Platt was then in his sixty-third year, and moved (when he moved at all) with the painful majesty of arthritis. Tall, stooped, bearded, and murmuring, he looked like some political Rip van Winkle who had fallen asleep in a more leisurely age, and had woken to find the new one not much to his liking. His handshake was loose, his jaw slack, even his skin seemed tired; it creased down on either side of his nose, and drooped in parchment-like folds over his large sad eyes. Oddly enough, for a man whose desk was always piled with dusty papers and pamphlets, Platt was the perfection of elegance in dress. His suit rippled into place as he rose on his cane, a pearl pin glowed in his silk cravat, and high starched collars scratched against his silvery jowls.11 Roosevelt was not deceived by this world-weary image, for Platt was known to be as tough in mind as he was frail in body.12 After some brief discussion of national affairs-the equivalent, among state politicians, of talk about the weather-the Commissioner asked point-blank if he was to be "kicked out by supplementary legislation after the Greater New York Bill had passed." Platt's reply was equally direct. "Yes." Roosevelt could expect to be unemployed in about sixty days. After some brief discussion of national affairs-the equivalent, among state politicians, of talk about the weather-the Commissioner asked point-blank if he was to be "kicked out by supplementary legislation after the Greater New York Bill had passed." Platt's reply was equally direct. "Yes." Roosevelt could expect to be unemployed in about sixty days.13 Afterward, Roosevelt searched for adjectives to describe the interview. It was, he decided, "entirely pleasant and cold-blooded."14

HE ALSO DECIDED that since he was now in "a fair fight" for survival, he would pick up Platt's gauntlet in public. that since he was now in "a fair fight" for survival, he would pick up Platt's gauntlet in public.15 It so happened that the following morning, 20 January, he was due to address the New York Methodist Ministers' Association at 150 Fifth Avenue. Knowing they were sympathetic to his crusade against the saloons, Roosevelt shrewdly presented himself as Christianity's last hope in Gomorrah: It so happened that the following morning, 20 January, he was due to address the New York Methodist Ministers' Association at 150 Fifth Avenue. Knowing they were sympathetic to his crusade against the saloons, Roosevelt shrewdly presented himself as Christianity's last hope in Gomorrah: The other day the most famous gambler in New York, long known as one of the most prominent criminals in this city, was reported as saying that by February everything would again "be running wide open"; in other words, that the gambler, the disorderly-house keeper, and the lawbreaking liquor-seller would be plying their trades once more...Undoubtedly there are many politicians who are bent on seeing this...they will bend every energy to destroy us, because they recognize in us their deadly foes...The politician who wishes to use the Police Department for his own base purposes, and the criminal and the trafficker in vice...are quite right in using every effort to drive us out of office. It is for you decent people to say whether or not they shall succeed.16 If he had unveiled a giant effigy of Boss Platt with horns and a tail, he could not have more effectively mobilized the ministers. Convinced that Armageddon was at hand, they hurried off to denounce the Easy Boss from pulpits all over the city. The Methodist lobby in Albany warned legislators of "disastrous consequences politically" if they pursued the "foolish and wicked course" of punishing a public servant for doing his duty. Other ecclesiastical, liberal, and independent Republican organizations added their voices, and within forty-eight hours the popular outcry against Platt was deafening. "Roosevelt's a nervy fellow, isn't he?" said Mayor Strong admiringly.17 Strong was beginning to regret his earlier jibes and threats against Roosevelt, perhaps because he realized that the Commissioner, however controversial, was his only really distinguished appointment. He may also have pondered Richard Croker's widely quoted remark, "Roosevelt is all there is to the Strong Administration, and Roosevelt will make it or break it." At any rate the Mayor was effusive in his approval of Roosevelt's speech, and announced that he would resist any moves against the present Police Board. Strong was beginning to regret his earlier jibes and threats against Roosevelt, perhaps because he realized that the Commissioner, however controversial, was his only really distinguished appointment. He may also have pondered Richard Croker's widely quoted remark, "Roosevelt is all there is to the Strong Administration, and Roosevelt will make it or break it." At any rate the Mayor was effusive in his approval of Roosevelt's speech, and announced that he would resist any moves against the present Police Board.18 On 23 and 24 January The New York Times The New York Times published full details of "the Republican Plot to Oust Roosevelt," identifying Platt and his lieutenants by name, and denouncing them as "contemptible...sneaking cowards and hypocrites." The effect of these front-page, double-column articles was to give chapter and verse to Roosevelt's allegations, and draw national attention to the threat of a party split in New York. Platt was severely embarrassed. If he wished to be a force at the upcoming Republican National Convention, he must at all costs preside over a united delegation. His anti-Roosevelt bill was accordingly withdrawn from the Legislature, although it was understood it could be revived at any time. published full details of "the Republican Plot to Oust Roosevelt," identifying Platt and his lieutenants by name, and denouncing them as "contemptible...sneaking cowards and hypocrites." The effect of these front-page, double-column articles was to give chapter and verse to Roosevelt's allegations, and draw national attention to the threat of a party split in New York. Platt was severely embarrassed. If he wished to be a force at the upcoming Republican National Convention, he must at all costs preside over a united delegation. His anti-Roosevelt bill was accordingly withdrawn from the Legislature, although it was understood it could be revived at any time.19 Roosevelt said he was "delighted" to have been reprieved, but carefully refrained from making any further attacks on Boss Platt. "I shall not break with the party," he confided to Lodge. "The Presidential contest is too important."20 Commissioner Andrews also expressed "very great pleasure," and Commissioner Grant rumbled something to the same effect.21 Only Commissioner Parker was silent. Only Commissioner Parker was silent.

COINCIDENTALLY OR NOT, Roosevelt now discovered that he had an open enemy on the Police Board. A friendly newspaper editor had long ago warned that Andrew D. Parker was "a snake in the grass, and sooner or later he will smite you,"22 but Roosevelt was so taken in by the man's "sinister efficiency" he had never really believed it. A Republican ward worker had also informed him that "Parker could not be trusted...that he was not loyal to him as head of the Commission." Roosevelt laughed. "Not loyal to me? Impossible. Why, only yesterday I boxed with him, and he boxes like a gentleman!" but Roosevelt was so taken in by the man's "sinister efficiency" he had never really believed it. A Republican ward worker had also informed him that "Parker could not be trusted...that he was not loyal to him as head of the Commission." Roosevelt laughed. "Not loyal to me? Impossible. Why, only yesterday I boxed with him, and he boxes like a gentleman!"23 True, there had been an occasion in October 1895 when he heard rumors that Parker was criticizing the dry-Sunday campaign behind his back, while praising it to his face. More recently, Parker had several times lied to him with such "brazen effrontery" as to leave Roosevelt speechless. Yet there had been no direct hostility at Board meetings-not that Parker attended many-and the department continued to operate smoothly well into the New Year. True, there had been an occasion in October 1895 when he heard rumors that Parker was criticizing the dry-Sunday campaign behind his back, while praising it to his face. More recently, Parker had several times lied to him with such "brazen effrontery" as to leave Roosevelt speechless. Yet there had been no direct hostility at Board meetings-not that Parker attended many-and the department continued to operate smoothly well into the New Year.24 Not until five weeks after Roosevelt's successful appeal to the Methodist ministers did the snake rear up and strike for the first time. Not until five weeks after Roosevelt's successful appeal to the Methodist ministers did the snake rear up and strike for the first time.

