed. and trans. J. Lennert Berggren and Alexander Jones (Princeton, 2002), is by Peter Green, from ed. and trans. J. Lennert Berggren and Alexander Jones (Princeton, 2002), is by Peter Green, from London Review of Books, London Review of Books, Feb. 21, 2002, vol. 24, no. 4, p. 35. Feb. 21, 2002, vol. 24, no. 4, p. 35.

14. An essential book on Roman religion is M. Beard, J. North and S. Price, Religions of Rome Religions of Rome (Cambridge, 1998). For a briefer introduction, see James Rives, "Religion in the Roman Empire," in Janet Huskinson, ed., (Cambridge, 1998). For a briefer introduction, see James Rives, "Religion in the Roman Empire," in Janet Huskinson, ed., Experiencing Rome: Experiencing Rome: Culture, Ident.i.ty and Power in the Roman Empire Culture, Ident.i.ty and Power in the Roman Empire (London, 2000). (London, 2000).

15. Available in Penguin Cla.s.sics, trans. E. J. Kenny.

16. For theos hypsistos, theos hypsistos, see Stephen Mitch.e.l.l, "The Cult of see Stephen Mitch.e.l.l, "The Cult of Theos Hypsistos, Theos Hypsistos," in P. Athana.s.siadi and M. Frede, eds., Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), pp. 81148. There is an early-fourth-century gravestone from Laodicea Catacecaumena which reads, "First I shall sing a hymn of praise for G.o.d, the one who sees all, second I shall sing a hymn for the first angel, Jesus Christ." Stephen Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1993), p. 46. vol. 2 (Oxford, 1993), p. 46.

17. The quotation, which comes from Origen's Contra Celsum Contra Celsum 5:41, is to be found in the introduction to Athana.s.siadi and Frede, eds., 5:41, is to be found in the introduction to Athana.s.siadi and Frede, eds., Pagan Monotheism, Pagan Monotheism, p. 8. See also the quotation from the so-called p. 8. See also the quotation from the so-called Theosophy of Tubingen Theosophy of Tubingen in Mitch.e.l.l, in Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia, Anatolia, vol. 2, p. 44: vol. 2, p. 44: There is one G.o.d in the whole universe, who has set boundaries to the wheels of heavenly rotation with divine ordinances, who has distributed measures of equal weight to the hours and the moments, and has set bonds which link and balance the turnings of the heavens with one another, whom we call Zeus, from whom comes the living eternity, and Zeus bearer of all things, life-providing steward of breath, himself, proceeding from the one into the one.

18. Athana.s.siadi and Frede, eds., Pagan Monotheism, Pagan Monotheism, pp. 18586 for the quote of Maximus and p. 20 for the quotation from the editors' introduction. See further chap. 11 of this book for how the concept of the supreme deity was used by Constantine. pp. 18586 for the quote of Maximus and p. 20 for the quotation from the editors' introduction. See further chap. 11 of this book for how the concept of the supreme deity was used by Constantine.

19. For Mithraism, see chap. 6 of Beard, North and Price, Religions of Rome. Religions of Rome.

20. "Middle Platonism" and "Neoplatonism" are terms that were developed in the nineteenth century. Their pract.i.tioners would have simply seen themselves as Platonists. Introduction can be found in R. Popkin, ed., The Pimlico History of The Pimlico History of Western Philosophy Western Philosophy (New York, 1998; London, 1999), "Middle Platonism" by H. Tarrant and "Plotinus and Neoplatonism" by L. Gerson. There is a wealth of useful material in C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994). An important pa.s.sage for Middle Platonists was the following from (New York, 1998; London, 1999), "Middle Platonism" by H. Tarrant and "Plotinus and Neoplatonism" by L. Gerson. There is a wealth of useful material in C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994). An important pa.s.sage for Middle Platonists was the following from The Republic The Republic 509 B. 509 B.

The sun . . . not only makes the things we see visible, but causes the processes of generation, growth and nourishment, without itself being such a process . . . The Good therefore may be said to be the source not only of the intelligibility of the objects of knowledge, but also of their existence and reality; yet it is not itself identical with reality, but is beyond reality, and superior to it in dignity and power.

Translation H. D. P. Lee. Note the a.n.a.logy between the sun and "the Good," the definition of the sun/Good as an active, nurturing force, which is, however, independent from the process of nurturing, and the definition of "the Good" as "beyond reality." These were all important concepts in Middle Platonism.

