Roosevelt, reacting as usual with electric speed to any new political stimulus, had already been to see Hanna twice. On 28 July, the same day the Chairman arrived in town to set up Republican National Headquarters, he visited him at the Waldorf. In the evening he had returned to dine privately with him and two members of the Executive Committee.7 A letter to Lodge, dated 30 July, shows how quickly and accurately he summed Hanna up: "He is a good-natured, well-meaning, coarse man, shrewd and hard-headed, but neither very farsighted nor very broad-minded, and as he has a resolute and imperious mind, he will have to be handled with some care." A letter to Lodge, dated 30 July, shows how quickly and accurately he summed Hanna up: "He is a good-natured, well-meaning, coarse man, shrewd and hard-headed, but neither very farsighted nor very broad-minded, and as he has a resolute and imperious mind, he will have to be handled with some care."8 Roosevelt does not seem to have told the Storers about these two previous meetings with Hanna. Possibly he wished them to follow an independent line with McKinley. At any rate he visited the Chairman again on Monday evening, 3 August, and fulfilled his part of the weekend bargain.9 Whether he did so quite as forcefully as he afterward implied to Mrs. Storer ("I spoke of Bellamy as Whether he did so quite as forcefully as he afterward implied to Mrs. Storer ("I spoke of Bellamy as the the man for the Cabinet, either for War or Navy, or else go to France") man for the Cabinet, either for War or Navy, or else go to France")10 is doubtful, since Hanna was tired, and in no mood to discuss anything other than ways and means of winning in November. Roosevelt "thought it wise not to pursue the matter further." is doubtful, since Hanna was tired, and in no mood to discuss anything other than ways and means of winning in November. Roosevelt "thought it wise not to pursue the matter further."11 Hanna's exhaustion was nervous as well as physical. After nearly two years of working with full-time devotion to secure the nomination of McKinley-at a personal cost of $100,000-he wanted nothing so much as to take a long cruise up the New England coast, and let other Republicans manage the fall campaign. But a certain phenomenon, occurring in Chicago on 10 July, had "changed everything," in his opinion. Alarming predictions of class war, communism, and even anarchy were coming in daily from the West: the political future suddenly seemed fraught with doom.12 Now was the time for all good men to come to the aid of the party, and Hanna bent his stout body to the task. Word went out from headquarters that he needed all the money and all the stump speakers he could get. Roosevelt, having little of the former, promptly volunteered to be one of the latter. Now was the time for all good men to come to the aid of the party, and Hanna bent his stout body to the task. Word went out from headquarters that he needed all the money and all the stump speakers he could get. Roosevelt, having little of the former, promptly volunteered to be one of the latter.13 The phenomenon in Chicago was that of William Jennings Bryan, an obscure thirty-six-year-old ex-Congressman from Nebraska, who by making one speech to the Democratic National Convention had created something akin to an emotional earthquake. Rising to speak on a currency resolution, Bryan had pleaded inspiringly for those rural poor to whom questions of high finance were of less importance than food and shelter. As a result, he was now the Democratic candidate for President, on a ticket so extremely radical as to cause large numbers of his party to bolt. Yet nobody, and certainly not Mark Hanna, discounted the threat he posed to William McKinley. For Bryan had that most potent of all political weapons: a sumptuous, sonorous voice, upon which he played like an open diapason. He also had a natural constituency-the farmers and field-hands of the South, Midwest, and West-not to mention those disadvantaged millions (Riis's "Other Half") who labored in farms and mines, or begged for work at factory doors, and lined up for soup in filthy municipal kitchens. Such people were ravished by his promises of dollars-more dollars for everybody, unlimited silver dollars which could be produced by the simple method of minting them freely and cheaply at a ratio of 16 to 1. The much more expensive gold dollars which McKinley proposed to keep in circulation were just too few to go around-or so Bryan seemed to be saying. His listeners might not quite grasp why one ratio was preferable to another, and phrases like "international agreement for bimetallism" meant little to cornhuskers who had never seen more than a few square miles of Iowa; but they thought they could understand his magnificently vague metaphors, particularly the one with which he had turned Chicago's Coliseum into a howling madhouse: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold!14 This was the phenomenon with which Mark Hanna had to deal in August 1896, and it is no wonder that he cut Roosevelt short on the subject of a Bellamy Storer. But he accepted his visitor's offer of campaign help (perhaps the Chairman, in the back of his mind, recalled that other Chicago Convention when he and McKinley had seen this same young man briefly, raspingly capture the attention of seven thousand delegates).15 Roosevelt liked Hanna.16 There was something engagingly piglike about the man, with his snouty nostrils, thick pink skin, and short, trotting steps. His very business was in pig iron, and he had a grunting disdain for fine food and polite conversation. When he laughed (which was often), he snorted, and his language reeked of the farmyard. Yet Hanna's very fleshiness, his love of reaching out and touching, was attractive to someone as physical as Roosevelt. Hanna had none of old Tom Platt's dry secretiveness: he was blunt, honest, friendly, and unassuming, shamelessly addicted to sweets, which he would suck all day in his large loose mouth. But for all his naturalness, the Chairman was obviously a man of calculating intelligence. "X-Rays," wrote one who met him at this time, "are not more penetrating than Hanna's glance." There was something engagingly piglike about the man, with his snouty nostrils, thick pink skin, and short, trotting steps. His very business was in pig iron, and he had a grunting disdain for fine food and polite conversation. When he laughed (which was often), he snorted, and his language reeked of the farmyard. Yet Hanna's very fleshiness, his love of reaching out and touching, was attractive to someone as physical as Roosevelt. Hanna had none of old Tom Platt's dry secretiveness: he was blunt, honest, friendly, and unassuming, shamelessly addicted to sweets, which he would suck all day in his large loose mouth. But for all his naturalness, the Chairman was obviously a man of calculating intelligence. "X-Rays," wrote one who met him at this time, "are not more penetrating than Hanna's glance."17 Surprisingly, for someone with so much power, the Chairman was not corrupt.18 He had no desire for Cabinet office; his ambition, as he reminded Roosevelt, was to elect McKinley. His love for that placid politician was as frank as it was naive: "He is the best man I ever knew!" Or: "McKinley is a saint." He had no desire for Cabinet office; his ambition, as he reminded Roosevelt, was to elect McKinley. His love for that placid politician was as frank as it was naive: "He is the best man I ever knew!" Or: "McKinley is a saint."19 As for the millions he had set out to raise, Hanna was too rich to want anything for himself. He treated campaign contributions much as he did iron ore in his Cleveland foundry-as raw material to be amassed in great quantities for the smelting of something solid. And indeed McKinley had an amusingly metallic quality, with his expressionless, perfectly cast features. As for the millions he had set out to raise, Hanna was too rich to want anything for himself. He treated campaign contributions much as he did iron ore in his Cleveland foundry-as raw material to be amassed in great quantities for the smelting of something solid. And indeed McKinley had an amusingly metallic quality, with his expressionless, perfectly cast features.20 Hanna had no doubt that in forging him he had created an ideal President, a man of steel to symbolize the new Industrial Age. The idea of William Jennings Bryan bringing back the Age of Agriculture was more than regressive: it was revolutionary. Hanna had no doubt that in forging him he had created an ideal President, a man of steel to symbolize the new Industrial Age. The idea of William Jennings Bryan bringing back the Age of Agriculture was more than regressive: it was revolutionary.

Roosevelt could not help but be affected by the Chairman's worried mood. Before their meeting on 3 August he had been confident of a Republican victory in November, but after it he wrote gloomily to Cecil Spring Rice, "If Bryan wins, we have before us some years of social misery, not markedly different from that of any South American republic...Bryan closely resembles Thomas Jefferson, whose accession to the Presidency was a terrible blow to this nation."21 With that characteristic thrust, he braced himself for the biggest administrative challenge of his career as Commissioner: Bryan's imminent arrival in Manhattan. The Democratic candidate had chosen Madison Square Garden-of all places-to open his campaign on 12 August, and Roosevelt, as president of the Board of Police, would be responsible for protecting his Jeffersonian person.

IT WOULD BE UNFAIR to accuse Roosevelt of deliberately allowing the Bryan meeting to degenerate into a noisy, embarrassing shambles. However, he was conspicuous by his absence from the Garden that night, and supervision of the crowd was left in the hands of a Republican inspector. The police proved remarkably adept at allowing gate-crashers in, and keeping ticket-holders out. to accuse Roosevelt of deliberately allowing the Bryan meeting to degenerate into a noisy, embarrassing shambles. However, he was conspicuous by his absence from the Garden that night, and supervision of the crowd was left in the hands of a Republican inspector. The police proved remarkably adept at allowing gate-crashers in, and keeping ticket-holders out.22 Next morning the Next morning the Sun Sun and and News News excoriated "Teddy's Recruits" for gross incompetence and inefficiency, and even excoriated "Teddy's Recruits" for gross incompetence and inefficiency, and even The Times The Times agreed that the job was "very bunglingly done." agreed that the job was "very bunglingly done."23 Bryan, however, was the real culprit of the evening. No degree of police efficiency could have altered the fact that he was a stupendous disappointment. For once his oratorical gifts deserted him. Intimidated by the size of his audience, he merely read a prepared text on silver, which dragged on for two hours, to a steady tramp of exiting feet and calls of "Good night, Billy!"24 "Bryan fell with a bang," Roosevelt crowed to Bamie. "He was so utter a failure that he dared not continue his eastern trip, and cancelled his Maine and Vermont engagements...I believe that the tide has begun to flow against him."25 When Bourke Cockran, another celebrated speaker, took over the Garden on 19 August to put the case of gold, Roosevelt was there to prevent any repetition of the previous week's fiasco. He personally supervised all security arrangements, and the evening went off smoothly. It was agreed next morning that the police had "retrieved their reputations."26

WITH SEVERAL WEEKS to spare before plunging into his agreed schedule of speaking engagements, Roosevelt decided to go West for his first hunting vacation in two years. But first he was determined to settle once and for all the vexed question of Brooks and McCullagh. Commissioner Parker was still boycotting promotion meetings, and using a variety of other tactics to perpetuate the deadlock. The Mayor's continued reluctance to announce a verdict on the trial charges (Strong hated confrontations, and feebly hoped that Parker had "learned his lesson") to spare before plunging into his agreed schedule of speaking engagements, Roosevelt decided to go West for his first hunting vacation in two years. But first he was determined to settle once and for all the vexed question of Brooks and McCullagh. Commissioner Parker was still boycotting promotion meetings, and using a variety of other tactics to perpetuate the deadlock. The Mayor's continued reluctance to announce a verdict on the trial charges (Strong hated confrontations, and feebly hoped that Parker had "learned his lesson")27 made it imperative that something be done. made it imperative that something be done.

On the morning after the Cockran meeting Parker happened to be at Police Headquarters, and Roosevelt promptly announced a special session of the Board "for the purpose of acting on the Inspectorship question." Hoping to force Parker into at least a statement of his still-secret objections to the two acting inspectors, Andrews called for a vote on their immediate promotion. He, Roosevelt, and Grant voted aye. Parker, instead of voting, began a monologue of ambiguous dissent, whereupon Roosevelt lost his temper. Andrews quit the meeting in disgust, and even Grant showed signs of vague irritation as the two rivals leaped to their feet and began shaking their fists at each other. Eventually Roosevelt, thinking he had made a point, pounded the table and roared, "Case closed!" Although it manifestly was not, he stormed out of the room. "My, how you frighten me!" Parker called after him, then leaned back in his chair, tilted his head to the ceiling, and laughed for a long time.28 The following morning Roosevelt left for North Dakota, clutching in his hand a "new small-bore, smokeless powder Winchester, a 30-166 with a half-jacketed bullet, the front or point of naked lead, the butt plated with hard metal."29

DURING THE NEXT THREE WEEKS he grew burly and tanned from sleeping all night in the open and riding all day across the prairie. The Winchester gave him "the greatest satisfaction," he wrote to Bamie. "Certainly it was as wicked-shooting a weapon as I ever handled, and knocked the bucks over with a sledge-hammer." he grew burly and tanned from sleeping all night in the open and riding all day across the prairie. The Winchester gave him "the greatest satisfaction," he wrote to Bamie. "Certainly it was as wicked-shooting a weapon as I ever handled, and knocked the bucks over with a sledge-hammer."30 With his belly full of antelope meat, and the oily perfume of sage in his nostrils, he rejoiced in rediscovering his other self, that almost-forgotten Doppelganger Doppelganger who haunted the plains while Commissioner Roosevelt patrolled the streets of Manhattan. For the thousandth time he pondered the dynamic interdependence of East and West. No force of nature surely, not even the anarchistic Bryan, with his talk of grass growing in the streets of cities, who haunted the plains while Commissioner Roosevelt patrolled the streets of Manhattan. For the thousandth time he pondered the dynamic interdependence of East and West. No force of nature surely, not even the anarchistic Bryan, with his talk of grass growing in the streets of cities,31 could sunder those two poles, nor for that matter bring them any closer together. American energy lay in their mutual repulsion and mutual attraction. The money men of the East would vote for McKinley, of course. Bryan had already seen he could make no headway there; it was here in the West that the battle between Gold and Silver, Capitalism and Populism, Industry and Agriculture must be fought out. could sunder those two poles, nor for that matter bring them any closer together. American energy lay in their mutual repulsion and mutual attraction. The money men of the East would vote for McKinley, of course. Bryan had already seen he could make no headway there; it was here in the West that the battle between Gold and Silver, Capitalism and Populism, Industry and Agriculture must be fought out.