At a routine Board meeting on 28 February 1896, Roosevelt brought up the routine subject of promotions.25 Due to mass resignations over the past nine months, by corrupt officers anxious to escape criminal investigation, the force was studded with "acting" inspectors, captains, sergeants, and roundsmen. Due to mass resignations over the past nine months, by corrupt officers anxious to escape criminal investigation, the force was studded with "acting" inspectors, captains, sergeants, and roundsmen.26 The Commissioners acted periodically to make at least some of these promotions permanent, and there had been little dissent as to which officers deserved full rank and pay. The Commissioners acted periodically to make at least some of these promotions permanent, and there had been little dissent as to which officers deserved full rank and pay.

Thus, when Roosevelt moved the promotions of Acting Inspectors Nicholas Brooks and John McCullagh, two men known for their decency and efficiency, he doubtless expected the usual unanimous vote. But Commissioner Parker demurred. There were other officers, he said, just as worthy of advancement; for example, an excellent man in the Detective Bureau, which he, Parker, had just finished reorganizing.27 Roosevelt protested in dismay. Brooks and McCullagh had been "acting" now for nine months; the force was expecting their immediate promotion; "it was not keeping faith with the men" to delay matters any longer. He insisted that the motion be voted on. Commissioners Andrews and Grant added their ayes to his. Commissioner Parker refused to vote at all.

Had the motion been on some trivial item of agenda, such as the issuance of a mask ball license, or the sale of a police horse, Parker would have been overruled by the majority. But on matters of promotion the Board's "Polish" constitution required a full vote of four-or, three votes plus the written approval of Chief Conlin.28 Roosevelt was puzzled and frustrated. He did not like to resolve a Board dispute by enlisting the aid of a man in the ranks. However, since Parker was adamant-and remained absent from the next few meetings-the other Commissioners had no choice but to summon Conlin before them on 12 March. They were confident that he would be agreeable. Unlike his formidable predecessor, Chief Byrnes, Conlin was a quiet, unassuming officer who generally did what he was told. Roosevelt was puzzled and frustrated. He did not like to resolve a Board dispute by enlisting the aid of a man in the ranks. However, since Parker was adamant-and remained absent from the next few meetings-the other Commissioners had no choice but to summon Conlin before them on 12 March. They were confident that he would be agreeable. Unlike his formidable predecessor, Chief Byrnes, Conlin was a quiet, unassuming officer who generally did what he was told.29 Roosevelt asked bluntly if he would recommend the promotion of Brooks and McCullagh. Conlin replied that he would not. Roosevelt asked bluntly if he would recommend the promotion of Brooks and McCullagh. Conlin replied that he would not.30 What was more, the Chief went on, he would no longer tolerate promotions or assignments within the force unless they were submitted to him in advance. He had not exercised this, his legal right, in the past, but in future he would insist upon it.

It was evident to the three flabbergasted Commissioners that they were listening to the voice, not of Peter Conlin, but of their absent colleague. For some reason, Parker wished to stop the reorganization of the force, and by some power he had been able to recruit Conlin as his ally. Whatever his motives, the consequences threatened to be serious. Already the failure of Roosevelt's 28 February motion was having its effect on police morale. Some "acting" officers, pessimistic of advancement under a deadlocked Board, refused to act at all until they got job security. Those who did try to give orders found the lack of gold on their sleeves acutely embarrassing. The Commissioners were obliged to pass a resolution on 13 March ordering Conlin to make a formal reply to their request in writing, as required by law.31 That very evening Parker was due to dine with Roosevelt at 689 Madison Avenue, in response to a long-standing invitation.32 Under the circumstances a note expressing polite regrets might have been understandable, but none was forthcoming, and at the appointed hour Parker coolly showed up. It is unlikely either he or his host so much as mentioned the Brooks-McCullagh affair. Their social relations were still cordial, Under the circumstances a note expressing polite regrets might have been understandable, but none was forthcoming, and at the appointed hour Parker coolly showed up. It is unlikely either he or his host so much as mentioned the Brooks-McCullagh affair. Their social relations were still cordial,33 and both men were too well-bred to argue over the dinner table. Besides, there were four other guests, including the Reverend Charles H. Parkhurst, president of the Society for the Prevention of Crime, and Roosevelt's good friend Joseph Bucklin Bishop, an editor of the and both men were too well-bred to argue over the dinner table. Besides, there were four other guests, including the Reverend Charles H. Parkhurst, president of the Society for the Prevention of Crime, and Roosevelt's good friend Joseph Bucklin Bishop, an editor of the Evening Post Evening Post. The subjects discussed were mainly political-"Platt, Tammany, reorganization, political treachery, the German vote, etc."34 Roosevelt must have hogged the conversation as usual, for Parker was in an ill humor by the end of the evening. Walking home with Bishop, he suddenly said, "I wish you would stop him talking so much in the newspapers. He talks, talks, talks all the time. Scarcely a day passes that there is not something from him in the papers...and the public is getting tired of it. It injures our work." Roosevelt must have hogged the conversation as usual, for Parker was in an ill humor by the end of the evening. Walking home with Bishop, he suddenly said, "I wish you would stop him talking so much in the newspapers. He talks, talks, talks all the time. Scarcely a day passes that there is not something from him in the papers...and the public is getting tired of it. It injures our work."

Bishop laughed. "Stop Roosevelt talking! Why, you would kill him. He has to talk. The peculiarity about him is that he has what is essentially a boy's mind. What he thinks he says at once, says aloud. It is his distinguishing characteristic, and I don't know as he will ever outgrow it. But with it he has great qualities which make him an invaluable public servant-inflexible honesty, absolute fearlessness, and devotion to good government which amounts to religion. We must let him work his way, for nobody can induce him to change it."