21. The point is made by Ramsay MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eight Centuries the Fourth to Eight Centuries (New Haven and London, 1997), p. 78. Looking at oracles from the third century, Stephen Mitch.e.l.l ( (New Haven and London, 1997), p. 78. Looking at oracles from the third century, Stephen Mitch.e.l.l (Anatolia, vol. 2, p. 44) stresses: vol. 2, p. 44) stresses: One notion that these oracles should dispel at once is that there was any dichotomy in the middle and later empire between rational thinkers, who based their religious and philosophical ideas on the exercise of a logical critique, and devotees of the G.o.d or of the G.o.ds, who relied for their religious intuitions on a form of divine inspiration which was denied to others . . . There is no evidence for any conflict between those who adhered to intellectual reasoning and those who simply turned to the G.o.d for instruction.

The tradition of trying to reconcile Neoplatonist principles with empirical evidence was carried on in the works of Proclus, the fifth-century Athenian philosopher, the last of the "great" Greek thinkers. See L. Siorvanes, Proclus: Neo-Platonic Philosophy and Science and Science (Edinburgh, 1996), especially chaps. 4 and 5. (Edinburgh, 1996), especially chaps. 4 and 5.

22. See Athana.s.siadi and Frede, eds., Pagan Monotheism, Pagan Monotheism, p. 15, for examples. p. 15, for examples.

23. For instance, one can trace the career of one Quintus Lollius Urbicus, son of a Berber landowner in the province of Africa. He served first in Asia, then in Judaea, where he was involved in putting down the revolt of 13235, then along the Rhine and Danube before being made governor in Britain. He ended his career as prefect of the city of Rome. Many of these themes can be traced in M. Goodman, The Roman World, 44 B.C.A.D. 180 (London, 1997), and J. Huskinson, ed., Experiencing Rome Experiencing Rome (London, 2000). (London, 2000).

24. Beard, North and Price, Religions of Rome, Religions of Rome, p. 225. p. 225.

25. It is interesting in this context that one of the most important Stoic philosophers of the early second century A.D., Epictetus, was a freed slave, yet he may have been consulted by one emperor, Hadrian, and was certainly an influence on another, Marcus Aurelius.

7.

1. In instructions to Julia.n.u.s, proconsul of Africa, concerning the Manicheans. Quoted in S. Williams, Diocletian and the Roman Recovery (London, 1985), p. 153.

2. The third-century crisis tends to get neglected in accounts of the Roman empire as it is too late for many general books on the empire and too early for those on late antiquity. The Cambridge Ancient History Cambridge Ancient History volume on the period is still unpublished. See my volume on the period is still unpublished. See my Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean (Oxford, 1996), chap. 26, for a short overview (which draws, with his permission, on the chapter by John Drinkwater which will eventually appear in the (Oxford, 1996), chap. 26, for a short overview (which draws, with his permission, on the chapter by John Drinkwater which will eventually appear in the Cambridge Ancient History Cambridge Ancient History).

3. Williams, Diocletian, Diocletian, is a thorough treatment of Diocletian and is drawn on heavily for this chapter. See also Averil Cameron, is a thorough treatment of Diocletian and is drawn on heavily for this chapter. See also Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire The Later Roman Empire (London, 1993). (London, 1993).

4. See S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and London, 1981), p. 107 and plate 10. This is an essential book for the study of the imperial ceremonies and creation of the emperor as a semi-divine figure.

5. The point is made by J. W. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion Religion (Oxford, 1979), p. 243. (Oxford, 1979), p. 243.

6. M. Beard, J. North, S. Price, Religions of Rome, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1998), p. 243. See also J. Rives, Religion and Authority in Roman Carthage from Augustus Religion and Authority in Roman Carthage from Augustus to Constantine to Constantine (Oxford, 1995), in which he states (p. 259) that (Oxford, 1995), in which he states (p. 259) that [Decius'] motive seems to have been a desire to join together, by force if necessary, all the inhabitants of the empire in one religious act. This was no doubt on one level an attempt to win back the favour of the G.o.ds in a time of crisis, but on another to establish among the inhabitants of the empire some sense of a shared religious ident.i.ty.

7. Quoted in Williams, Diocletian, Diocletian, p. 198. p. 198.

8. Without antic.i.p.ating the argument, the following quotation from Rives, Religion and Authority, Religion and Authority, p. 251, is helpful. p. 251, is helpful.

The fact that the great persecution of the Tetrarchs and the conversion of Constantine took place within a decade of each other was no coincidence, but a reflection of the ambivalence of the imperial elite. For their part, the leaders of the Christian community were increasingly ambivalent in their own att.i.tudes towards the imperial government. To a large extent they viewed it as a source of oppression, but as their own concern with authority grew, they began to appreciate its exercise of a sort of authority that they lacked. As a result, Constantine discovered after his conversion that he shared many concerns with the leaders of the church.