From talking to his cowboys, and to friends he met in the depot in St. Paul, and to the staff of party headquarters in Chicago, Roosevelt returned to New York on 10 September convinced that "the drift is our way."32 He serenely articulated his thoughts to an He serenely articulated his thoughts to an Evening Post Evening Post reporter: "The battle is going to be decided in our favor because the hundreds and thousands of farmers, workingmen, and merchants all through the West have been making up their minds that the battle should be waged on moral issues...It is in the West that as a nation we shall ultimately work out our highest destiny." reporter: "The battle is going to be decided in our favor because the hundreds and thousands of farmers, workingmen, and merchants all through the West have been making up their minds that the battle should be waged on moral issues...It is in the West that as a nation we shall ultimately work out our highest destiny."33

BUT HIS SURGE OF CONFIDENCE did not last long. By mid-September the "battle" initiative was clearly with the Democrats. A campaign map of the United States showed the frightening smallness of McKinley's constituency (New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio) as opposed to the vast spread of states loyal to Bryan (the whole South plus Texas, and all of the mountain states). The Democratic candidate seemed to be everywhere, his big body tireless and his melodious voice unfailing. Republican planners, attempting to plot his every whistle-stop, stippled the Midwest with as many as twenty-four new dots a day; in some areas the concentration was so dense as to shade the paper gray. did not last long. By mid-September the "battle" initiative was clearly with the Democrats. A campaign map of the United States showed the frightening smallness of McKinley's constituency (New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio) as opposed to the vast spread of states loyal to Bryan (the whole South plus Texas, and all of the mountain states). The Democratic candidate seemed to be everywhere, his big body tireless and his melodious voice unfailing. Republican planners, attempting to plot his every whistle-stop, stippled the Midwest with as many as twenty-four new dots a day; in some areas the concentration was so dense as to shade the paper gray.34 Now the dots were beginning to creep ominously across the Mississippi, into the traditionally Republican plains states, every one of which had been reclassified as doubtful. Now the dots were beginning to creep ominously across the Mississippi, into the traditionally Republican plains states, every one of which had been reclassified as doubtful.35 Roosevelt, like Hanna, began to feel pangs of real dread. He was "appalled" at Bryan's ability "to inflame with bitter rancor towards the well-off those...who, whether through misfortune or through misconduct, have failed in life."36 Remarks like this suggest that Roosevelt, for all his public attacks upon "the predatory rich," for all his night-walks through the Lower East Side, was congenitally unable to understand the poor. People who lacked wealth, even through "misfortune," had "failed in life." Remarks like this suggest that Roosevelt, for all his public attacks upon "the predatory rich," for all his night-walks through the Lower East Side, was congenitally unable to understand the poor. People who lacked wealth, even through "misfortune," had "failed in life."37 Their votes, however, mattered, so he threw himself ardently into the campaign. Taking advantage of some space in Review of Reviews Review of Reviews, which he was supposed to fill with an article on the Vice-Presidency, Roosevelt assailed the Populists (Bryan's third-party backers on the extreme Left) to witty effect: Refinement and comfort they are apt to consider quite as objectionable as immorality. That a man should change his clothes in the evening, that he should dine at any other hour than noon, impress these good people as being symptoms of depravity instead of merely trivial. A taste for learning and cultivated friends, and a tendency to bathe frequently, cause them the deepest suspicion...Senator Tillman's brother has been frequently elected to Congress upon the issue that he wore neither an overcoat nor an undershirt.38 This, and a fiery New York speech criticizing the Democratic platform's bias in favor of unrestricted job action ("It is fitting that with the demand for free silver should go the demand for free riot!")39 so delighted Republican headquarters that he was sent to barnstorm upstate with Henry Cabot Lodge. In a five-day swing from Utica to Buffalo the two friends spoke to packed, respectful houses, and were encouraged by a general "intent desire to listen to full explanations of the questions at issue." so delighted Republican headquarters that he was sent to barnstorm upstate with Henry Cabot Lodge. In a five-day swing from Utica to Buffalo the two friends spoke to packed, respectful houses, and were encouraged by a general "intent desire to listen to full explanations of the questions at issue."40 Before returning to New York and Boston they paid a brief call on William McKinley at his home in Canton, Ohio. Here the Republican candidate was conducting a "front-porch" campaign eminently suited to his sedentary personality. Owing to the convenient ill-health of Mrs. McKinley, he had announced early on that he would eschew the stump. "It was arranged, consequently," writes a contemporary historian, "that inasmuch as McKinley could not go to the people, the people must come to McKinley."41 The rail-roads, having much to gain by his election, were glad to cooperate with cheap group excursion rates from all over the country. Every day except Sunday several trainloads of party faithful would arrive in Canton and march up North Market Street to the beat of brass bands. Passing under a giant plaster arch adorned with McKinley's portrait, they would break ranks outside his white frame house and crowd onto the front lawn. The candidate would then appear and listen benignly to a speech of salutation which he had himself edited in advance. In reply, McKinley would read a speech of welcome, then make himself available for handshakes on the porch steps. Occasionally he would invite some favored guests to stay for lunch or dinner. The rail-roads, having much to gain by his election, were glad to cooperate with cheap group excursion rates from all over the country. Every day except Sunday several trainloads of party faithful would arrive in Canton and march up North Market Street to the beat of brass bands. Passing under a giant plaster arch adorned with McKinley's portrait, they would break ranks outside his white frame house and crowd onto the front lawn. The candidate would then appear and listen benignly to a speech of salutation which he had himself edited in advance. In reply, McKinley would read a speech of welcome, then make himself available for handshakes on the porch steps. Occasionally he would invite some favored guests to stay for lunch or dinner.42 It is unlikely that Roosevelt and Lodge were granted this privilege. McKinley could hardly forget that they had supported Reed against him for the Speakership in 1890, and for the Presidential nomination earlier that year. "He was entirely pleasant with us," Roosevelt reported to Bamie, "though we are not among his favorites."43

ROOSEVELT SPENT the first full week of October on the hustings in New York City, expounding the merits of gold to all and sundry, and trying to persuade a rich uncle to lunch with Mark Hanna. He was amused by the old gentleman's horrified refusal; it was the traditional Knickerbocker disdain for "dirty" politicians. the first full week of October on the hustings in New York City, expounding the merits of gold to all and sundry, and trying to persuade a rich uncle to lunch with Mark Hanna. He was amused by the old gentleman's horrified refusal; it was the traditional Knickerbocker disdain for "dirty" politicians.44 Nouveau riche Nouveau riche millionaires like James J. Hill and John D. Rockefeller had no such scruples, and the Chairman made the most of their huge contributions. Some 120 million books, pamphlets, posters, and preset newspaper articles poured out of Republican headquarters into all the "doubtful" states, while fourteen hundred speakers, including such luminaries as ex-President Harrison, Speaker Reed, and Carl Schurz, made expense-paid trips into every corner of the country. Masterful, tireless, and increasingly optimistic as this "educational campaign" caught fire, Mark Hanna supervised every itinerary and checked every invoice. millionaires like James J. Hill and John D. Rockefeller had no such scruples, and the Chairman made the most of their huge contributions. Some 120 million books, pamphlets, posters, and preset newspaper articles poured out of Republican headquarters into all the "doubtful" states, while fourteen hundred speakers, including such luminaries as ex-President Harrison, Speaker Reed, and Carl Schurz, made expense-paid trips into every corner of the country. Masterful, tireless, and increasingly optimistic as this "educational campaign" caught fire, Mark Hanna supervised every itinerary and checked every invoice.45 One of the Chairman's tactical decisions was to cancel a plan to send Roosevelt into Maryland and West Virginia. Instead, he was put on Bryan's trail in Illinois, Michigan, and Minnesota during the second and third weeks of the month.46 Hanna obviously believed him to be an ideal foil to the Democratic candidate: an Easterner whom Westerners revered, an intellectual who could explain the complexities of the Gold Standard in terms a cowboy could understand. Hanna obviously believed him to be an ideal foil to the Democratic candidate: an Easterner whom Westerners revered, an intellectual who could explain the complexities of the Gold Standard in terms a cowboy could understand.

Roosevelt more than justified his faith. Oversimplifying brilliantly, as he sped from whistle-stop to whistle-stop, he spoke in parables and brandished an array of homely visual symbols, including gold and silver coins and odd-sized loaves of bread. ("See this big one. This is an eight-cent loaf when the cents count on a gold basis. Now look at this small one...on a silver basis it would sell for over nine cents...")47 En route he discovered that audiences enjoyed his natural gifts of vituperation as much, if not more, than financial argument, so day by day the pejoratives flowed more freely. He scored his biggest success on 15 October in the Chicago Coliseum, where three months before Bryan had made the famous "cross of gold" speech. An audience of thirteen thousand rejoiced as "Teddy"-the name was all but universal now-went about his familiar business of emasculating the opposition. En route he discovered that audiences enjoyed his natural gifts of vituperation as much, if not more, than financial argument, so day by day the pejoratives flowed more freely. He scored his biggest success on 15 October in the Chicago Coliseum, where three months before Bryan had made the famous "cross of gold" speech. An audience of thirteen thousand rejoiced as "Teddy"-the name was all but universal now-went about his familiar business of emasculating the opposition.

It is not merely schoolgirls that have hysterics; very vicious mob-leaders have them at times, and so do well-meaning demagogues when their minds are turned by the applause of men of little intelligence....48 Warming to this theme, he compared Bryan and various other prominent free silverites and Populists to "the leaders of the Terror of France in mental and moral attitude." But he added reassuringly that such men lacked the revolutionary power of Marat, Barere, and Robespierre. Bryan, who sought to benefit one class by stealing the wealth of another, wished to negate the Eighth Commandment, while Governor Altgeld of Illinois, having recently pardoned the Haymarket rioters ("those foulest of criminals, the men whose crimes take the form of assassination"), was clearly in violation of the Sixth. Aware that his audience contained a large proportion of college boys, he warned against the seductions of "the visionary social reformer...the being who reads Tolstoy, or, if he possesses less intellect, Bellamy and Henry George, who studies Karl Marx and Proudhon, and believes that at this stage of the world's progress it is possible to make everyone happy by an immense social revolution, just as other enthusiasts of a similar mental caliber believe in the possibility of constructing a perpetual-motion machine."49 As always, the harshness of Roosevelt's words was softened by his beaming fervor, the sophomoric relish with which he pronounced his insults. For two hours he talked on, juggling his coins and loaves, grinning, grimacing, breathing sincerity from every pore, while the son of Abraham Lincoln sat behind him applauding, and the great hall resounded with cheers.50 Next morning the Next morning the Chicago Tribune Chicago Tribune awarded him lead status on its front page, and printed his entire seven-thousand-word speech verbatim, running to almost seven full columns of type. "In many respects," the paper remarked, "it was the most remarkable political gathering of the campaign in this city." awarded him lead status on its front page, and printed his entire seven-thousand-word speech verbatim, running to almost seven full columns of type. "In many respects," the paper remarked, "it was the most remarkable political gathering of the campaign in this city."51 There were one or two column-inches of space left over after Roosevelt's peroration, and into this the editors inserted a filler, reporting an address, elsewhere in the city on the same evening, by an ex-Harvard professor, now head of the Department of Political Economy at the University of Chicago. One wonders with what feelings J. Laurence Laughlin read of the triumph of his former pupil, whom seventeen years before he had advised to go into politics.52

ON HIS WAY HOME across Michigan, Roosevelt traveled so closely behind the campaign train of William Jennings Bryan that he was able to gauge local reactions to him at first hand. across Michigan, Roosevelt traveled so closely behind the campaign train of William Jennings Bryan that he was able to gauge local reactions to him at first hand.53 In one town he actually caught up with Bryan, and stood incognito in the crowd listening to him speak. Although there was no denying the beauty of the voice, nor the power of the eagle eye and big, confident body, he sensed that the average voter was curious rather than impressed. Bryan, he remarked on returning to New York, represented only "that type of farmer whose gate hangs on one hinge, whose old hat supplies the place of a missing window-pane, and who is more likely to be found at the cross-roads grocery store than behind the plough." In one town he actually caught up with Bryan, and stood incognito in the crowd listening to him speak. Although there was no denying the beauty of the voice, nor the power of the eagle eye and big, confident body, he sensed that the average voter was curious rather than impressed. Bryan, he remarked on returning to New York, represented only "that type of farmer whose gate hangs on one hinge, whose old hat supplies the place of a missing window-pane, and who is more likely to be found at the cross-roads grocery store than behind the plough."54 Yet in spite of encouraging reports of a McKinley swing in the Midwest, "we cannot help feeling uneasy until the victory is actually won." Yet in spite of encouraging reports of a McKinley swing in the Midwest, "we cannot help feeling uneasy until the victory is actually won."55 The last ten days in October saw him hurrying from meeting to meeting in New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. In between times he geared the police force to ensure a rigorously honest election. Worn out and apprehensive as 3 November approached, he tried to convince himself that triumph was at hand, that he had done his part to avert "the greatest crisis in our national fate, save only the Civil War."56

WILLIAM M MCKINLEY was elected President by an overwhelming plurality of 600,000 votes. His electoral college majority was 95; the total amount of votes cast was nearly 14 million. "We have submitted the issue to the American people," telegraphed William Jennings Bryan, "and their will is law." was elected President by an overwhelming plurality of 600,000 votes. His electoral college majority was 95; the total amount of votes cast was nearly 14 million. "We have submitted the issue to the American people," telegraphed William Jennings Bryan, "and their will is law."57 The Democratic candidate could afford to be magnanimous, having racked up some impressive statistics of his own. He had traveled 18,000 miles, addressed an estimated 5 million people, and was rewarded with the biggest Democratic vote in history. The Democratic candidate could afford to be magnanimous, having racked up some impressive statistics of his own. He had traveled 18,000 miles, addressed an estimated 5 million people, and was rewarded with the biggest Democratic vote in history.58 When Henry Cabot Lodge wondered if Bryan's party would hesitate before nominating him again, Mark Hanna had a typically vulgar retort. "Does a dog hesitate for a marriage license?" When Henry Cabot Lodge wondered if Bryan's party would hesitate before nominating him again, Mark Hanna had a typically vulgar retort. "Does a dog hesitate for a marriage license?"59 Hanna was now unquestionably the second most powerful man in America,60 and Roosevelt, celebrating with him at a "Capuan" victory luncheon on 10 November, felt a sudden twinge of revulsion at the part money and marketing had played in the campaign. "He has advertised McKinley as if he were a patent medicine!" and Roosevelt, celebrating with him at a "Capuan" victory luncheon on 10 November, felt a sudden twinge of revulsion at the part money and marketing had played in the campaign. "He has advertised McKinley as if he were a patent medicine!"61 Looking around the room, he realized that at least half the guests were money men. The Chairman might be easy in their company, but he, Roosevelt, was not. "I felt as if I was personally realizing all of Brooks Adams's gloomy anticipations of our gold-ridden, capitalist-bestridden, usurer-mastered future." Looking around the room, he realized that at least half the guests were money men. The Chairman might be easy in their company, but he, Roosevelt, was not. "I felt as if I was personally realizing all of Brooks Adams's gloomy anticipations of our gold-ridden, capitalist-bestridden, usurer-mastered future."62 But such scruples faded as he basked in the general glow of Republican triumph. McKinley was hailed as "the advance agent of prosperity." Out of a magically cleared sky, the Gold Dollar shone down, promising fair economic weather for the last four years of the nineteenth century.