Parker received this speech in cold silence.35

AT NOON THE FOLLOWING DAY Roosevelt telephoned Bishop and invited him to lunch. In the latter's words: Roosevelt telephoned Bishop and invited him to lunch. In the latter's words: As soon as we were seated at a narrow table he leaned forward, bringing his face close to mine, and with appalling directness said, "Parker came into my office this morning and said, 'You think Bishop is a friend of yours, don't you?' 'Yes,' I replied. 'Well, you know what he said about you last night? He said you had a boy's mind and it might never be developed.'"Roosevelt's eye-glasses were within three inches of my face, and his eyes were looking straight into mine. Knowing my man, I did not flinch. "Roosevelt, I did say that. Did he tell you what else I said?" "No, that is what I want to hear." When I told him, he brought his fist down on the table with a bang, exclaiming, "By George, I knew it!" "There, Roosevelt," said I, "is your snake in the grass, of which I warned you-the meanest of mean liars, who tells half the truth."36 If nothing else, this incident served to prove Parker's duplicity to Roosevelt. He reacted as he always reacted-aggressively-but, as in a nightmare, found that he had no weapon to wield, no target to hit. Parker continued to stay away from Board meetings, and when Roosevelt rescheduled some to suit his convenience, maddeningly stayed away from those too. Meanwhile Chief Conlin ignored the Board's order to report on Brooks and McCullagh, saying that the Commissioners must resolve their own differences. Roosevelt promptly appealed to the Corporation Counsel for an interpretation of the law, and was told that Parker and Conlin were perfectly within their rights. They could block every major decision of the board for the rest of the century, if they chose. On 24 March, headlines in the yellow press began to mock Roosevelt's impotence: "His the Voice of Authority, But Parker's the Hand that Holds the Rod."37

CONSIDERABLE SPACE was devoted to analyses of the deadlock at Mulberry Street that spring, and as reporters did their research some interesting facts came to light. It transpired that Parker had begun to amass power in the department from the day he took office. Quietly establishing control over the Detective Bureau was devoted to analyses of the deadlock at Mulberry Street that spring, and as reporters did their research some interesting facts came to light. It transpired that Parker had begun to amass power in the department from the day he took office. Quietly establishing control over the Detective Bureau38-the most feared in the world, outside of Scotland Yard-he now enjoyed as much potential influence in the underworld as Chief Byrnes had ever done. Just what use, if any, he intended to make of it remained to be seen. His hold over Chief Conlin was traced back to a bargain struck between them the previous year. Apparently Parker had withheld his vote confirming Conlin39 until that officer was so desperate for permanent rank he had consented to pay the price: a promise of cooperation in any future moves against Roosevelt. until that officer was so desperate for permanent rank he had consented to pay the price: a promise of cooperation in any future moves against Roosevelt.

Speculation as to Parker's long-term motives ranged 360 degrees around the political spectrum. The Herald Herald noted that Parker and Conlin were both Democrats, and that in the wake of Counsel's ruling they had already begun to change the structure of the precincts, with a fine eye for political detail. "Mr. Parker...is calculating the possibilities and probabilities of future elections and future Legislatures...Should there ever be a one-headed Commission, and the Democrats in the ascendancy, his friends say, he may be that Commissioner." noted that Parker and Conlin were both Democrats, and that in the wake of Counsel's ruling they had already begun to change the structure of the precincts, with a fine eye for political detail. "Mr. Parker...is calculating the possibilities and probabilities of future elections and future Legislatures...Should there ever be a one-headed Commission, and the Democrats in the ascendancy, his friends say, he may be that Commissioner."40 The The Evening Sun Evening Sun believed that on the contrary Parker was cooperating with Boss Platt, who, unable to kill Roosevelt with legislation, had crossed party lines in order to cripple him. Parker's reward, presumably, would be some plum job when Greater New York came into being. Other papers speculated that Parker was working for Boss Jimmy O'Brien of the County Democracy, or, alternatively, Boss Richard Croker of Tammany Hall. But Lincoln Steffens, writing in the believed that on the contrary Parker was cooperating with Boss Platt, who, unable to kill Roosevelt with legislation, had crossed party lines in order to cripple him. Parker's reward, presumably, would be some plum job when Greater New York came into being. Other papers speculated that Parker was working for Boss Jimmy O'Brien of the County Democracy, or, alternatively, Boss Richard Croker of Tammany Hall. But Lincoln Steffens, writing in the Evening Post Evening Post, saw the whole thing as a simple clash of personalities. "It is impossible that two men like Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Parker should long travel the same road. They run on radically divergent tracks. Mr. Parker fights secretively, by choice, while Roosevelt seeks the open...Parker rushes swiftly to the punishment of any man. Roosevelt seeks ever a chance to reward and praise. Both are able and obstinate men...They were foreordained to disagree, and they did...It is idle to say that there is even a semblance of peace in Mulberry Street. There is war and nothing but war in prospect."41