Roosevelt felt more hopeful than after any election since that of 1888. Then, as now, his party had swept all three Houses of the federal government, and piled up luxurious pluralities in state legislatures. Then, as now, he had campaigned hard for the Presidentelect, knowing that his efforts would be rewarded. And so he waited with joyful anticipation for news of his appointment as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. It would probably come soon: before November was out, Henry Cabot Lodge and the "dear Storers" traveled separately to Canton to negotiate it.63

LODGE GOT THERE FIRST, on 29 November, and lunched with McKinley the next day. He reported the conversation to Roosevelt with some delicacy: He spoke of you with great regard for your character and your services and he would like to have you in Washington. The only question he asked me was this, which I give you: "I hope he has no preconceived plans which he would wish to drive through the moment he got in." I replied that he need not give himself the slightest uneasiness on that score....64 Only Cabot Lodge, presumably, could make such an assurance with such a straight face. McKinley took it cordially enough, then changed the subject. Lodge felt cautiously optimistic at the end of the interview, "but after all I'm not one of his old supporters and the person to whom I look now, having shot my own bolt, is Storer."65 What the latter said to McKinley a day or two later is not of record. It could not have been much, for Storer was understandably more interested in an office for himself. However, his forceful wife, who seems to have already looked beyond the McKinley Administration to some future Roosevelt Administration, was as good as her word. Buttonholing the President-elect after dinner, she pleaded Roosevelt's cause.

McKinley studied her quizzically. "I want peace," he said, "and I am told that your friend Theodore-whom I know only slightly-is always getting into rows with everybody. I am afraid he is too pugnacious."

"Give him a chance," Mrs. Storer replied, "to prove that he can be peaceful."66 McKinley received this solicitation as smoothly as he had Lodge's.67 He had the politician's gift of sending people away imagining that their requests would be granted, and Mrs. Storer, too, sent an optimistic letter to New York. He had the politician's gift of sending people away imagining that their requests would be granted, and Mrs. Storer, too, sent an optimistic letter to New York.68 She suggested that Roosevelt now visit McKinley himself, to clinch the appointment. But desperately as he wanted it, pride would not let him: She suggested that Roosevelt now visit McKinley himself, to clinch the appointment. But desperately as he wanted it, pride would not let him: I don't wish to go to Canton unless McKinley sends for me. I don't think there is any need of it. He saw me when I went there during the campaign; and if he thinks I am hot-headed and harum-scarum, I don't think he will change his mind now...Moreover, I don't wish to appear as a supplicant, for I am not a supplicant. I feel I could do good work as Assistant Secretary, but if we had proper police laws I could do better work here and would not leave; and somewhere or other I'll find work to do.69 On 9 December a letter from McKinley arrived on his desk. But it contained nothing more than a polite acknowledgment of the recommendation he had written for Bellamy Storer.70

"INDEED, I DO NOT THINK DO NOT THINK the Assistant Secretaryship in the least below what I ought to have," he wrote fretfully to Lodge. the Assistant Secretaryship in the least below what I ought to have," he wrote fretfully to Lodge.71 His friend had perceived another obstacle in the way of his appointment, and suspected that it, rather than Roosevelt's belligerency, might be the real reason for McKinley's hesitation. This was the probable reelection, early in the New Year, of Thomas C. Platt to the United States Senate. If Platt won, he would take his old seat in the Capitol on the same day McKinley entered the White House; and since the Republican majority in the Senate hinged on that very seat, McKinley would not dare to offend the Easy Boss by appointing any New Yorker he disapproved of. Lodge had already asked Platt what he thought about Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary, and gotten a negative reaction. "He did not feel ready to say that he would support you, if you intended to go into the Navy Department and make war on him-or, as he put it, on the organization." His friend had perceived another obstacle in the way of his appointment, and suspected that it, rather than Roosevelt's belligerency, might be the real reason for McKinley's hesitation. This was the probable reelection, early in the New Year, of Thomas C. Platt to the United States Senate. If Platt won, he would take his old seat in the Capitol on the same day McKinley entered the White House; and since the Republican majority in the Senate hinged on that very seat, McKinley would not dare to offend the Easy Boss by appointing any New Yorker he disapproved of. Lodge had already asked Platt what he thought about Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary, and gotten a negative reaction. "He did not feel ready to say that he would support you, if you intended to go into the Navy Department and make war on him-or, as he put it, on the organization."72 It followed, therefore, that if Roosevelt would not ingratiate himself with McKinley, he must ingratiate himself with Platt. One way or another the unhappy Commissioner must eat humble pie. "I shall write Platt at once, to get an appointment to see him," he replied.73 The meeting was "exceedingly polite,"74 but inconclusive. Platt's nomination for the Senate would not come up for another month, so there was no question of a premature deal. The old man was also waiting cruelly to see if Roosevelt would give active support to the nomination. His only rival was Joseph H. Choate, but inconclusive. Platt's nomination for the Senate would not come up for another month, so there was no question of a premature deal. The old man was also waiting cruelly to see if Roosevelt would give active support to the nomination. His only rival was Joseph H. Choate,75 a distinguished liberal Republican who also happened to be Roosevelt's oldest political confidant. At Harvard young Theodore had sought Choate's counsel as a substitute father; Choate had been one of the eminent citizens who backed his first campaign for the Assembly, and had even offered to pay his expenses; after winning, Roosevelt had told Choate, "I feel that I owe both my nomination and my election more to you than to any other one man." a distinguished liberal Republican who also happened to be Roosevelt's oldest political confidant. At Harvard young Theodore had sought Choate's counsel as a substitute father; Choate had been one of the eminent citizens who backed his first campaign for the Assembly, and had even offered to pay his expenses; after winning, Roosevelt had told Choate, "I feel that I owe both my nomination and my election more to you than to any other one man."76 Platt did not have to wait long for enlightenment. A day or two later Choate's aides asked the Police Commissioner to speak for their candidate, and were flatly turned down. On 16 December 1896, when organization men gathered at No. 4 Fifth Avenue to endorse the Easy Boss, Roosevelt was prominently present, and seated at Platt's table.77

THE APPROACH OF THE festive season brought deep snow and zero temperatures, cooling the hot flush of politics. Roosevelt retired to Sagamore Hill to chop trees with his children (little Ted, at nine years old, was capable of bringing down a sixty-foot oak, and, though undersized, bore up "wonderfully" during ten-mile tramps). On Christmas Eve the family sleighed down "in patriarchal style" to Cove School, where Roosevelt played Santa Claus and distributed toys to the village children. festive season brought deep snow and zero temperatures, cooling the hot flush of politics. Roosevelt retired to Sagamore Hill to chop trees with his children (little Ted, at nine years old, was capable of bringing down a sixty-foot oak, and, though undersized, bore up "wonderfully" during ten-mile tramps). On Christmas Eve the family sleighed down "in patriarchal style" to Cove School, where Roosevelt played Santa Claus and distributed toys to the village children.78 He returned to Mulberry Street on 30 December for the year's final Board meeting, and found Commissioner Parker as tricky and obstructive as ever. After adjournment Roosevelt was moved to an admission of weary respect: "Parker, I feel to you as Tommy Atkins did toward Fuzzy-Wuzzy in Kipling's poem...'To fight 'im 'arf an hour will last me 'arf a year.' I'm going out of town tonight, but I suppose we'll have another row next Wednesday." Parker laughed. "I'll be glad to see you when you get back, Roosevelt."79

IN THE N NEW Y YEAR, Roosevelt's longing to be appointed Assistant Secretary was spurred by renewed press criticism of the deadlock at Police Headquarters. Most complaints were directed at Parker, but they also reflected unfavorably on the president of the Board. Editors of all political persuasions agreed that the quarreling between Commissioners was "a discredit" to the department, and "a detriment to public welfare." It was enough, remarked the Herald Herald, to make citizens nostalgic for the corrupt but superefficient force of yesteryear. "The simple fact is that this much-heralded 'Reform Board' has proved a public disappointment and a failure."80 The Society for the Prevention of Crime, which had strongly supported Roosevelt in the past, condemned the Commissioners for "lack of executive vigor" and "indignity of demeanor," while the Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, in a clear reference to Roosevelt's courtship of Boss Platt, scorned "those who consent, spaniel-like, to lick the hand of their master." The Society for the Prevention of Crime, which had strongly supported Roosevelt in the past, condemned the Commissioners for "lack of executive vigor" and "indignity of demeanor," while the Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, in a clear reference to Roosevelt's courtship of Boss Platt, scorned "those who consent, spaniel-like, to lick the hand of their master."81 Afraid that some of this publicity would reach the ears of the President-elect, Roosevelt announced on 8 January, "I shall hereafter refuse to take part in any wranglings or bickerings on this Board. They are not only unseemly, but detrimental to the discipline of the force."82 Commissioner Parker affably agreed to do the same, and a measure of peace returned to Mulberry Street. Commissioner Parker affably agreed to do the same, and a measure of peace returned to Mulberry Street.

Thomas Collier Platt was nominated for the Senate on 14 January 1897, by a Republican caucus vote of 147 to 7. His first reaction, on hearing the news, was to ask for a list of the seven Choate supporters and put it in his pocket. This suggests that Roosevelt had been prudent, if nothing else, in deserting Choate the month before.83 Platt was duly elected on 20 January, and immediately became a major, if inscrutable factor in Roosevelt's campaign for office. Platt was duly elected on 20 January, and immediately became a major, if inscrutable factor in Roosevelt's campaign for office.

The Police Commissioner, meanwhile, optimistically prepared himself for his future responsibilities, inviting Alfred Thayer Mahan back to Sagamore Hill, addressing the U.S. Naval Academy on 23 January, and working with concentrated speed on a revised version of his Naval War of 1812 Naval War of 1812.84 The manuscript had been commissioned by Sir William Laird Clowes, naval correspondent of the London The manuscript had been commissioned by Sir William Laird Clowes, naval correspondent of the London Times Times and editor of the official history of the British Navy, then in preparation. and editor of the official history of the British Navy, then in preparation.85 Roosevelt inserted "a pretty strong plea for a powerful navy" into his text. Roosevelt inserted "a pretty strong plea for a powerful navy" into his text.86 February came and went, with no encouraging news-McKinley was preoccupied with Cabinet appointments and pre-Inaugural arrangements, and Platt remained silent-but Roosevelt continued to hope. "I shall probably take it," he told Bamie, "because I am intensely interested in our navy, and know a good deal about it, and it would mean four years work." He did not see himself surviving a year in his present job, even if obliged to remain.87 His truce with "cunning, unscrupulous, shifty"88 Parker lasted less than five weeks, and by the end of February he was complaining of "almost intolerable difficulty" at Mulberry Street. Parker lasted less than five weeks, and by the end of February he was complaining of "almost intolerable difficulty" at Mulberry Street.89 Commissioner Grant was now firmly allied with Parker, and Roosevelt paused, in a moment of bitter humor, to wonder how so great a general could have produced so lumpish a son. "Grant is one of the most interesting studies that I know of, from the point of view of atavism. I am sure his brain must reproduce that of some long-lost arboreal ancestor." Commissioner Grant was now firmly allied with Parker, and Roosevelt paused, in a moment of bitter humor, to wonder how so great a general could have produced so lumpish a son. "Grant is one of the most interesting studies that I know of, from the point of view of atavism. I am sure his brain must reproduce that of some long-lost arboreal ancestor."90 By 4 March, when William McKinley was inaugurated, the situation at Police Headquarters had become an open scandal. Newspapers that day carried reports of an almost total breakdown of discipline in the force, new outbreaks of corruption, tearful threats of resignation by Chief Conlin, and rabid partisan squabbles between Democratic and Republican officers-echoing those among the four Commissioners, who seemed scarcely able to stand the sight of one another anymore.91 "I am very sorry that I ever appointed Andrew D. Parker," Mayor Strong commented sadly. "I am just as sorry that it is beyond my power to remove him from office."92 A reporter pointed out that he had, nevertheless, the power to find Parker guilty of the charges leveled against him last summer. Strong hesitated for two weeks, then at last, on 17 March, dismissed Parker for proven neglect of duty. A reporter pointed out that he had, nevertheless, the power to find Parker guilty of the charges leveled against him last summer. Strong hesitated for two weeks, then at last, on 17 March, dismissed Parker for proven neglect of duty.93 But the sentence was subject to gubernatorial approval; so in the meantime Parker smilingly stayed on. But the sentence was subject to gubernatorial approval; so in the meantime Parker smilingly stayed on.

DURING THE REST OF M MARCH, and on through the first five days of April, a cast of some twenty-five characters lobbied, fought, bartered, bullied, and pleaded for and against Roosevelt's appointment as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Lodge acted as coordinator of the pro-Roosevelt group, whose ranks included John Hay, Speaker Reed, Secretary of the Interior Cornelius Bliss, Judge William Howard Taft of Ohio, and even Vice-President Hobart. Mrs. Storer haughtily withdrew when McKinley, who disliked being beholden to anybody, gave her husband the second-rate ambassadorship to Belgium. Mark Hanna was reported favorable to Roosevelt's nomination immediately after the Inauguration, but was so plagued by other rivals for McKinley's favor that Lodge hesitated to approach him.94 The Chairman had been seen slinging a pebble at a skunk in a Georgetown garden and growling, "By God, he looks like an office-seeker!" The Chairman had been seen slinging a pebble at a skunk in a Georgetown garden and growling, "By God, he looks like an office-seeker!"95 Lodge was at a loss to explain the delay in appointing his deserving young friend. "The only, absolutely the only thing I can hear adverse," he wrote, "is that there is a fear that you will want to fight somebody at once."96 This, indeed, was the essence of the problem. In all the welter of contradictory reports, rumors, and ambiguous memoirs surrounding the Navy Department negotiations, one rock constantly breaks the surface: McKinley's belief that once Roosevelt came to Washington he would seek to involve the United States in war. The President wanted nothing so much as four years of peace and stability, so that the corporate interests he represented could continue their growth. He was by nature a small-town son of the Middle West, who shied away from large schemes and foreign entanglements. (The French Ambassador in Washington found him defensively aware of his own provincialism, "ignorant of the wide world.")97 But as a Civil War veteran, he had a genuine horror of bloodshed. On the eve of his Inauguration he had told Grover Cleveland that if he could avert the "terrible calamity" of war while in office, he would be "the happiest man in the world." Mark Hanna felt the same. "The United States must not have any damn trouble with anybody." But as a Civil War veteran, he had a genuine horror of bloodshed. On the eve of his Inauguration he had told Grover Cleveland that if he could avert the "terrible calamity" of war while in office, he would be "the happiest man in the world." Mark Hanna felt the same. "The United States must not have any damn trouble with anybody."98 Roosevelt's response was to send sweet assurances via Lodge to the Secretary of the Navy, that if appointed, he would faithfully execute Administration policies. What was more, "I shall stay in Washington, hot weather or any other weather, whenever he wants me to stay there..."99 No message could have been more shrewdly calculated to appeal to the Secretary, especially the heavy hint about looking after the department in summer. John D. Long, whom Roosevelt knew well from Civil Service Commission days, was a comfortable old Yankee, mildly hypochondriac, who liked nothing so much as to potter around his country home in Hingham Harbor, Massachusetts, and write little books of poetry with titles like No message could have been more shrewdly calculated to appeal to the Secretary, especially the heavy hint about looking after the department in summer. John D. Long, whom Roosevelt knew well from Civil Service Commission days, was a comfortable old Yankee, mildly hypochondriac, who liked nothing so much as to potter around his country home in Hingham Harbor, Massachusetts, and write little books of poetry with titles like At the Fireside At the Fireside and and Bites of a Cherry. Bites of a Cherry.100 Long had been reported nervous about Roosevelt's appointment. "If he becomes Assistant Secretary of the Navy he will dominate the Department within six months!" But now he told Lodge that he would be happy to have the young man aboard, and the pressure on McKinley redoubled. Long had been reported nervous about Roosevelt's appointment. "If he becomes Assistant Secretary of the Navy he will dominate the Department within six months!" But now he told Lodge that he would be happy to have the young man aboard, and the pressure on McKinley redoubled.101 Senator Platt capitulated in early April, when he was persuaded by his lieutenants that Roosevelt in Washington would be much less of a nuisance to the organization than Roosevelt in New York. The Easy Boss grudgingly told McKinley to go ahead with the appointment, as long as nobody thought that he he had suggested it. "He hates Roosevelt like poison," remarked a Presidential aide. had suggested it. "He hates Roosevelt like poison," remarked a Presidential aide.102 And so, on 6 April 1897, Theodore Roosevelt was nominated as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, at a salary of $4,500 a year. Moved almost to tears by the loyalty of his friends, he telegraphed congratulations: HON. H. C. LODGE, 1765 MASS AVE., WASHINGTON D.C.SINDBAD HAS EVIDENTLY LANDED THE OLD MAN OF THE SEA.

Two days later the Senate confirmed the appointment. Senator Platt was a noticeable absentee from the floor when the vote was called.103

ANDREW D. P D. PARKER was greatly amused when news of Roosevelt's imminent departure circulated through Headquarters. "What a glorious retreat!" he exclaimed, and laughed for a long time. was greatly amused when news of Roosevelt's imminent departure circulated through Headquarters. "What a glorious retreat!" he exclaimed, and laughed for a long time.104 Contemptuous to the last, he stayed away from Roosevelt's last Board meeting on Saturday, 17 April. So, too, did Grant, leaving only Avery Andrews to stare across the big table and express polite regrets on behalf of the Police Department. Since there was no quorum, a resolution thanking Roosevelt for his services could not be entered into the minutes. They waited until noon, and then, as Headquarters began to close down for the half-holiday, Roosevelt declared the meeting adjourned. "I am sorry," he said wistfully. "There were matters of importance which I wished to bring up." He shook a few hands, then went into his office to pack up his papers. Contemptuous to the last, he stayed away from Roosevelt's last Board meeting on Saturday, 17 April. So, too, did Grant, leaving only Avery Andrews to stare across the big table and express polite regrets on behalf of the Police Department. Since there was no quorum, a resolution thanking Roosevelt for his services could not be entered into the minutes. They waited until noon, and then, as Headquarters began to close down for the half-holiday, Roosevelt declared the meeting adjourned. "I am sorry," he said wistfully. "There were matters of importance which I wished to bring up." He shook a few hands, then went into his office to pack up his papers.105 Chief Conlin did not come in to say good-bye. Later, when Roosevelt walked down the main corridor for the last time, a guard on duty outside Conlin's office threw the door open for him. "No," said Roosevelt, with a gesture of disgust, "I am not going in there." The guard hesitated. "Well, good-bye, Mr. President." "Good-bye," Roosevelt responded, taking his hand. Then, apparently as an afterthought: "I shall be sorry for you when I am gone." Chief Conlin did not come in to say good-bye. Later, when Roosevelt walked down the main corridor for the last time, a guard on duty outside Conlin's office threw the door open for him. "No," said Roosevelt, with a gesture of disgust, "I am not going in there." The guard hesitated. "Well, good-bye, Mr. President." "Good-bye," Roosevelt responded, taking his hand. Then, apparently as an afterthought: "I shall be sorry for you when I am gone."106

ALTHOUGH THE W WORLD CLAIMED CLAIMED, with possible truth, that New Yorkers were pleased to see Roosevelt go,107 few could deny that his record as Commissioner was impressive. "The service he has rendered to the city is second to that of none," commented few could deny that his record as Commissioner was impressive. "The service he has rendered to the city is second to that of none," commented The New York Times The New York Times, "and considering the conditions surrounding it, it is in our judgment unequaled."108 He had proved that it was possible to enforce an unpopular law, and, by enforcing it, had taught the doctrine of respect for the law. He had given New York City its first honest election in living memory. In less than two years, Roosevelt had depoliticized and deethnicized the force, making it once more a neutral arm of government. He had broken its connections with the underworld, toughened the police-trial system, and largely eliminated corruption in the ranks. The attrition rate of venal officers had tripled during his presidency of the Board, while the hiring of new recruits had quadrupled-in spite of Roosevelt's decisions to raise physical admission standards above those of the U.S. Army, lower the maximum-age requirement, and apply the rules of Civil Service Reform to written examinations. As a result, the average New York patrolman was now bigger, younger, and smarter. He had proved that it was possible to enforce an unpopular law, and, by enforcing it, had taught the doctrine of respect for the law. He had given New York City its first honest election in living memory. In less than two years, Roosevelt had depoliticized and deethnicized the force, making it once more a neutral arm of government. He had broken its connections with the underworld, toughened the police-trial system, and largely eliminated corruption in the ranks. The attrition rate of venal officers had tripled during his presidency of the Board, while the hiring of new recruits had quadrupled-in spite of Roosevelt's decisions to raise physical admission standards above those of the U.S. Army, lower the maximum-age requirement, and apply the rules of Civil Service Reform to written examinations. As a result, the average New York patrolman was now bigger, younger, and smarter.109 He was also much more honest, since badges were no longer for sale, and more soldierlike (the military ideal having been a particular feature of the departing commissioner's philosophy). Between May 1895 and April 1897, Roosevelt had added sixteen hundred such men to the force. He was also much more honest, since badges were no longer for sale, and more soldierlike (the military ideal having been a particular feature of the departing commissioner's philosophy). Between May 1895 and April 1897, Roosevelt had added sixteen hundred such men to the force.110 Those officers he managed to promote before the deadlock began in March 1896 were, with one or two exceptions, men of good quality. They had brought about such an improvement in discipline that even when morale sank to its low ebb a year later, the force was still operating with a fair degree of efficiency. Crime and vice rates were down; order was being kept throughout the city; and police courtesy-a particular obsession of Roosevelt's-had noticeably improved. During the reform Board's administration, he had personally brought about the closure of a hundred of the worst tenement slums seen on his famous night patrols. Patrol-wagon response was quicker; many new station-houses had been built, and other ones modernized; marksmanship scores (thanks to the adoption of the standardized .32 .32 Colt) were climbing; and the "bicycle squad," first of its kind in the world, was being imitated all over the United States and in Europe. Colt) were climbing; and the "bicycle squad," first of its kind in the world, was being imitated all over the United States and in Europe.111 Unfortunately Roosevelt's genius for moral warfare obscured his more practical achievements as Commissioner, both during his tenure and for some time after he left Mulberry Street. An inescapable aura of defeat clouded his resignation.112 He was the first among his colleagues to quit, having served less than one-third of a six-year term. No matter what he said about "an honorable way out of this beastly job," He was the first among his colleagues to quit, having served less than one-third of a six-year term. No matter what he said about "an honorable way out of this beastly job,"113 the fact remained that he was leaving a position of supreme responsibility for a subservient one. Perhaps that is why Commissioner Parker found his retreat so funny. the fact remained that he was leaving a position of supreme responsibility for a subservient one. Perhaps that is why Commissioner Parker found his retreat so funny.

Others found it sad-particularly the stoop-sitters of No. 303, who missed him more and more as life on Mulberry Street returned slowly to normal. The next president of the Police Board, Frank Moss, was an ardent reformer who insisted on continuing Roosevelt's policies, but his teeth inspired no metaphors, and his ascent of the front steps of Police Headquarters lacked spectator interest. Board meetings were held twice weekly as usual, but with no "boss leader of men" to blow up at Parker's taunts they were anticlimactic. As the Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly man remarked, the Roosevelt Commissionership "was never in the least dull." It had been "one long elegant shindy" from the day he took office to the day he resigned. man remarked, the Roosevelt Commissionership "was never in the least dull." It had been "one long elegant shindy" from the day he took office to the day he resigned.114 Ironically, Parker's power began to wane in the months following Roosevelt's departure.115 His partnership with Frederick D. Grant broke up in June, when the latter resigned in order to rejoin the Army, and was replaced by a Commissioner who naturally sided with Moss and Andrews. On 12 July, Governor Frank S. Black denied Mayor Strong's attempt to oust Parker, saying that the evidence against him was patently "trivial." His partnership with Frederick D. Grant broke up in June, when the latter resigned in order to rejoin the Army, and was replaced by a Commissioner who naturally sided with Moss and Andrews. On 12 July, Governor Frank S. Black denied Mayor Strong's attempt to oust Parker, saying that the evidence against him was patently "trivial."116 But this proved a Pyrrhic victory, for the resignation of Chief Conlin on 24 July left Parker without an ally at Headquarters. He was unable to prevent the promotion-at last-of Roosevelt's proteges, Brooks and McCullagh, along with a large number of other worthy officers whose rise had been blocked beneath them. Inspector McCullagh subsequently became Chief, to Roosevelt's great delight. But this proved a Pyrrhic victory, for the resignation of Chief Conlin on 24 July left Parker without an ally at Headquarters. He was unable to prevent the promotion-at last-of Roosevelt's proteges, Brooks and McCullagh, along with a large number of other worthy officers whose rise had been blocked beneath them. Inspector McCullagh subsequently became Chief, to Roosevelt's great delight.117 Mayor Strong did not run for reelection in November. As Boss Richard Croker had predicted, the people grew weary of reform, and voted for a return of the old Democracy. By the end of the year it was business as usual at Tammany Hall. Mayor Strong did not run for reelection in November. As Boss Richard Croker had predicted, the people grew weary of reform, and voted for a return of the old Democracy. By the end of the year it was business as usual at Tammany Hall.118

WHAT HAPPENED TO Andrew D. Parker in the years that followed is not known. He vanishes from history as he entered it, a handsome, smiling enigma. The stoop-sitters were never able to agree as to the reason for his poisonous hostility to Theodore Roosevelt. Riis suggested pure "spite," Steffens the more abstract pleasure of a man who "liked to sit back and pull wires, just to see the puppets jump." Andrew D. Parker in the years that followed is not known. He vanishes from history as he entered it, a handsome, smiling enigma. The stoop-sitters were never able to agree as to the reason for his poisonous hostility to Theodore Roosevelt. Riis suggested pure "spite," Steffens the more abstract pleasure of a man who "liked to sit back and pull wires, just to see the puppets jump."119 Other theories were advanced, of greater and less complexity, but never, it seems, the most fundamental of all: that Parker simply hated Roosevelt and wished to do him ill. Those who loved Roosevelt were so many, and so ardent, that they found it hard to believe that a certain minority always detested him. Parker was of this ilk. He was also, as it happened, the only associate whom Roosevelt never managed to bend to his own will, and, significantly, the only adversary from whom that happy warrior ever ran away. Other theories were advanced, of greater and less complexity, but never, it seems, the most fundamental of all: that Parker simply hated Roosevelt and wished to do him ill. Those who loved Roosevelt were so many, and so ardent, that they found it hard to believe that a certain minority always detested him. Parker was of this ilk. He was also, as it happened, the only associate whom Roosevelt never managed to bend to his own will, and, significantly, the only adversary from whom that happy warrior ever ran away.

CHAPTER 22.

The Hot Weather Secretary With his own hand fearlessSteered he the Long Serpent,Strained the creaking cordage,Bent each boom and gaff.

THEODORE R ROOSEVELT'S WELLSPRINGS of nostalgia for boyhood and youth tended always to surge and spill in moments of self-fulfillment. So, as he prepared to take office as Assistant Secretary of the Navy on 19 April 1897, memories flooded back of his revered uncle James Bulloch, builder of the Confederate warship of nostalgia for boyhood and youth tended always to surge and spill in moments of self-fulfillment. So, as he prepared to take office as Assistant Secretary of the Navy on 19 April 1897, memories flooded back of his revered uncle James Bulloch, builder of the Confederate warship Alabama Alabama, and of his mother, who used "to talk to me as a little shaver about ships, ships, ships, and fighting of ships, till they sank into the depths of my soul." Allowing the stream of consciousness to flow unchecked, he recalled how as a Harvard senior he had dreamed of writing The Naval War of 1812: The Naval War of 1812: "when the professor thought I ought to be on mathematics and the languages, my mind was running to ships that were fighting each other." "when the professor thought I ought to be on mathematics and the languages, my mind was running to ships that were fighting each other."1 The past was still much in his thoughts when he searched for a suitable desk in the Navy Department's storage room. He selected the massive piece of mahogany used by Assistant Secretary Gustavus Fox, another juvenile hero, during the Civil War. Especially pleasing, to Roosevelt's eye, were two beautifully carved monitors which bulged out of each side-panel, trailing rudders and anchors, and a group of wooden cannons protecting the wooden Stars and Stripes, about where his belly would be when he leaned forward to write.2 The desk was dusted and polished and carried up to his freshly painted office. When Roosevelt sat down behind it, he could swivel in his chair and gaze through the window at the White House lawns and gardens-a view equally as good as that enjoyed by the Secretary of the Navy himself. The desk was dusted and polished and carried up to his freshly painted office. When Roosevelt sat down behind it, he could swivel in his chair and gaze through the window at the White House lawns and gardens-a view equally as good as that enjoyed by the Secretary of the Navy himself.3

"No triumph of peace is quite so great as the supreme triumphs of war."