ROOSEVELT WOULD HAVE WELCOMED a war of any sort during those early months of 1896. His preference, he confessed to Bamie, ran to the foreign variety. a war of any sort during those early months of 1896. His preference, he confessed to Bamie, ran to the foreign variety.42 The nation was caught up in great excitement over President Cleveland's Venezuela Message, and pressures were mounting for Congress to recognize the rebellion in Cuba. Roosevelt vigorously championed both causes. He sent a letter of congratulation to the President, and received a long, grateful response. Cleveland, however, seemed unwilling to venture into the Caribbean, much to Roosevelt's disgust. "We ought to drive the Spaniards out of Cuba...it would be a good thing, in more ways than one, to do it." The nation was caught up in great excitement over President Cleveland's Venezuela Message, and pressures were mounting for Congress to recognize the rebellion in Cuba. Roosevelt vigorously championed both causes. He sent a letter of congratulation to the President, and received a long, grateful response. Cleveland, however, seemed unwilling to venture into the Caribbean, much to Roosevelt's disgust. "We ought to drive the Spaniards out of Cuba...it would be a good thing, in more ways than one, to do it."43 His frustrations over the Police Board deadlock vented themselves in a series of speeches, articles, and open letters aimed at "the peace-at-any-price men," or, more specifically, "beings whose cult is non-virility."44 The editors of the The editors of the Harvard Crimson Harvard Crimson were assailed for their "spirit of eager servility toward England," and sternly reminded that John Quincy Adams, the real formulator of the Monroe Doctrine, had been a Harvard man. Students at the University of Chicago were warned that the adult world was "rough and bloody...but if you have enough of the lust of battle in you, you will have a pretty good time after all." Elsewhere in the Windy City, in a major address to mark Washington's birthday, he thundered his gospel, "Life is strife," against a backdrop of Stars and Stripes. "There is an unhappy tendency among certain of our cultivated people," Roosevelt went on, "to lose the great manly virtues, the power to strive and fight and conquer." He urged his audience, in the name of Washington, to be ready for the day when America had to uphold its honor "by an appeal to the supreme arbitrament of the sword." were assailed for their "spirit of eager servility toward England," and sternly reminded that John Quincy Adams, the real formulator of the Monroe Doctrine, had been a Harvard man. Students at the University of Chicago were warned that the adult world was "rough and bloody...but if you have enough of the lust of battle in you, you will have a pretty good time after all." Elsewhere in the Windy City, in a major address to mark Washington's birthday, he thundered his gospel, "Life is strife," against a backdrop of Stars and Stripes. "There is an unhappy tendency among certain of our cultivated people," Roosevelt went on, "to lose the great manly virtues, the power to strive and fight and conquer." He urged his audience, in the name of Washington, to be ready for the day when America had to uphold its honor "by an appeal to the supreme arbitrament of the sword."45 The nonvirile, in reply, made amused reference to his failure to conquer anyone at Police Headquarters. "When a man of marked ability is obviously uncomfortable where he is," wrote a correspondent of the Evening Post Evening Post, "it is a satisfaction to find some place where his energies will have unchecked swing." The writer suggested that Roosevelt should leave immediately for South Africa, where the Boers-"Dutchmen pure and simple"-were fighting a losing battle for control of the Transvaal. "Let him shake from his feet the dust of ungrateful Manhattan...let him offer himself as General-in-Chief to President Kruger, and head the staunch conservatives who hold the fort from the Vaal to the Limpopo; perhaps he may succeed in rolling back the British aggressor."46 E. L. Godkin, editor of the Post Post, agreed that this was an excellent idea. "Speaking for the American public, we say that, much as we esteem Mr. Roosevelt as a Police Commissioner we think his value to the community would be greatly increased if somehow he could somewhere have his fill of fighting." After two or three campaigns for Kruger, he would be purged, and would be able to resume the life of a dedicated public servant. In barbed sentences that seem to have embedded themselves in Roosevelt's hide, Godkin went on: Now, in our opinion, no man-and especially no man of Mr. Roosevelt's bellicose temperament-is qualified to give advice about war who has not seen war...The sight of a battlefield is one of the most awful lessons in international ethics which a civilized man can receive...Before Mr. Roosevelt sends round the fiery cross among the young men of the country any more, he ought, therefore, to have some personal experience of his own nostrum. Fighting grizzly bears, we can tell him, is child's play compared to facing a battery, or storming a fortification...That he would fight like a demon under Kruger, we have no doubt, but he ought to fight somewhere before he recommends fighting so glibly to our youth.47

ROOSEVELT ADMITTED TO hours of deep depression in his job, together with much nervous fatigue as he struggled to break the deadlock at Mulberry Street. "What can I have done? What can I have done? That any man should imagine I could succumb to this hell-born lure?" Commissioners Grant and Andrews were also anxious to promote the two acting inspectors, but Parker continued to object, and Chief Conlin continued to side with him. The deadlock began to look like permanent paralysis. There was no hope of getting remedial legislation through Boss Platt. Grant went to beg his aid, and was politely refused. "I would like to please you, Colonel Grant, but I don't care nearly as much to please you as I do to worry Roosevelt." hours of deep depression in his job, together with much nervous fatigue as he struggled to break the deadlock at Mulberry Street. "What can I have done? What can I have done? That any man should imagine I could succumb to this hell-born lure?" Commissioners Grant and Andrews were also anxious to promote the two acting inspectors, but Parker continued to object, and Chief Conlin continued to side with him. The deadlock began to look like permanent paralysis. There was no hope of getting remedial legislation through Boss Platt. Grant went to beg his aid, and was politely refused. "I would like to please you, Colonel Grant, but I don't care nearly as much to please you as I do to worry Roosevelt."48 The old man was obviously looking forward to Roosevelt's early resignation. Grant angrily declared that he would vote for no further promotions until Brooks and McCullagh were confirmed. This only worsened the strain on the president of the Board. "Though I have the constitution of a bull moose," he wrote on 30 March, "it is beginning to wear on me a little." The old man was obviously looking forward to Roosevelt's early resignation. Grant angrily declared that he would vote for no further promotions until Brooks and McCullagh were confirmed. This only worsened the strain on the president of the Board. "Though I have the constitution of a bull moose," he wrote on 30 March, "it is beginning to wear on me a little."49 Later that same day he, Grant, and Andrews made a sudden move to bypass Boss Platt. They jointly petitioned the New York State Legislature to scrap the Bipartisan Act. In its place, the Commissioners proposed a bill that would first, enable a majority of three to override a minority of two, and, second, restore to the Board the independent rights of assignment now enjoyed by Chief Conlin. Roosevelt still had plenty of contacts in Albany, and the new Police Bill came up for consideration within forty-eight hours. Machine Republicans were too slow to organize against it, and a favorable vote was recorded in the Assembly.50 Parker moved at once to work up opposition in the Senate. He wrote to warn Boss Platt that Roosevelt was an incorrigible promoter of Democratic policemen. To give the president of the Police Board more power, therefore, would actually reduce Platt's chances of patronage in the upper ranks. Parker went on to say that he himself was just the opposite: a Democratic Commissioner who happened to recommend Republican officers. In proof of this statement he enclosed a list of recent promotions, showing that Roosevelt had favored every Democratic candidate to date.51 The list was forwarded to Albany, and Platt's faithful lieutenant, "Smooth Ed" Lauterbach, circulated it among Republican members of the Senate. Roosevelt did not see a copy until 9 April, when he arrived to testify on behalf of his bill before the Senate Committee on Cities. He boggled at the neatly typed document: it was "unqualifiedly false" in almost every particular. Worse still was Parker's insinuation that politics played a part in the advancement process at Mulberry Street. Roosevelt neither knew nor cared which party any policeman he liked belonged to; he conceived of promotion strictly in terms of merit.52 Pouncing upon Lauterbach in the Senate corridor, he began to tick off the list's falsehoods, one by one, whereupon Parker (who had also been invited to testify) joined them and insisted they were all true. Both Commissioners were quivering with anger when they adjourned to the nearby hearing room.53 In their respective testimonies for and against the Police Bill, they made a study of opposites: Roosevelt barking like a nervous bulldog, Parker feline and purringly sarcastic. The effect of some of his remarks was such that Roosevelt several times leaped up and paced around the room in a vain effort to stay calm. "Of course," Parker drawled after quoting a newspaper attack on himself, given out by some unidentified source at Mulberry Street, "I don't attribute that that part of the article to Mr. Roosevelt." "Oh, you may, you may," Roosevelt shot back. part of the article to Mr. Roosevelt." "Oh, you may, you may," Roosevelt shot back.54 His truculence at Albany cost him dear. Although he sent Senate Republicans a convincing rebuttal of Parker's charges, signed by both Andrews and Grant, the Police Bill was reported unfavorably. To add insult to injury, another letter-bomb was waiting for Roosevelt when he got back to headquarters. Had it not been intercepted and defused by detectives, its charge of fine black Chinese gunpowder might have blown his face off.55

NOW THAT R ROOSEVELT and Parker had made a public spectacle of their hatred for each other, they no longer attempted to conceal it from their colleagues, nor from the force, nor from the reporters who twice weekly attended open sessions of the Police Board. Consequently "the Mulberry Street Affair" became something of a running entertainment for New Yorkers. The popular press treated it as a circulation-boosting suspense serial, and described every new flare-up at headquarters with shrewd attention to dramatic detail. The and Parker had made a public spectacle of their hatred for each other, they no longer attempted to conceal it from their colleagues, nor from the force, nor from the reporters who twice weekly attended open sessions of the Police Board. Consequently "the Mulberry Street Affair" became something of a running entertainment for New Yorkers. The popular press treated it as a circulation-boosting suspense serial, and described every new flare-up at headquarters with shrewd attention to dramatic detail. The Sun Sun warned its readers to " warned its readers to "LOOK OUT FOR EPITHETS-the Row in the Police Board Approaches the Danger Point," while the Evening News Evening News wondered when "Montague Parker" and "Capulet Teddy" would stop biting their thumbs at each other and engage in armed combat. wondered when "Montague Parker" and "Capulet Teddy" would stop biting their thumbs at each other and engage in armed combat.56 The former was too agile an adversary, however, to allow himself to be directly challenged. Whenever Roosevelt seemed to be on the point of exploding, Parker would unfold a deft compliment, or make some unexpected conciliatory gesture, which suddenly relieved the pressure. A case in point occurred on 1 May, when Parker interrupted a regular meeting to announce that it was time for the "annual election" of the president of the Board. There was an amazed silence. Roosevelt said that he "did not understand." Avery Andrews challenged the legality of such a step. Surely a president, once elected, remained so for the duration of the Board? Parker suggested that somebody consult the statute-book. Tension mounted while a clerk flicked the pages over: Parker had never yet been proved wrong on any point of law. Not until the moment of confirmation did Parker propose, with a smile, that Theodore Roosevelt be renominated.57 "What are you doing it for?" Lincoln Steffens asked. "Oh, just for ducks," said Parker, "just to see the big bomb splutter, the boss leader of men blow up."58

HE CONTINUED TO EVADE Roosevelt so successfully that when the long-threatened explosion came, its victim was not himself but City Comptroller Ashbel P. Fitch. The latter was a waspish, bearded Democrat whose habit of rejecting the Police Department's more questionable bills-such as payment for children reporting Sunday Excise Law violations-was a constant irritation to Roosevelt. Roosevelt so successfully that when the long-threatened explosion came, its victim was not himself but City Comptroller Ashbel P. Fitch. The latter was a waspish, bearded Democrat whose habit of rejecting the Police Department's more questionable bills-such as payment for children reporting Sunday Excise Law violations-was a constant irritation to Roosevelt.

On 5 May the president of the Police Board arrived at City Hall for a meeting of the Board of Estimate, attired in a new tweed suit whose checks, according to the World World, were "distinctly audible at twenty paces."59 He was seen to admire himself in a looking-glass before sitting down and facing Fitch across the Mayor's table. He was seen to admire himself in a looking-glass before sitting down and facing Fitch across the Mayor's table.

The Comptroller listened impassively while Roosevelt requested that $11,000 of surplus construction funds be transferred to finance his second annual campaign against the saloons, just then beginning. "I doubt that we can do it legally," Fitch replied, and launched into a speech about the "impropriety" of taxpayers' money being used to bribe stool-pigeons on a Sunday.

Roosevelt, his choler visibly rising, explained that policemen could not arrest saloonkeepers for selling liquor illegally without buying it themselves, or paying somebody to buy it for them. The money came out of their own pockets, and they were entitled to be reimbursed. "Yes, yes," Fitch interrupted, "the same old story, we've heard it before."

"If we are brought to a standstill," Roosevelt hissed with clenched fists, "if we have to shut down in our work it is your fault!"

"Oh, stop scolding," said Fitch. He suggested that Roosevelt ask a court for the money. The dialogue, which was transcribed by several eyewitnesses, continued as follows: ROOSEVELT.

(white with rage, jumping to his feet) (white with rage, jumping to his feet) You are the one to blame! You are the one to blame!

FITCH.

(lolling back in his chair) (lolling back in his chair) Tush! Tush! I won't discuss the matter with you in this fashion. You're always looking for a fight. Tush! Tush! I won't discuss the matter with you in this fashion. You're always looking for a fight.

ROOSEVELT.

I fight when I am attacked! I fight when I am attacked!

FITCH.

(idly) (idly) Oh, go on, I don't want to fight with you. Oh, go on, I don't want to fight with you. (Toys with pencil.) (Toys with pencil.) ROOSEVELT.

(snapping his teeth) (snapping his teeth) I know you won't fight. You'll run away. I know you won't fight. You'll run away.

FITCH.

Well, I wouldn't run away from you, at all events. Well, I wouldn't run away from you, at all events.

ROOSEVELT.

(shouting) (shouting) You dare not fight! You dare not fight!

FITCH.

Oh, I don't, hey? Just name your weapons. What do you want-pistols? Oh, I don't, hey? Just name your weapons. What do you want-pistols?

ROOSEVELT.

Pistols or anything else! Pistols or anything else! (Dancing with rage.) (Dancing with rage.)

"At this point," wrote the World World correspondent, "two reporters who were in the line of fire dropped their notes and dodged under the table." Fitch was no man to challenge lightly, being the unscarred winner of some thirty sword fights at the University of Heidelberg. correspondent, "two reporters who were in the line of fire dropped their notes and dodged under the table." Fitch was no man to challenge lightly, being the unscarred winner of some thirty sword fights at the University of Heidelberg.60 Fortunately Mayor Strong, who had been listening to the whole exchange with trembling eyelids, made one of the few decisive gestures of his administration. He raised a rheumatic fist and brought it down on the table with a crash. Fortunately Mayor Strong, who had been listening to the whole exchange with trembling eyelids, made one of the few decisive gestures of his administration. He raised a rheumatic fist and brought it down on the table with a crash.

STRONG.

(wincing) (wincing) Gentlemen, gentlemen! I warn you right now that if this thing goes on I shall call in the police and have you both arrested. Gentlemen, gentlemen! I warn you right now that if this thing goes on I shall call in the police and have you both arrested.

FITCH.