Assistant Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt at the Naval War College, 2 June 1897. (Illustration 22.1)

"BEST MAN FOR THE JOB," John D. Long wrote in his diary after his first formal meeting with Roosevelt. Whatever misgivings he may have had about him earlier soon changed to avuncular fondness. The young New Yorker was polite, charming, and seemed to be sincere in promising to be "entirely loyal and subordinate." John D. Long wrote in his diary after his first formal meeting with Roosevelt. Whatever misgivings he may have had about him earlier soon changed to avuncular fondness. The young New Yorker was polite, charming, and seemed to be sincere in promising to be "entirely loyal and subordinate."4 Long concluded that Roosevelt would be an ideal working partner, amply compensating for his own lack of naval expertise, yet unlikely, on the grounds of immaturity, to usurp full authority. Long concluded that Roosevelt would be an ideal working partner, amply compensating for his own lack of naval expertise, yet unlikely, on the grounds of immaturity, to usurp full authority.

Certainly the Secretary was everything the Assistant Secretary was not. Small, soft, plump, and white-haired, Long looked and acted like a Dickensian grandfather, although he was in fact only fifty-eight.5 Nobody would want to hurt, or bewilder, such a "perfect dear"-to use Roosevelt's own affectionate phrase. Nobody would want to hurt, or bewilder, such a "perfect dear"-to use Roosevelt's own affectionate phrase.6 The mild eyes beamed with kindness rather than intelligence, and they clouded quickly with boredom when naval conversation became too technical. Abstruse ordnance specifications and blueprints for dry-dock construction were best left to specialists, in Long's opinion; he saw no reason to tax his brain unnecessarily. The mild eyes beamed with kindness rather than intelligence, and they clouded quickly with boredom when naval conversation became too technical. Abstruse ordnance specifications and blueprints for dry-dock construction were best left to specialists, in Long's opinion; he saw no reason to tax his brain unnecessarily.7 Fortunately Roosevelt had a gargantuan appetite for such data, and could safely be entrusted with them. Long was by nature indolent: his gestures were few and tranquil, and there was a slowness in his gait which regular visits to the corn doctor did little to improve. From time to time he would indulge in bursts of hard, efficient work, but always felt the need to "rest up" afterward. On the whole he was content to watch the Department function according to the principles of laissez-faire. Fortunately Roosevelt had a gargantuan appetite for such data, and could safely be entrusted with them. Long was by nature indolent: his gestures were few and tranquil, and there was a slowness in his gait which regular visits to the corn doctor did little to improve. From time to time he would indulge in bursts of hard, efficient work, but always felt the need to "rest up" afterward. On the whole he was content to watch the Department function according to the principles of laissez-faire.8 Roosevelt had no objection to this policy. The less work Long wanted to do, the more power he could arrogate to himself. His own job was so loosely defined by Congress that it could expand to embrace any duties "as may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Navy." All he had to do was win Long's confidence, while unobtrusively relieving him of more and more responsibility. By summer, with luck, he would be so much in control that Long might amble off to Massachusetts for a full two months, leaving him to push through his own private plans as Acting Secretary. But no matter how calculating this strategy, there was nothing insincere about Roosevelt's frequently voiced praises of John D. Long. "My chief...is one of the most high-minded, honorable, and upright gentlemen I have ever had the good fortune to serve under."9 The American press was largely optimistic about Long and Roosevelt as a team. "Nearly everybody in Washington is glad that Theodore Roosevelt [has come] back to the capital," reported the Chicago Times-Herald Chicago Times-Herald correspondent. "He is by long odds one of the most interesting of the younger men seen here in recent years." The correspondent. "He is by long odds one of the most interesting of the younger men seen here in recent years." The Washington Post Washington Post looked forward to lots of hot copy, now the famous headliner was back in town. "Of course he will bring with him...all that machinery of disturbance and upheaval which is as much a part of his entourage as the very air he breathes, but who knows that the [Navy Department] will not be the better for a little dislocation and readjustment?" looked forward to lots of hot copy, now the famous headliner was back in town. "Of course he will bring with him...all that machinery of disturbance and upheaval which is as much a part of his entourage as the very air he breathes, but who knows that the [Navy Department] will not be the better for a little dislocation and readjustment?"10 Overseas newspapers, such as the London Times Times, took rather less pleasure in the "menacing" prospect of Roosevelt influencing America's naval policy. With Cuba and Hawaii ripe for conquest and annexation, "what now seems ominous is his extreme jingoism."11 Roosevelt knew that President McKinley and Chairman (now Senator) Hanna shared this nervousness, and he was at pains to reassure them, as well as Long, that he intended to be a quiet, obedient servant of the Administration. "I am sedate now," he laughingly told a Tribune Tribune reporter. All the same he could not resist inserting four separate warnings of possible "trouble with Cuba" into a memorandum on fleet preparedness requested by President McKinley on 26 April. The document, which was written and delivered that same day, could not otherwise be faulted for its effortless sorting out of disparate facts of marine dynamics, repair and maintenance schedules, geography and current affairs. Roosevelt had been at his desk for just one week. reporter. All the same he could not resist inserting four separate warnings of possible "trouble with Cuba" into a memorandum on fleet preparedness requested by President McKinley on 26 April. The document, which was written and delivered that same day, could not otherwise be faulted for its effortless sorting out of disparate facts of marine dynamics, repair and maintenance schedules, geography and current affairs. Roosevelt had been at his desk for just one week.12 "He is one hell of a Secretary," Congressman W. I. Guffin remarked to Senator Shelby Cullom, unconsciously dropping the qualifier in Roosevelt's title.13

SEDATE AS HIS OFFICIAL image may have been in the early spring of 1897, his private activities more than justified foreign dread of his appointment. Quickly, efficiently, and unobtrusively, he established himself as the Administration's most ardent expansionist. A new spirit of intrigue affected his behavior, quite at odds with his usual policy of operating "in the full glare of public opinion." Never more than a casual clubman, he began to lunch and dine almost daily at the Metropolitan Club, assembling within its exclusive confines a coterie much more influential than the old Hay-Adams circle, now broken up. image may have been in the early spring of 1897, his private activities more than justified foreign dread of his appointment. Quickly, efficiently, and unobtrusively, he established himself as the Administration's most ardent expansionist. A new spirit of intrigue affected his behavior, quite at odds with his usual policy of operating "in the full glare of public opinion." Never more than a casual clubman, he began to lunch and dine almost daily at the Metropolitan Club, assembling within its exclusive confines a coterie much more influential than the old Hay-Adams circle, now broken up.14 It consisted of Senators and Representatives, Navy and Army officers, writers, socialites, lawyers, and scientists-men linked as much by Roosevelt's motley personality as by their common political belief, namely, that Manifest Destiny called for the United States to free Cuba, annex Hawaii, and raise the American flag supreme over the Western Hemisphere. It consisted of Senators and Representatives, Navy and Army officers, writers, socialites, lawyers, and scientists-men linked as much by Roosevelt's motley personality as by their common political belief, namely, that Manifest Destiny called for the United States to free Cuba, annex Hawaii, and raise the American flag supreme over the Western Hemisphere.

This expansionist lobby was not entirely Roosevelt's creation. Its original members had begun to work together in the last months of the Harrison Administration, as America's last frontier fell and Hawaii simultaneously floated into the national consciousness. But their organization had remained loose, and their foreign policy uncoordinated, all through the Cleveland Administration, partly due to the President's own ambivalent attitudes to Hawaii on the one hand and Venezuela on the other. Not until William McKinley took office, amid reports of Japanese ambitions in the Pacific and increased Spanish repression in the Caribbean, did the expansionists begin to close ranks, and cast about for a natural leader.15 Whether they chose to follow Roosevelt, or Roosevelt chose to lead them, is a Tolstoyan question of no great consequence given the group's unanimity of purpose. Examples of how he used Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan and Commodore George Dewey to advance his own interest, while also advancing their own, merit separate consideration. Other members of the lobby included Senators Henry Cabot Lodge, William E. Chandler, W. P. Frye, and "Don" Cameron, all powers on the Hill; Commander Charles H. Davis, Chief of Naval Intelligence; the philosopher Brooks Adams, shyer, more intense, and to some minds more brilliant than his older brother, Henry; Clarence King, whose desire to liberate Cuba was not lessened by his lust for mulatto women; and jolly Judge William H. Taft of the Sixth Circuit, the most popular man in town. Charles A. Dana, editor of the Sun Sun, and John Hay, now Ambassador to the Court of St. James, represented the Roosevelt point of view in New York and London.16 Many other men of more or less consequence cooperated with these in the effort to make America a world power before the turn of the century, and they looked increasingly to Theodore Roosevelt for inspiration as 1897 wore on. Many other men of more or less consequence cooperated with these in the effort to make America a world power before the turn of the century, and they looked increasingly to Theodore Roosevelt for inspiration as 1897 wore on.17

THE A ASSISTANT S SECRETARY of the Navy worked quietly and unobtrusively for over seven weeks before making his first public address, at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island, on 2 June. of the Navy worked quietly and unobtrusively for over seven weeks before making his first public address, at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island, on 2 June.18 It turned out to be the first great speech of his career, a fanfare call to arms which echoed all the more resoundingly for the pause that had preceded it. He chose as his theme a maxim by George Washington: "To be prepared for war is the most effectual means to promote peace." This, to Roosevelt's mind, could signify only one thing in 1897: an immediate, rapid buildup of the American Navy. It turned out to be the first great speech of his career, a fanfare call to arms which echoed all the more resoundingly for the pause that had preceded it. He chose as his theme a maxim by George Washington: "To be prepared for war is the most effectual means to promote peace." This, to Roosevelt's mind, could signify only one thing in 1897: an immediate, rapid buildup of the American Navy.

He dismissed the suggestion that such a program would tempt the United States into unnecessary war. On the contrary, it would promote peace, by keeping foreign navies out of the Western Hemisphere. Should any power be so foolhardy as to attempt invasion, why, that would mean necessary necessary war, which was a fine and healthy thing. "All the great masterful races have been fighting races; and the minute that a race loses the hard fighting virtues, then...it has lost its proud right to stand as the equal of the best." Roosevelt did not have to remind his listeners that the Japanese, fresh from last year's victory over the Chinese, were in full possession of those virtues, and were even now patrolling Hawaiian waters with an armored cruiser. war, which was a fine and healthy thing. "All the great masterful races have been fighting races; and the minute that a race loses the hard fighting virtues, then...it has lost its proud right to stand as the equal of the best." Roosevelt did not have to remind his listeners that the Japanese, fresh from last year's victory over the Chinese, were in full possession of those virtues, and were even now patrolling Hawaiian waters with an armored cruiser.19 "Cowardice in a race, as in an individual," he declared, "is the unpardonable sin." During the last two years alone, various "timid" European rulers had ignored the massacre of millions of Armenians by the Turks in order to preserve "peace" in their own lands. Again, Roosevelt did not have to mention Cuba, where Spain's infamous Governor-General Weyler was currently slaughtering the "Cowardice in a race, as in an individual," he declared, "is the unpardonable sin." During the last two years alone, various "timid" European rulers had ignored the massacre of millions of Armenians by the Turks in order to preserve "peace" in their own lands. Again, Roosevelt did not have to mention Cuba, where Spain's infamous Governor-General Weyler was currently slaughtering the insurrectos insurrectos, to make a point. "Better a thousand times err on the side of over-readiness to fight, than to err on the side of tame submission to injury, or cold-blooded indifference to the misery of the oppressed."

Intoxicated with his theme, Roosevelt continued: No triumph of peace is quite so great as the supreme triumphs of war...It may be that at some time in the dim future of the race the need for war will vanish; but that time is yet ages distant. As yet no nation can hold its place in the world, or can do any work really worth doing, unless it stands ready to guard its rights with an armed hand.20 Aware that his audience consisted largely of naval academics devoted to the theory, rather than the practice, of war, Roosevelt praised teachers, scientists, writers, and artists as vital members of a civilized society, but warned against the dangers of too much "doctrinaire" thinking in formulating national policy. "There are educated men in whom education merely serves to soften the fiber." Only those "who have dared greatly in war, or the work which is akin to war," deserved the best of their country.

By now the Assistant Secretary was using the word "war" approximately once a minute. He was to repeat it sixty-two times before he sat down.

Roosevelt cited fact after historical fact to prove that "it is too late to prepare for war when the time for peace has passed." He poured scorn on Jefferson for seeking to "protect" the American coastline with small defensive gunboats, instead of building a fleet of aggressive battleships which might have prevented the War of 1812. He pointed out that the nation's present vulnerability, with Britain, Germany, Japan, and Spain engaged in a naval arms race, was more alarming than it had been at the beginning of the century. Then, at least, a man-of-war could be built in a matter of weeks; now, naval technology was so complicated that no battleship could be finished inside two years. Cruisers took almost as long; even the light, lethal, torpedo-boat (which he had already made a special priority item in the department)21 needed ninety days to put into first-class shape. As for munitions, America's current supply was so meager, and so obsolete, that if war broke out tomorrow "we should have to build, not merely the weapons we need, but the plant with which to make them in any large quantity." needed ninety days to put into first-class shape. As for munitions, America's current supply was so meager, and so obsolete, that if war broke out tomorrow "we should have to build, not merely the weapons we need, but the plant with which to make them in any large quantity."

Roosevelt chillingly demonstrated that it would be six months before the United States could parry any sudden attack, and a further eighteen months before she could "begin" to return it. "Since the change in military conditions in modern times, there has never been an instance in which a war between two nations has lasted more than about two years. In most recent wars the operations of the first ninety days the first ninety days have decided the results of the conflict." It was essential, therefore, that Congress move at once to build more ships and bigger ships, "whose business it is to fight and not to run." Line personnel must be subjected to the highest standards of recruitment and training, while staff officers "must have as perfect weapons ready to their hands as can be found in the civilized world." This new Navy would be more to America's international advantage than the most brilliant corps of ambassadors. "Diplomacy," Roosevelt insisted, "is utterly useless when there is no force behind it; the diplomat is the servant, not the master of the soldier." have decided the results of the conflict." It was essential, therefore, that Congress move at once to build more ships and bigger ships, "whose business it is to fight and not to run." Line personnel must be subjected to the highest standards of recruitment and training, while staff officers "must have as perfect weapons ready to their hands as can be found in the civilized world." This new Navy would be more to America's international advantage than the most brilliant corps of ambassadors. "Diplomacy," Roosevelt insisted, "is utterly useless when there is no force behind it; the diplomat is the servant, not the master of the soldier."22 Moving into his peroration, he anticipated another great war speech by forty-three years in a eulogy to "the blood and sweat and tears" which heroes must sacrifice for the cause of freedom. He begged his audience to remember that there are higher things in this life than the soft and easy enjoyment of material comfort. It is through strife, or the readiness for strife, that a nation must win greatness. We ask for a great navy, partly because we feel that no national life is worth having if the nation is not willing, when the need shall arise, to stake everything on the supreme arbitrament of war, and to pour out its blood, its treasure, and its tears like water, rather than submit to the loss of honor and renown.