Oh, this man Roosevelt is always getting into a row.... He had a row with Parker, now he wants a row with me. Oh, this man Roosevelt is always getting into a row.... He had a row with Parker, now he wants a row with me.61

The matter was referred to Corporation Counsel, and Roosevelt stalked out in a towering rage. Later he calmed down and told reporters that there would be no duel. But it was too late to avoid headlines, and for days afterward press and public rejoiced in the story. The Tribune Tribune bet on Roosevelt, who was "always in condition to whip his weight in wildcats," while the yellow press came out strongly for Fitch. The bet on Roosevelt, who was "always in condition to whip his weight in wildcats," while the yellow press came out strongly for Fitch. The Evening Post Evening Post, anxious as ever to avoid bloodshed, suggested "a meeting in the City Hall plaza with Fire Department hoses at 30 paces," but popular opinion was in favor of a real duel. Offers of seconds-and executors-came in from as far away as Philadelphia, and Fitch was reported to have collected "a small arsenal" of gift weapons.62 One enormous horse-pistol, adapted to fire peas, putty, and spitballs, was sent to the Mayor by a citizen concerned for his safety. Strong was immensely tickled. "I shall use this at all future Board meetings," he declared. One enormous horse-pistol, adapted to fire peas, putty, and spitballs, was sent to the Mayor by a citizen concerned for his safety. Strong was immensely tickled. "I shall use this at all future Board meetings," he declared.63 Actually William Strong had begun to sympathize with his beleaguered Police Commissioner. However much he might regret Roosevelt's hot-headedness, he liked the man, and admired his decency. As for Parker (who had been seen gleefully slapping Fitch on the back after the Board of Estimate meeting),64 the Mayor regretted ever having appointed him. He had done so in response to intense pressure by the County Democracy, which supported his reform ticket in 1894; and now the taste of that particular compromise was bitter in his mouth. Parker's obstructionism, absenteeism, and indolence had all but halted the work of the Police Department. Morale was sinking steadily, and the crime rate was climbing in proportion. Chief Conlin had become so depressed (while still doggedly supporting Parker) as to request sick leave in Europe. The fifty-five-year-old officer was said to be ready to quit, and wanted only to lead his men in a final parade up Fifth Avenue before handing in his badge. the Mayor regretted ever having appointed him. He had done so in response to intense pressure by the County Democracy, which supported his reform ticket in 1894; and now the taste of that particular compromise was bitter in his mouth. Parker's obstructionism, absenteeism, and indolence had all but halted the work of the Police Department. Morale was sinking steadily, and the crime rate was climbing in proportion. Chief Conlin had become so depressed (while still doggedly supporting Parker) as to request sick leave in Europe. The fifty-five-year-old officer was said to be ready to quit, and wanted only to lead his men in a final parade up Fifth Avenue before handing in his badge.65 The worst news, as far as Strong was concerned, was that Parker, casting around for a new ally, had managed to ensnare Commissioner Grant. Both men were now boycotting Police Board meetings,66 leaving Avery Andrews as Roosevelt's only faithful supporter-and even Andrews was beginning to show signs of polite impatience with the dead-lock. leaving Avery Andrews as Roosevelt's only faithful supporter-and even Andrews was beginning to show signs of polite impatience with the dead-lock.

The final straw came when Roosevelt approached the Mayor with evidence showing that Parker was corrupt. A patrolman named McMorrow had signed an affidavit, dated 20 April 1896, stating that he had bought his appointment for $400, the understanding being that "it was to be done through Commissioner Parker."67 Roosevelt was reluctant to publicize this affidavit, since it would seriously damage his Board's reputation for personal honesty, and he could not be entirely sure of the evidence. He asked Strong to intervene. On 20 May, therefore, the Mayor wrote Parker a private letter saying that "the honor of the city" required that he step down, and intimating that certain "sensational" facts would be released to the press if he did not resign within seven days. Parker replied with cold indifference: "I shall serve out my term regardless."68 He followed up with an open attack on Roosevelt, for the benefit of a Recorder Recorder interviewer. "Ever since his appointment as a Police Commissioner...he has assumed that he is the Alpha and Omega of the Department...For eleven months I have patiently endured this arbitrary assumption of authority...Colonel Grant and myself finally decided that, unless Mr. Roosevelt recognized us as possessing equal authority to himself, we would take steps for protecting ourselves." interviewer. "Ever since his appointment as a Police Commissioner...he has assumed that he is the Alpha and Omega of the Department...For eleven months I have patiently endured this arbitrary assumption of authority...Colonel Grant and myself finally decided that, unless Mr. Roosevelt recognized us as possessing equal authority to himself, we would take steps for protecting ourselves."69 Mayor Strong allowed the seven-day deadline to pass without releasing the McMorrow statement, but let it be known that Parker had been asked to resign. The news broke on 28 May, just as Chief Conlin returned from Europe to lead the annual parade of New York's Finest.70

ROOSEVELT HAD CANCELED last year's event, saying that "we will parade again when we have something to boast about." last year's event, saying that "we will parade again when we have something to boast about."71 He was not feeling particularly boastful in the spring of 1896 either, yet there was a lot to be said, psychologically speaking, for a show of unity in the ranks. Despite reports of discontent and renewed corruption from various precincts, he was convinced that "the bulk of the men were heartily desirous of being honest." He was not feeling particularly boastful in the spring of 1896 either, yet there was a lot to be said, psychologically speaking, for a show of unity in the ranks. Despite reports of discontent and renewed corruption from various precincts, he was convinced that "the bulk of the men were heartily desirous of being honest."72 And if Parker was to be fired (as the Mayor kept promising), the department's moral regeneration would surely continue. And if Parker was to be fired (as the Mayor kept promising), the department's moral regeneration would surely continue.

On the first day of June he found himself gripping the rails of a reviewing stand at Fortieth Street and Fifth Avenue. Magnificent sunshine warmed his tails and top hat, and he enjoyed a rare moment of repose as the drumbeats grew louder downtown.73 His fellow Commissioners were on their best behavior; Mayor Strong beamed kindly upon him; he, in turn, grinned wider and wider at his first sight of the force en masse. His fellow Commissioners were on their best behavior; Mayor Strong beamed kindly upon him; he, in turn, grinned wider and wider at his first sight of the force en masse.

More than two thousand men came up the avenue in wave after wave of blue serge, their white gloves rising and falling like lines of foam, their helmets and brass buttons coruscating. Chief Conlin led the way on an immense bay horse whose coat was rubbed and curried to the sheen of satin. The crowd gave him a thunderous ovation, but saved its biggest roar for the "bicycle squad"-an innovation of Commissioner Andrews-twenty-four burly patrolmen wobbling determinedly along on wheels.74 The parade was adjudged a smashing success, and redounded greatly to the credit of "President Roosevelt."75 At its conclusion he was mobbed by cheering well-wishers, and horses had to be brought in to clear an escape route for him. At its conclusion he was mobbed by cheering well-wishers, and horses had to be brought in to clear an escape route for him.

BUT THE SOUND OF marching bands had hardly died away before public attention was drawn to renewed hostility between the Commissioners. Amid rumors that Strong had again demanded Parker's resignation, and again been refused, marching bands had hardly died away before public attention was drawn to renewed hostility between the Commissioners. Amid rumors that Strong had again demanded Parker's resignation, and again been refused,76 the Police Board assembled for a regular meeting on Wednesday, 3 June. It proceeded to give the most convincing demonstration yet of its inability to function as an administrative body. the Police Board assembled for a regular meeting on Wednesday, 3 June. It proceeded to give the most convincing demonstration yet of its inability to function as an administrative body.

Roosevelt listened stonily while Commissioner Grant offered as a "treaty of peace" a new set of rules governing promotions. He was willing to approve the rules-anything to get the department moving again-but was in no mood to tolerate any more obstructionism from across the table. Only that morning the Herald Herald had published a humiliating cartoon of himself being crushed by Parker, in the form of a great, smiling weight, while the caption enquired, "Will the 'Strong' Man Lift It?" had published a humiliating cartoon of himself being crushed by Parker, in the form of a great, smiling weight, while the caption enquired, "Will the 'Strong' Man Lift It?"77 Predictably, Parker waited until both Roosevelt and Andrews had expressed their approval of the rules before subjecting every one to destructive legal analysis. Roosevelt's face darkened to deep red, and beads of sweat stood out on his forehead as the maddening voice droned on, stinging him with insults that passed too quickly for retort. The two men stared steadily into each other's eyes, forgetful of other people in the room, obsessed by their struggle for supremacy.78 When Roosevelt spoke in reply, his voice sounded surprisingly deep and guttural, and every word was bitten into precise syllables-a sure sign of danger to those who knew him. One of the items of agenda awaiting discussion was the new police revolver, a .32-caliber, double-action, four-inch Colt. Reporters watched in fascination as the president of the Board absentmindedly fondled it, then, still talking, picked it up and shook it "slowly and impressively" in Parker's face.79 On this occasion it was Roosevelt who controlled himself, and Roosevelt who won. After four hours of relentless pressure, Parker, pale with exhaustion, agreed to the adoption of the rules.80

BUT HE STILL obstinately refused to confirm the promotions of Brooks and McCullagh, much less resign his commissionership. Mayor Strong, who was prevented by the Power of Removals Act from dismissing him without trial, asked Roosevelt to draw up a list of five formal charges, including "neglected duty, malfeasance, and misfeasance." obstinately refused to confirm the promotions of Brooks and McCullagh, much less resign his commissionership. Mayor Strong, who was prevented by the Power of Removals Act from dismissing him without trial, asked Roosevelt to draw up a list of five formal charges, including "neglected duty, malfeasance, and misfeasance."81 For some reason the charge of personal corruption was not among them. There was yet another, much more devastating charge, which Roosevelt could have used, had he wanted to. The story, as told by Jacob Riis, sounds apocryphal, but it has been confirmed by two independent sources. For some reason the charge of personal corruption was not among them. There was yet another, much more devastating charge, which Roosevelt could have used, had he wanted to. The story, as told by Jacob Riis, sounds apocryphal, but it has been confirmed by two independent sources.82 I was in his office one day [that June] when a police official of superior rank came in and requested private audience with him. They stepped aside and the policeman spoke in an undertone, urging something strongly. Mr. Roosevelt listened. Suddenly I saw him straighten up as a man recoils from something unclean, and dismiss the other with a sharp: "No, sir! I don't fight that way." The policeman went out crestfallen. Roosevelt took two or three turns about the floor, struggling evidently with strong disgust. He told me afterward that the man had come to him with what he said was certain knowledge that his enemy [Parker] could be found that night in a known evil house uptown, which it was his alleged habit to visit. His proposition was to raid it then and so "get square." To the policeman it must have seemed like throwing a good chance away.83 If Parker had been caught in flagrante delicto in flagrante delicto he could doubtless have been persuaded to resign: but Roosevelt "struck no blow below the belt." he could doubtless have been persuaded to resign: but Roosevelt "struck no blow below the belt."84 And so the five formal charges were served, and public hearings set to begin on 11 June in Mayor Strong's office. Elihu Root was appointed prosecutor, and General Benjamin F. Tracy, late of the Harrison Administration and now a Platt intimate, announced he would appear for Parker.85

THE "TRIAL," which dragged on sporadically until 8 July, proved to be anticlimactic and dull. The weakness of Roosevelt's charges was apparent from the start, which dragged on sporadically until 8 July, proved to be anticlimactic and dull. The weakness of Roosevelt's charges was apparent from the start,86 and the evidence, droned out to the whir of electric fans, sounded trivial. It consisted largely of lists of meetings which Parker had missed, and lists of documents he had allowed to pile up on his desk. General Tracy effectively proved that Roosevelt was no slouch at missing meetings himself, when there were lucrative offers to speak out of town. and the evidence, droned out to the whir of electric fans, sounded trivial. It consisted largely of lists of meetings which Parker had missed, and lists of documents he had allowed to pile up on his desk. General Tracy effectively proved that Roosevelt was no slouch at missing meetings himself, when there were lucrative offers to speak out of town.87 He also suggested that Parker's reluctance to promote Brooks and McCullagh might be justified, and got Roosevelt to admit that as president of the Board he had advanced several ill-qualified men in 1895 simply because they "gave promise of being useful"-in some cases, not even bothering to check their records. He also suggested that Parker's reluctance to promote Brooks and McCullagh might be justified, and got Roosevelt to admit that as president of the Board he had advanced several ill-qualified men in 1895 simply because they "gave promise of being useful"-in some cases, not even bothering to check their records.88 One of the few entertaining moments of the proceedings came when Tracy deflated a Rooseveltian tirade thus: One of the few entertaining moments of the proceedings came when Tracy deflated a Rooseveltian tirade thus: ROOSEVELT.

...It was a long time before I could make up my mind about Mr. Parker. I struggled against it. I recognized his great ability. But at last I was forced to the conclusion that he was guilty of neglected duty; that he was mendacious, treacherous, capable of double dealing and exercising a bad influence... ...It was a long time before I could make up my mind about Mr. Parker. I struggled against it. I recognized his great ability. But at last I was forced to the conclusion that he was guilty of neglected duty; that he was mendacious, treacherous, capable of double dealing and exercising a bad influence...

TRACY.

Hasn't the whole trouble come from the fact that you had to yield to Mr. Parker? Hasn't the whole trouble come from the fact that you had to yield to Mr. Parker?