ROOSEVELT'S SPEECH WAS PRINTED in full in all major newspapers and caused a nationwide sensation. From Boston to San Francisco, from Chicago to New Orleans, expansionist editors and correspondents praised it, and agreed that a new, defiantly original spirit had entered into the conduct of American affairs. in full in all major newspapers and caused a nationwide sensation. From Boston to San Francisco, from Chicago to New Orleans, expansionist editors and correspondents praised it, and agreed that a new, defiantly original spirit had entered into the conduct of American affairs.23 "Well done, nobly spoken!" exclaimed the "Well done, nobly spoken!" exclaimed the Washington Post Washington Post. "Theodore Roosevelt, you have found your place at last!" The Sun Sun called his words "manly, patriotic, intelligent, and convincing." The called his words "manly, patriotic, intelligent, and convincing." The Herald Herald recommended that readers study this "lofty" speech "from its opening sentence to its close," while the recommended that readers study this "lofty" speech "from its opening sentence to its close," while the New Orleans Daily Picayune New Orleans Daily Picayune said that it "undoubtedly voices the sentiments of the great majority of thinking people." Even such anti-expansionist journals as said that it "undoubtedly voices the sentiments of the great majority of thinking people." Even such anti-expansionist journals as Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly found the address "very eloquent and forcible," although the commentator, Carl Schurz, logically demolished Roosevelt's main argument. If too much peace led to softening of the national fiber, Schurz argued, and war led to vigor and love of country, it followed that found the address "very eloquent and forcible," although the commentator, Carl Schurz, logically demolished Roosevelt's main argument. If too much peace led to softening of the national fiber, Schurz argued, and war led to vigor and love of country, it followed that prevention prevention of war would only be debilitating. of war would only be debilitating. "Ergo "Ergo, the building up of a great war fleet will effect that which promotes effeminacy and languishing unpatriotism."24 Schurz should have left his syllogism there, for it was unanswerable, but he went on to argue dreamily that the United States was so protected by foreign balances of power that no nation dare attack it. This made him sound like one of the naive doctrinaires Roosevelt had criticized in his speech, and served only to justify the Assistant Secretary's warnings. "I suspect that Roosevelt is right," President McKinley sighed to Lemuel Ely Quigg, "and the only difference between him and me is that mine is the greater responsibility."25 This startling admission by a Chief Executive personally committed to a policy of non-aggression suggests that Roosevelt had more than mere headlines in mind when he spoke to the Naval War College that June afternoon.26 His words were obviously intended to create, rather than just influence, national foreign policy. In both timing and targeting, the speech was accurate as a karate chop, for Hawaii and Cuba were the issues of the hour, and the Naval War College was the nerve center of American strategic planning. His words were obviously intended to create, rather than just influence, national foreign policy. In both timing and targeting, the speech was accurate as a karate chop, for Hawaii and Cuba were the issues of the hour, and the Naval War College was the nerve center of American strategic planning.27 The isolationists in the Cabinet never quite recovered from Roosevelt's blow, and its shock effects were felt in every extremity of the Administration. The isolationists in the Cabinet never quite recovered from Roosevelt's blow, and its shock effects were felt in every extremity of the Administration.

Traditionally, the Naval War College had been founded to give officers advanced instruction in science and history of marine warfare. But during the course of nearly a decade of domination by Alfred Thayer Mahan, it had also become the prime source of war plans for the government.28 These documents, drawn up by brilliant young Mahanites ambitious to thrust the American Navy into the twentieth century, were submitted for consideration by the Office of Naval Intelligence in Washington, whence they went to the Secretary of the Navy for approval or rejection. Under the conservative Administration of President Cleveland, the Office of Naval Intelligence had acted as a foil to the Naval War College, toning down its more strident proposals, and Secretary Herbert saw to it that such war plans were pigeonholed before they had any effect on national defense policy. Herbert, indeed, was so suspicious of the War College that he had organized a senior board, consisting mainly of Old Guard officers, to keep both it and the Office of Naval Intelligence safely under control. These documents, drawn up by brilliant young Mahanites ambitious to thrust the American Navy into the twentieth century, were submitted for consideration by the Office of Naval Intelligence in Washington, whence they went to the Secretary of the Navy for approval or rejection. Under the conservative Administration of President Cleveland, the Office of Naval Intelligence had acted as a foil to the Naval War College, toning down its more strident proposals, and Secretary Herbert saw to it that such war plans were pigeonholed before they had any effect on national defense policy. Herbert, indeed, was so suspicious of the War College that he had organized a senior board, consisting mainly of Old Guard officers, to keep both it and the Office of Naval Intelligence safely under control.29 With the accession of President McKinley, however, the composition of the Board changed radically. A few days after Roosevelt's arrival in the Navy Department, it was ordered to exhume two of the most recent war plans and to produce a new strategy in the light of recent developments in the Pacific and Caribbean. Captain Caspar F. Goodrich, president of the Naval War College, was just beginning to work on this document when Roosevelt chose to deliver his bellicose address to the Staff and Class of '97. '97. There could not possibly have been a stronger hint as to what kind of thinking the new war plan should contain. Roosevelt had, in fact, already sent Captain Goodrich a "Special Confidential Problem" for academic deliberation: There could not possibly have been a stronger hint as to what kind of thinking the new war plan should contain. Roosevelt had, in fact, already sent Captain Goodrich a "Special Confidential Problem" for academic deliberation: Japan makes demands on Hawaiian Islands.This country intervenes.What force will be necessary to uphold the intervention, and how should it be employed?Keeping in mind possible complications with another Power on the Atlantic Coast (Cuba).30 Such a problem would never exist, he privately informed Captain Mahan, "if I had my way." In an undisguised fantasy of himself as Commander-in-Chief, Roosevelt continued that he "would annex those islands tomorrow. If that was impossible I would establish a protectorate over them. I believe we should build the Nicaraguan Canal at once, and in the meantime that we should build a dozen new battleships, half of them on the Pacific Coast.... I would send the Oregon Oregon and, if necessary, also the and, if necessary, also the Monterey... Monterey... to Hawaii, and would hoist our flag over the island, leaving all details for after action." He acknowledged that there were "big problems" in the West Indies, but until Spain was turned out of Cuba ("and if I had my way," he repeated, "that would be done tomorrow"), the United States would always be plagued by trouble there. "We should acquire the Danish Islands.... I do not fear England; Canada is hostage for her good behavior..." to Hawaii, and would hoist our flag over the island, leaving all details for after action." He acknowledged that there were "big problems" in the West Indies, but until Spain was turned out of Cuba ("and if I had my way," he repeated, "that would be done tomorrow"), the United States would always be plagued by trouble there. "We should acquire the Danish Islands.... I do not fear England; Canada is hostage for her good behavior..."

In the midst of his flow of dictation, recorded at the Navy Department, Roosevelt seems to have noticed that his stenographer's neck was flushing. "I need not say," he hastily went on, "that this letter must be strictly private...to no one else excepting Lodge do I speak like this."31 It would appear, nevertheless, that he expressed himself almost as strongly to Assistant Secretary of State William R. Day, at least on the subject of Hawaii. So, too, did Lodge and other members of the expansionist lobby. Bypassing Day's senile superior, John Sherman, they persuaded President McKinley to approve a treaty of annexation on 16 June 1897.32 The treaty was forwarded to the Senate, where Lodge triumphantly undertook to secure its ratification, and Roosevelt rejoiced. It is fair to assume that champagne was drunk in the Metropolitan Club that evening. At last America had joined the other great powers of the world in the race for empire. The treaty was forwarded to the Senate, where Lodge triumphantly undertook to secure its ratification, and Roosevelt rejoiced. It is fair to assume that champagne was drunk in the Metropolitan Club that evening. At last America had joined the other great powers of the world in the race for empire.33

THE NEXT MORNING Secretary Long, who was beginning to feel the heat of approaching summer, left town for two weeks' vacation, preparatory to taking his main vacation. Roosevelt was relieved to be alone for a while, since the Secretary had not been at all pleased with his War College speech, Secretary Long, who was beginning to feel the heat of approaching summer, left town for two weeks' vacation, preparatory to taking his main vacation. Roosevelt was relieved to be alone for a while, since the Secretary had not been at all pleased with his War College speech,34 and was already resisting pleas for a buildup of the Navy. Beneath the kindly exterior he sensed an old man's obstinacy which gave him "the most profound concern." It would hardly do to have the pace of naval construction slow just as the expansion movement was accelerating. "I feel that you ought to write to him," Roosevelt told Mahan, "-not immediately, but some time not far in the future, explaining to him the vital need for more battleships.... Make the plea that this is a measure of peace and not war." and was already resisting pleas for a buildup of the Navy. Beneath the kindly exterior he sensed an old man's obstinacy which gave him "the most profound concern." It would hardly do to have the pace of naval construction slow just as the expansion movement was accelerating. "I feel that you ought to write to him," Roosevelt told Mahan, "-not immediately, but some time not far in the future, explaining to him the vital need for more battleships.... Make the plea that this is a measure of peace and not war."35 Roosevelt's easy recourse to the world's ranking naval authority, now and on many subsequent occasions in his career as Assistant Secretary, makes it worthwhile to examine their complex relationship or, more accurately, reexamine it, in the light of the enduring belief that the younger man's naval philosophy was inherited from the older. Facts recently uncovered suggest the reverse.36 In 1881, when the twenty-two-year-old Roosevelt sat writing In 1881, when the twenty-two-year-old Roosevelt sat writing The Naval War of 1812 The Naval War of 1812 in New York's Astor Library, Mahan had been an obscure, forty-year-old career officer of no particular accomplishment, literary or otherwise. He did not publish his own first book, a workmanlike history of Gulf operations in the Civil War, until two years later, by which time Roosevelt's prodigiously detailed volume was required reading on all U.S. Navy vessels, and had exerted at least a peripheral influence on the decision of Congress to build a fleet of modern warships. Mahan, indeed, was still so unlettered in world naval history that in 1884, when offered an instructorship at the new Naval War College, he asked for a year's leave to study for it. Most of 1885 was spent in the Astor Library, reading the same tomes Roosevelt had already devoured. This research was the basis of Mahan's lecture course at the War College, which in turn became in New York's Astor Library, Mahan had been an obscure, forty-year-old career officer of no particular accomplishment, literary or otherwise. He did not publish his own first book, a workmanlike history of Gulf operations in the Civil War, until two years later, by which time Roosevelt's prodigiously detailed volume was required reading on all U.S. Navy vessels, and had exerted at least a peripheral influence on the decision of Congress to build a fleet of modern warships. Mahan, indeed, was still so unlettered in world naval history that in 1884, when offered an instructorship at the new Naval War College, he asked for a year's leave to study for it. Most of 1885 was spent in the Astor Library, reading the same tomes Roosevelt had already devoured. This research was the basis of Mahan's lecture course at the War College, which in turn became The Influence of Sea Power upon History The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890). (1890).37 Long before this masterpiece appeared, however, he had familiarized himself with Roosevelt's theories, to the extent of discussing them with him personally. At least one of the other instructors at the War College, Professor J. Russell Soley, was an enthusiastic Rooseveltian; so, too, was the institution's founder, Admiral Stephen B. Luce. "Your book must be our textbook," Luce told the young author. Long before this masterpiece appeared, however, he had familiarized himself with Roosevelt's theories, to the extent of discussing them with him personally. At least one of the other instructors at the War College, Professor J. Russell Soley, was an enthusiastic Rooseveltian; so, too, was the institution's founder, Admiral Stephen B. Luce. "Your book must be our textbook," Luce told the young author.38 Roosevelt's next two histories, Gouverneur Morris Gouverneur Morris and and Thomas Hart Benton Thomas Hart Benton, were replete with arguments for a strong Navy and mercantile marine, while The Winning of the West The Winning of the West propounded visions of Anglo-Saxon world conquest as heady as anything Mahan ever wrote. All of these works predated propounded visions of Anglo-Saxon world conquest as heady as anything Mahan ever wrote. All of these works predated The Influence of Sea Power upon History The Influence of Sea Power upon History.

The relative academic prestige of Roosevelt and Mahan altered drastically in the latter's favor after Sea Power Sea Power came out. As has been seen, Roosevelt enthusiastically welcomed the book, reviewing it-and all Mahan's subsequent volumes-with a generosity that could not fail to endear him to the austere, reclusive scholar. came out. As has been seen, Roosevelt enthusiastically welcomed the book, reviewing it-and all Mahan's subsequent volumes-with a generosity that could not fail to endear him to the austere, reclusive scholar.39 During his early years in Washington, he worked to save Mahan from sea duty (which the captain detested) and to increase his backing in government circles. During his early years in Washington, he worked to save Mahan from sea duty (which the captain detested) and to increase his backing in government circles.40 It is not surprising, therefore, that when the new Assistant Secretary sought to advance his own ambitions in the spring of 1897, he could call upon Mahan in confidence. The fact that their naval philosophies were identical at this point only increased the willingness of one man to help the other.41

FINDING HIMSELF IN full, if temporary control of the Navy Department, Roosevelt worked energetically but cautiously, not wanting to jeopardize his chances of being Acting Secretary through most of the summer. He signed with pleasure a letter of permission for general maneuvers by the North Atlantic Squadron in August or September, and told its commanding officer that he would "particularly like to be aboard for a day or two" during gun practice. full, if temporary control of the Navy Department, Roosevelt worked energetically but cautiously, not wanting to jeopardize his chances of being Acting Secretary through most of the summer. He signed with pleasure a letter of permission for general maneuvers by the North Atlantic Squadron in August or September, and told its commanding officer that he would "particularly like to be aboard for a day or two" during gun practice.42 He continued to dig up Secretary Herbert's suppressed reports, on the grounds that those most deeply buried might yield the most interesting information, He continued to dig up Secretary Herbert's suppressed reports, on the grounds that those most deeply buried might yield the most interesting information,43 ordered an investigation of the management of the Brooklyn Navy Yard, ordered an investigation of the management of the Brooklyn Navy Yard,44 and proposed that some of the great names in American naval history be revived on future warships. He suggested the installation of rapid-fire weaponry throughout the fleet. Horrified when an elderly, bureaucratic admiral boasted about being able to account for every single bottle of red and black ink supplied to ships around the world, Roosevelt initiated a massive campaign to reduce the department's paperwork. Soothingly, he wrote to Long, "There isn't the slightest necessity of your returning." and proposed that some of the great names in American naval history be revived on future warships. He suggested the installation of rapid-fire weaponry throughout the fleet. Horrified when an elderly, bureaucratic admiral boasted about being able to account for every single bottle of red and black ink supplied to ships around the world, Roosevelt initiated a massive campaign to reduce the department's paperwork. Soothingly, he wrote to Long, "There isn't the slightest necessity of your returning."45 Undismayed by strong Japanese protest regarding the Hawaii treaty, Roosevelt set his expansionist lobby to work on the subject of Cuba, "this hideous welter of misery on our doorsteps." On 18 June he invited several key Senators to dine at the Metropolitan Club with an envoy recently returned from the island.46 Elsewhere on the propaganda front, he played off two publishers-Harpers and G. P. Putnam's Sons-in competition for a volume of "politico-social" essays covering the whole of his career as a speaker and man of letters. Articles on "The Manly Virtues" and "True Americanism" were prominent among them, along with his most ambitious reviews, "National Life and Character," "Social Evolution," and "The Law of Civilization and Decay." For good measure he added his recent address to the Naval War College. "I am rather pleased with them myself," he told Putnam's, the successful bidder.47 Less robust tastes were repelled by a cumulative impression of jingoism, militarism, and self-righteousness, when the essays came out under the title Less robust tastes were repelled by a cumulative impression of jingoism, militarism, and self-righteousness, when the essays came out under the title American Ideals. American Ideals.48 "If there is one thing more than another for which I admire you, Theodore," said Thomas B. Reed, "it is your original discovery of the Ten Commandments." "If there is one thing more than another for which I admire you, Theodore," said Thomas B. Reed, "it is your original discovery of the Ten Commandments."49 Henry James, reviewing the volume for a British periodical, expressed mock alarm. "Mr. Theodore Roosevelt appears to propose...to tighten the screws of the national consciousness as they have never been tightened before.... It is 'purely as an American,' he constantly reminds us, that each of us must live and breathe. Breathing, indeed, is a trifle; it is purely as Americans that we must think, and all that is wanting to the author's demonstration is that he shall give us a receipt for the process." James granted that Roosevelt had "a happy touch" when he eschewed questions of doctrine for accounts of his own political experiences. "These pages give an impression of high competence.... But his value is impaired for intelligible precept by the puerility of his simplifications."50 Such criticism, of course, was only to be expected from "white-livered" expatriates, and Roosevelt took no notice of James's remarks, if he even bothered to read them. From now on he would pour out a swelling flood of patriotic speeches and articles, aided by such other expansionists as Mahan, Brooks Adams, and Albert Shaw, until the last remaining dikes of isolationism burst under the pressure.51

THE N NAVY D DEPARTMENT'S new war plan was ready on 30 June, three days before Secretary Long returned from vacation. Roosevelt had no authority to approve it, but it was a document that gladdened his eyes nevertheless. All the more aggressive features of the earlier plans had been restored, and the weaker ones eliminated; in addition there were some new, flagrantly expansionist proposals which proved prophetic to a degree. new war plan was ready on 30 June, three days before Secretary Long returned from vacation. Roosevelt had no authority to approve it, but it was a document that gladdened his eyes nevertheless. All the more aggressive features of the earlier plans had been restored, and the weaker ones eliminated; in addition there were some new, flagrantly expansionist proposals which proved prophetic to a degree.52 In brief, the plan postulated a war with Spain for the liberation of Cuba. Hostilities would take place mainly in the Caribbean, but the U.S. Navy would also attack the Philippines, and even the Mediterranean shores of Europe, if necessary. The Caribbean strategy called for a naval blockade of Cuba, combined with invasion by a small Army force. No permanent occupation of Cuba was suggested, but the plan proceeded to discuss the Philippines, in tones hardly calculated to reassure Republican Conservatives: "we could probably have a controlling voice, as to what should become of the islands when a final settlement [with Filipino rebels] was made."53

ROOSEVELT'S M METROPOLITAN C CLUB CIRCLE widened in the early days of summer to include two new associates-Captain Leonard Wood, the President's Assistant Attending Surgeon, and Commodore George Dewey, president of the Board of Inspection and Survey. He met the former at a dinner party early in June. widened in the early days of summer to include two new associates-Captain Leonard Wood, the President's Assistant Attending Surgeon, and Commodore George Dewey, president of the Board of Inspection and Survey. He met the former at a dinner party early in June.54 When he met the latter is not known, but the name "Dewey" appears in his correspondence for the first time on 28 June. When he met the latter is not known, but the name "Dewey" appears in his correspondence for the first time on 28 June.55 Both men were to play major roles in his life, and he in theirs. Both men were to play major roles in his life, and he in theirs.

Wood was a doctor by profession and a soldier by choice; he excelled in both capacities. His looks were noble, his physical presence splendid as a Viking's.56 Tall, fair, lithe, and powerfully muscled, he walked with the slightly pigeon-toed stride of a born athlete, and was forever compulsively kicking a football around an empty lot, the leather thudding nearly flat as he drove it against the wall. Tall, fair, lithe, and powerfully muscled, he walked with the slightly pigeon-toed stride of a born athlete, and was forever compulsively kicking a football around an empty lot, the leather thudding nearly flat as he drove it against the wall.

Roosevelt, who as Civil Service Commissioner had won fame as the most strenuous pedestrian in Washington,57 was impressed to discover that this newcomer could outpace and outclimb him with no signs of fatigue. "He walked me off my legs," the Assistant Secretary told Lodge, with some surprise. was impressed to discover that this newcomer could outpace and outclimb him with no signs of fatigue. "He walked me off my legs," the Assistant Secretary told Lodge, with some surprise.58 Ever the boy, he hero-worshiped Wood (although the doctor was two years his junior) as a fighter of Apaches and a vanquisher of Geronimo. Wood's personality was clear, forceful, honest, and unassuming. Best of all, he was an ardent expansionist, and could not stop talking about Cuba as a wound on the national conscience. Roosevelt decided that this quiet, charming man with excellent military connections (Wood was married to the niece of U.S. Army Commanding General Nelson A. Miles) must needs be cultivated. Ever the boy, he hero-worshiped Wood (although the doctor was two years his junior) as a fighter of Apaches and a vanquisher of Geronimo. Wood's personality was clear, forceful, honest, and unassuming. Best of all, he was an ardent expansionist, and could not stop talking about Cuba as a wound on the national conscience. Roosevelt decided that this quiet, charming man with excellent military connections (Wood was married to the niece of U.S. Army Commanding General Nelson A. Miles) must needs be cultivated.

Little old Commodore Dewey was a total contrast.59 Nut-brown, wiry, and vain, he was in his sixtieth year when Roosevelt befriended him, but the size of his personal ambition was in inverse proportion to his age and height. Over three decades of undistinguished peacetime service had not quenched his lust for battle, kindled as a lieutenant under Farragut in the Civil War. Now, with retirement only three years off, Dewey was forced to accept the fact that glory might never be his. Nut-brown, wiry, and vain, he was in his sixtieth year when Roosevelt befriended him, but the size of his personal ambition was in inverse proportion to his age and height. Over three decades of undistinguished peacetime service had not quenched his lust for battle, kindled as a lieutenant under Farragut in the Civil War. Now, with retirement only three years off, Dewey was forced to accept the fact that glory might never be his.60 Yet the Commodore still bore himself with fierce pride, immaculate in tailored uniform and polished, high-instepped boots. He was without doubt the smartest dresser in the Navy. "It was said of him," wrote one reporter, "that the creases of his trousers were as well-defined as his views on naval warfare." Yet the Commodore still bore himself with fierce pride, immaculate in tailored uniform and polished, high-instepped boots. He was without doubt the smartest dresser in the Navy. "It was said of him," wrote one reporter, "that the creases of his trousers were as well-defined as his views on naval warfare."61 With his beaky nose and restless, caged strut, Dewey looked like a resplendent killer falcon, ready to bite through wire, if necessary, to get at a likely prey. With his beaky nose and restless, caged strut, Dewey looked like a resplendent killer falcon, ready to bite through wire, if necessary, to get at a likely prey.

The Commodore had attracted Roosevelt's admiring attention as long ago as the Chilean crisis of 1891, when he voluntarily bought coal for his ship instead of waiting for official battle orders.62 Any officer whose instinct was to stoke up Any officer whose instinct was to stoke up before before a crisis-at his own expense-could be trusted in wartime. Like Wood, Dewey was a dedicated expansionist, a crisis-at his own expense-could be trusted in wartime. Like Wood, Dewey was a dedicated expansionist,63 lunching and dining daily at the Metropolitan Club; like Wood, he was a man of action rather than thought. Roosevelt began to muse ways of giving him command of the Asiatic Squadron when Rear-Admiral Fred V. McNair retired later in the year. lunching and dining daily at the Metropolitan Club; like Wood, he was a man of action rather than thought. Roosevelt began to muse ways of giving him command of the Asiatic Squadron when Rear-Admiral Fred V. McNair retired later in the year.64 In the meantime, their friendship ripened. Often, on a sunny afternoon after work, they could be seen riding in Rock Creek Park together.65

AT THE BEGINNING OF J JULY it was the Assistant Secretary's turn to take a brief vacation. He headed north for a reunion with Edith-pregnant, now, with his sixth child. Distracted as he was with naval affairs and plans for the coming war (whose certainty he never questioned), Roosevelt allowed himself ten days of quiet domesticity at Oyster Bay. The white marble city on the Potomac was all very well, he told Bamie, but "permanently, nothing could be lovelier than Sagamore." it was the Assistant Secretary's turn to take a brief vacation. He headed north for a reunion with Edith-pregnant, now, with his sixth child. Distracted as he was with naval affairs and plans for the coming war (whose certainty he never questioned), Roosevelt allowed himself ten days of quiet domesticity at Oyster Bay. The white marble city on the Potomac was all very well, he told Bamie, but "permanently, nothing could be lovelier than Sagamore."66 And nothing could be more satisfying than to see his own progeny growing sturdy and sunburned in his own fields. Roosevelt confessed to Cecil Spring Rice that "the diminishing rate of increase" in America's population worried him in contrast to the fecundity of the Slav. Looking around Sagamore Hill, he gave thanks that his own family, at least, had shown valor in "the warfare of the cradle." With various cousins who had come to stay, there were "sixteen small Roosevelts" in his house.67 Edith, watching him crawling through tunnels in the hay-barn in pursuit of squealing boys and girls, was inclined to put the number one higher. Edith, watching him crawling through tunnels in the hay-barn in pursuit of squealing boys and girls, was inclined to put the number one higher.

The eldest cousin was a good-looking lad of fifteen from Groton, named Franklin. He had been invited to Oyster Bay earlier in the year, after a lecture by Roosevelt to his schoolmates on life as a Police Commissioner of New York City. The talk, which kept the boys in stitches of laughter, impressed young Franklin as "splendid." From this summer on he deliberately modeled his career on that of "Cousin Theodore," whom he would always describe as the greatest man he ever knew.68 On 11 July, Roosevelt enjoyed one of the privileges of his new job by cruising from Oyster Bay to Newport in a torpedo-boat.69 The swiftness and responsiveness of the little vessel delighted him. "Like riding a high-mettled horse," he wrote. He did not, like some critics, find its thin-shelled vulnerability a tactical disadvantage: "with these torpedo boats...frailty is part of the very essence of their being." The swiftness and responsiveness of the little vessel delighted him. "Like riding a high-mettled horse," he wrote. He did not, like some critics, find its thin-shelled vulnerability a tactical disadvantage: "with these torpedo boats...frailty is part of the very essence of their being."70 Such comments suggest that Roosevelt was not altogether a landlubber, although in general he did prefer the abstract flow of arrows on paper to the heaving, splashing realities of naval movement. Such comments suggest that Roosevelt was not altogether a landlubber, although in general he did prefer the abstract flow of arrows on paper to the heaving, splashing realities of naval movement.

After witnessing some trials at Newport he set off for a tour of the Great Lakes Naval Militia stations in Mackinac, Detroit, Chicago, and Sandusky.71 His speech to the latter establishment, on 23 July, contained a violent reply to Japan's protest against the annexation of Hawaii. "The United States," Roosevelt thundered, "is not in a position which requires her to ask Japan, or any other foreign Power, what territory it shall or shall not acquire." The His speech to the latter establishment, on 23 July, contained a violent reply to Japan's protest against the annexation of Hawaii. "The United States," Roosevelt thundered, "is not in a position which requires her to ask Japan, or any other foreign Power, what territory it shall or shall not acquire." The Tribune Tribune called his outburst a "distinct impropriety" and suggested that he "leave to the Department of State the declaration of the foreign policy of this government." called his outburst a "distinct impropriety" and suggested that he "leave to the Department of State the declaration of the foreign policy of this government."72 John D. Long, who was a man of delicate nervous constitution,73 had barely recovered from his subordinate's previous speech to the Naval War College before the news from Sandusky came in. "The headlines...nearly threw the Secretary into a fit," Roosevelt told Lodge, "and he gave me as heavy a wigging as his invariable courtesy and kindness would permit." had barely recovered from his subordinate's previous speech to the Naval War College before the news from Sandusky came in. "The headlines...nearly threw the Secretary into a fit," Roosevelt told Lodge, "and he gave me as heavy a wigging as his invariable courtesy and kindness would permit."74 Abject apologies smoothed the incident over, but Long must have had some scruples about putting Roosevelt in charge of the Department through Labor Day as planned. However the need to resume his vacation was paramount, and on 2 August, Roosevelt found himself installed as "the hot weather Secretary."75

HE NOW ENTERED UPON one of those periods of near-incredible industry which always characterized his assumption of new responsibility-whether it be the management of a ranch, the researching of a book, or, as in this case, the administration of the most difficult department in the United States Government. one of those periods of near-incredible industry which always characterized his assumption of new responsibility-whether it be the management of a ranch, the researching of a book, or, as in this case, the administration of the most difficult department in the United States Government.76 Quite apart from its complex structure, with seven bureaus issuing streams of documents on such subjects as naval law, steam engineering, diplomacy, finance, strategy, education, science, astronomy, and hydrography, there was the huge extra dimension of the Navy itself-a proud, hierarchical institution, traditionally resistant to change and contemptuous of civilian authority. Quite apart from its complex structure, with seven bureaus issuing streams of documents on such subjects as naval law, steam engineering, diplomacy, finance, strategy, education, science, astronomy, and hydrography, there was the huge extra dimension of the Navy itself-a proud, hierarchical institution, traditionally resistant to change and contemptuous of civilian authority.77 The multiple task of reconciling the various bureaus with one another, and the department with the fleet, while simultaneously dealing with Congress, the White House, the press, and countless industrial contractors was enough to frustrate anybody but a Roosevelt. "I perfectly revel in this work," he exulted to Long. For the first time in his life he had real power in full measure. As Acting Secretary he was answerable only to his chief and President McKinley, both of whom were away from town for at least six weeks. Praying that the latter would come back a few days before the former-since he wished to have a private talk with him-Roosevelt abandoned himself to the drug of hyperactivity. "I am having immense fun running the Navy," he told Bellamy Storer on 19 August. The multiple task of reconciling the various bureaus with one another, and the department with the fleet, while simultaneously dealing with Congress, the White House, the press, and countless industrial contractors was enough to frustrate anybody but a Roosevelt. "I perfectly revel in this work," he exulted to Long. For the first time in his life he had real power in full measure. As Acting Secretary he was answerable only to his chief and President McKinley, both of whom were away from town for at least six weeks. Praying that the latter would come back a few days before the former-since he wished to have a private talk with him-Roosevelt abandoned himself to the drug of hyperactivity. "I am having immense fun running the Navy," he told Bellamy Storer on 19 August.78 His industry during that first month confirms Henry Adams's remark, "Theodore Roosevelt...was pure act."79 In just twenty-two days of official duty he managed to write a report of his tour of the Naval Militia; inspect a fleet of first- and second-class battleships off Sandy Hook; expedite a stalled order for diagonal-armor supplies; devise a public-relations plan for press coverage of the forthcoming North Atlantic Squadron exercises; set up a board to investigate ways of relieving the chronic dry-dock shortage; introduce a new post-tradership system; weigh and pronounce verdict upon the Brooklyn Navy Yard probe; surreptitiously backdate a Bureau of Navigation employment form in order to favor a protege of Senator Cushman Davis; extend his anti-red-tape reforms to cover battleships and cruisers; eliminate the department's backlog of unfilled appointments; draw up an elaborate cruising schedule for the new torpedo-boat flotilla; settle a row between the Bureaus of Ordnance and Construction; review the relative work programs in various navy yards; draft a naval personnel reform bill, and fire all Navy Department employees who rated a sub In just twenty-two days of official duty he managed to write a report of his tour of the Naval Militia; inspect a fleet of first- and second-class battleships off Sandy Hook; expedite a stalled order for diagonal-armor supplies; devise a public-relations plan for press coverage of the forthcoming North Atlantic Squadron exercises; set up a board to investigate ways of relieving the chronic dry-dock shortage; introduce a new post-tradership system; weigh and pronounce verdict upon the Brooklyn Navy Yard probe; surreptitiously backdate a Bureau of Navigation employment form in order to favor a protege of Senator Cushman Davis; extend his anti-red-tape reforms to cover battleships and cruisers; eliminate the department's backlog of unfilled appointments; draw up an elaborate cruising schedule for the new torpedo-boat flotilla; settle a row between the Bureaus of Ordnance and Construction; review the relative work programs in various navy yards; draft a naval personnel reform bill, and fire all Navy Department employees who rated a sub-70 mark in the semiannual fitness reports-all the while making regular reports to the vacationing Secretary, in tones calculated both to soothe and flatter. "I shan't send you anything, unless it is really important," Roosevelt wrote. "You must be tired, and you ought to have an entire rest." He begged Long not to answer his letters, "for I don't want you bothered at all." As for coming back after Labor Day, there was "not the slightest earthly reason" to return before the end of September. mark in the semiannual fitness reports-all the while making regular reports to the vacationing Secretary, in tones calculated both to soothe and flatter. "I shan't send you anything, unless it is really important," Roosevelt wrote. "You must be tired, and you ought to have an entire rest." He begged Long not to answer his letters, "for I don't want you bothered at all." As for coming back after Labor Day, there was "not the slightest earthly reason" to return before the end of September.80 Long, happily pottering about his garden, was more than content to remain away.81 Ensconced as he was in rural Massachusetts, he probably did not see a lengthy analysis, in the Ensconced as he was in rural Massachusetts, he probably did not see a lengthy analysis, in the New York Sun New York Sun of 23 August, of European reaction to the expansionist movement in the United States. One paragraph read: of 23 August, of European reaction to the expansionist movement in the United States. One paragraph read: The liveliest spot in Washington at present is the Navy Department. The decks are cleared for action. Acting Secretary Roosevelt, in the absence of Governor Long, has the whole Navy bordering on a war footing. It remains only to sand down the decks and pipe to quarters for action.

"Yes, indeed," Roosevelt was writing, "I wish I could be with you for just a little while and see the lovely hill farm to which your grandfather came over ninety years ago.... Now, stay there just exactly as long as you want to."82

IN HIS "SPARE HOURS," as he put it, Roosevelt amused himself by writing and editing another volume of Boone & Crockett Club big-game lore, dictating one of his enormous, prophetic letters to Cecil Spring Rice ("If Russia chooses to develop purely on her own line and resist the growth of liberalism...she will sometime experience a red terror that will make the French Revolution pale"), as he put it, Roosevelt amused himself by writing and editing another volume of Boone & Crockett Club big-game lore, dictating one of his enormous, prophetic letters to Cecil Spring Rice ("If Russia chooses to develop purely on her own line and resist the growth of liberalism...she will sometime experience a red terror that will make the French Revolution pale"),83 and assembling a series of quotations by various Presidents on the subject of an aggressive Navy. As he read his anthology through, it struck him as a powerful piece of propaganda, and he determined to publish it, after first mailing the text to Long for approval. and assembling a series of quotations by various Presidents on the subject of an aggressive Navy. As he read his anthology through, it struck him as a powerful piece of propaganda, and he determined to publish it, after first mailing the text to Long for approval.84 The Secretary saw no harm in it, providing that Roosevelt inserted the words "in my opinion" somewhere in the Introduction, to show that it was not an official statement of policy by the Navy Department.85 An advance copy was sent to President McKinley on 30 August, and in early September the Government Printing Office issued it under the title An advance copy was sent to President McKinley on 30 August, and in early September the Government Printing Office issued it under the title The Naval Policy of America as Outlined in Messages of the Presidents of the United States from the Beginning to the Present Day. The Naval Policy of America as Outlined in Messages of the Presidents of the United States from the Beginning to the Present Day.86 It drew admiring comment in most newspapers, "timely" being the adjective most frequently used. Besides being a miniature history of the U.S. Navy, the pamphlet showed a striking similarity of thought between Presidents Washington, Jackson, Lincoln, and Grant on the one hand, and Assistant Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt on the other. No quotations by Thomas Jefferson were deemed worthy of inclusion. It drew admiring comment in most newspapers, "timely" being the adjective most frequently used. Besides being a miniature history of the U.S. Navy, the pamphlet showed a striking similarity of thought between Presidents Washington, Jackson, Lincoln, and Grant on the one hand, and Assistant Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt on the other. No quotations by Thomas Jefferson were deemed worthy of inclusion.87

ABOUT THIS TIME Roosevelt added yet another influential voice to his expansionist propaganda machine. Roosevelt added yet another influential voice to his expansionist propaganda machine.88 William Allen White was not yet thirty, but he was proprietor and editor of a powerful Midwestern newspaper, the William Allen White was not yet thirty, but he was proprietor and editor of a powerful Midwestern newspaper, the Emporia Gazette Emporia Gazette, and had won a national following in 1896 with a diatribe against the Populists, "What's the Matter with Kansas?" Printed first as an editorial in his own paper, then reprinted and distributed in millions of copies by Mark Hanna, the piece had been the single most effective broadsheet of McKinley's campaign.89 Roosevelt had read the famous editorial with interest. Here was the natural Republican antidote to William Jennings Bryan, and a much better metaphorist to boot. If he could take White in hand and teach him the gospel of expansionism, he would enlarge his own sphere of influence by thousands of readers and thousands of square miles. Roosevelt did not care Roosevelt had read the famous editorial with interest. Here was the natural Republican antidote to William Jennings Bryan, and a much better metaphorist to boot. If he could take White in hand and teach him the gospel of expansionism, he would enlarge his own sphere of influence by thousands of readers and thousands of square miles. Roosevelt did not care who who propounded Rooseveltian views, even if they won glory by doing so: what mattered was that the message got through. When he heard that White was in Washington on a patronage mission, he asked for him to be sent down to the Navy Department. propounded Rooseveltian views, even if they won glory by doing so: what mattered was that the message got through. When he heard that White was in Washington on a patronage mission, he asked for him to be sent down to the Navy Department.90 Blond, red-faced, and pudgy, White looked the typical corn-fed "hick" journalist, yet his intelligence was acute, and his language rich and rolling as the Midwest itself. Their meeting was casual-little more than a handshake and an agreement to have lunch next day-but Roosevelt was so radiant with newfound power that White was unable to sit down for excitement afterward. "I was afire with the splendor of the personality that I had met."91 The little Kansan was still "stepping on air" the following afternoon, when Roosevelt escorted him to the Metropolitan Club and signaled for the menu.92 Both men were compulsive eaters and compulsive talkers, and for the next hour they awarded each other equal time, greed alternating with rhetoric. In old age White fondly recalled "double mutton chops...seas of speculation...excursions of delight, into books and men and manners, poetry and philosophy." Both men were compulsive eaters and compulsive talkers, and for the next hour they awarded each other equal time, greed alternating with rhetoric. In old age White fondly recalled "double mutton chops...seas of speculation...excursions of delight, into books and men and manners, poetry and philosophy."93 Roosevelt spoke with shocking frankness about the leaders of the government, expressing "scorn" for McKinley and "disgust" for the "deep and damnable alliance between business and politics" that Mark Hanna was constructing. White, whose worship of the Gold Dollar amounted to religion, flinched at this blasphemy, yet within another hour he was converted: I have never known such a man as he, and never shall again. He overcame me...he poured into my heart such visions, such ideals, such hopes, such a new attitude toward life and patriotism and the meaning of things, as I never dreamed men had...So strong was this young Roosevelt-hard-muscled, hard-voiced even when the voice cracked in falsetto falsetto, with hard, wriggling jaw muscles, and snapping teeth, even when he cackled in raucous glee, so completely did the personality of this man overcome me that I made no protest and accepted his dictum as my creed.94 Later they strolled for a while under the elms of F Street, and when they parted "I was his man." Years later White tried to analyze the elements of Roosevelt's conquering ability. It was not social superiority, he decided, nor political eminence, nor erudition; it was something vaguer and more spiritual, "the undefinable equation of his identity, body, mind, emotion, the soul of him...It was youth and the new order calling youth away from the old order. It was the inexorable coming of change into life, the passing of the old into the new."95

WHEN A ACTING S SECRETARY Roosevelt boarded the battleship Roosevelt boarded the battleship Iowa Iowa on Tuesday, 7 September, the Virginia Capes had long since slipped below the horizon. on Tuesday, 7 September, the Virginia Capes had long since slipped below the horizon.96 Apart from a forlorn speck of color floating some twenty-five-hundred yards off-the target for today's gunnery exercises-the world consisted of little but blue sky and glassy water, in which seven white ships of the North Atlantic Squadron sat with the solidity of buildings. Biggest and most sophisticated by far was the eleven-thousand-ton Apart from a forlorn speck of color floating some twenty-five-hundred yards off-the target for today's gunnery exercises-the world consisted of little but blue sky and glassy water, in which seven white ships of the North Atlantic Squadron sat with the solidity of buildings. Biggest and most sophisticated by far was the eleven-thousand-ton Iowa Iowa, a masterpiece of naval engineering, and the equal of any German or British battleship. She was so new that she had not yet engaged in target practice, and many of her crew had never even heard her guns fired.

Captain William Sampson welcomed Roosevelt aboard and escorted him to the bridge amid a terrific clamor of gongs. The decks were cleared for action, breakables stowed away, and porthole-panes left to swing idly as sailors scampered to their stations. Roosevelt, who had just been lunching with the Admiral, looked placid and happy. Word went around that he wanted to see how quickly the "enemy" could be demolished.

The jangling of the gongs gave way to silence, broken only by a general hum of automatic machinery. (It was the constructor's boast that almost nothing on the Iowa Iowa was done by hand "except the opening and closing of throttles and pressing of electric buttons.") was done by hand "except the opening and closing of throttles and pressing of electric buttons.")97 A surgeon distributed ear-plugs to the Acting Secretary and his party. A surgeon distributed ear-plugs to the Acting Secretary and his party.98 "Open your mouth, stand on your toes, and let your frame hang loosely," he advised. "Open your mouth, stand on your toes, and let your frame hang loosely," he advised.

"Two thousand yards," called a cadet monitoring the ship's course. A few seconds later there was a silent flash of fire and smoke from the 8-inch guns, followed by a thunderous report that shook the Iowa Iowa from stem to stern. Plumes of spray indicated that the shells were fifty yards short of target. A second salvo landed on range, but slightly to one side. Bugles announced that the from stem to stern. Plumes of spray indicated that the shells were fifty yards short of target. A second salvo landed on range, but slightly to one side. Bugles announced that the Iowa's Iowa's main battery of 12-inch guns was now being aimed at the floating speck. There was an apprehensive pause, followed by such vast concussions of air, metal, and water that a lifeboat was stove in, and several locked steel doors burst their hinges. Two members of Roosevelt's party, who had forgotten to assume the necessary simian stance, were jerked into the air, and landed clasping each other wordlessly. They were escorted below for ear ointment, while Roosevelt continued to squint at the target through smoke-begrimed spectacles. Had it been a Spanish battleship, and not a shattered frame of wood and canvas, it would now be sinking. main battery of 12-inch guns was now being aimed at the floating speck. There was an apprehensive pause, followed by such vast concussions of air, metal, and water that a lifeboat was stove in, and several locked steel doors burst their hinges. Two members of Roosevelt's party, who had forgotten to assume the necessary simian stance, were jerked into the air, and landed clasping each other wordlessly. They were escorted below for ear ointment, while Roosevelt continued to squint at the target through smoke-begrimed spectacles. Had it been a Spanish battleship, and not a shattered frame of wood and canvas, it would now be sinking.

The exercises lasted another two days, and Roosevelt returned to Washington profoundly moved by what he had seen. "Oh, Lord! If only the people who are ignorant about our Navy could see those great warships in all their majesty and beauty, and could realize how well they are handled, and how well fitted to uphold the honor of America."99