ROOSEVELT.

No, sir, I would be glad to yield to him if he was right. No, sir, I would be glad to yield to him if he was right.

TRACY.

(dryly) (dryly) You enjoy yielding to a man, don't you? You enjoy yielding to a man, don't you?

ROOSEVELT.

(with great energy) (with great energy) By George, I do, and that's a fact! By George, I do, and that's a fact!

"He looked surprised," reported an onlooker, "when the crowd shrieked with laughter." Parker, seated not six feet away, joined in the general mirth.89 Mayor Strong made no secret of his dissatisfaction with the evidence presented by the prosecution. In contrast, that of the defense was impressive. Grant and Conlin testified in Parker's praise, and Parker himself made a convincing witness. Relaxed, graceful, and articulate, he cited fact after fact which, in the words of the Sun Sun, "made him out as having been exceedingly active in the performance of his duties almost from the hour of his appointment."90 Roosevelt's loyal ally, The New York Times The New York Times, was tempted to agree, and forecast that if Strong upheld the prosecution, Parker would be vindicated in court. Most other newspapers expected the Mayor to dismiss the charges once the trial came to an end. As one editor pointed out, the real issue could not be legally considered. It was that "irreconcilable" personality differences made it impossible for Roosevelt and Parker to work democratically together.91 The only way of resolving it was for one of them to resign; and since both were proud men, that day might be long in coming. The only way of resolving it was for one of them to resign; and since both were proud men, that day might be long in coming.

DULL AS THE P PARKER trial was, it might have sparked more interest had its first few sessions not coincided with the Republican National Convention in St. Louis. The petty tensions prevailing between prosecution and defense in Mayor Strong's office were as nothing compared with the huge forces then contending on the banks of the Mississippi; yet in a microscopic way they reflected the party struggle. Here was a quiet, kindly man of bland political persuasion (William L. Strong/William McKinley) seeking to transcend the rivalry of an arrogant individualist (Theodore Roosevelt/Thomas B. Reed) and an organization man (Benjamin F. Tracy/Levi P. Morton). trial was, it might have sparked more interest had its first few sessions not coincided with the Republican National Convention in St. Louis. The petty tensions prevailing between prosecution and defense in Mayor Strong's office were as nothing compared with the huge forces then contending on the banks of the Mississippi; yet in a microscopic way they reflected the party struggle. Here was a quiet, kindly man of bland political persuasion (William L. Strong/William McKinley) seeking to transcend the rivalry of an arrogant individualist (Theodore Roosevelt/Thomas B. Reed) and an organization man (Benjamin F. Tracy/Levi P. Morton).

Of the participants in the trial, Roosevelt was by far the most adaptable in his candidate loyalty and the quickest to respond to what was going on in St. Louis. Since at least 1892 he had cherished the idea of electing Reed President of the United States.92 But his veneration for the Speaker had begun to abate early in the New Year. Reed, he now believed, was not firm enough on financial issues and not aggressive enough in recommending a larger navy. About the same time Roosevelt had found it expedient to campaign in a few delegate primaries for Governor Morton of New York-Boss Platt's personal candidate. While doing so, he kept an uneasy eye on the candidacy of William McKinley. After leaving Congress in 1890 McKinley had twice been elected Governor of Ohio, and the country now seemed ready to forgive him for his harsh policies as Majority Leader. Indeed, the financial panic of 1893 was now widely seen as the result of overreaction to McKinley's wise revisions of the tariff. But his veneration for the Speaker had begun to abate early in the New Year. Reed, he now believed, was not firm enough on financial issues and not aggressive enough in recommending a larger navy. About the same time Roosevelt had found it expedient to campaign in a few delegate primaries for Governor Morton of New York-Boss Platt's personal candidate. While doing so, he kept an uneasy eye on the candidacy of William McKinley. After leaving Congress in 1890 McKinley had twice been elected Governor of Ohio, and the country now seemed ready to forgive him for his harsh policies as Majority Leader. Indeed, the financial panic of 1893 was now widely seen as the result of overreaction to McKinley's wise revisions of the tariff.93 Although Roosevelt had been favorably disposed toward McKinley in the past at least as a person, Although Roosevelt had been favorably disposed toward McKinley in the past at least as a person,94 he now felt sudden qualms. "It will be a great misfortune to have McKinley nominated," he wrote, in one of the indiscretions Henry Cabot Lodge saw fit to delete from their published correspondence. "...If I could tell you all I have learned since his campaign has progressed, you would be as completely alarmed over the prospect of his presidential nomination as I am." he now felt sudden qualms. "It will be a great misfortune to have McKinley nominated," he wrote, in one of the indiscretions Henry Cabot Lodge saw fit to delete from their published correspondence. "...If I could tell you all I have learned since his campaign has progressed, you would be as completely alarmed over the prospect of his presidential nomination as I am."95 That was on 27 February. Less than a month later he had acknowledged "a great wave for McKinley sweeping over the country" and expressed "great disappointment" with Reed. The latter's overbearing personality had alienated a considerable number of professional politicians. Roosevelt might forgive him That was on 27 February. Less than a month later he had acknowledged "a great wave for McKinley sweeping over the country" and expressed "great disappointment" with Reed. The latter's overbearing personality had alienated a considerable number of professional politicians. Roosevelt might forgive him that that, but he could hardly approve the tone of a letter his friend sent him in late May, when McKinley emerged as the clear favorite for the nomination. "In a word, dear boy, I am tired of this thing...the receding grapes seem to ooze with acid and the whole thing is a farce."96 On the eve of the trial, as Lodge prepared to depart for St. Louis, Roosevelt admitted that he was more interested in what happened at the convention than anything else. He told Bamie that he felt "very nervous" about its probable outcome. "McKinley, whose firmness I utterly distrust, will be nominated; and this...I much regret."97 On 18 June 1896, news of the first ballot at St. Louis flashed over the wires to New York: McKinley had scored On 18 June 1896, news of the first ballot at St. Louis flashed over the wires to New York: McKinley had scored 661 661 votes to Reed's 84 and Governor Morton's 58.98 At once Roosevelt's distrust of the candidate vanished, at least for public purposes. He was due to take the witness box that very day, and used the occasion to make his political sympathies clear: Mr. Roosevelt [reported The New York Times] The New York Times] attracted the attention of the whole room by appearing with an ivory-colored button, as large as a silver dollar, bearing the portraits of McKinley and [Vice-Presidential nominee] Hobart. The faces could be distinguished across the room. Mr. Roosevelt was very proud of the emblem, which, he said, was the first of its kind to reach New York. All concerned with the case, excepting Mr. Parker, seemed interested in it. Commissioner Roosevelt submitted it to close inspection with infinite good nature and evident gratification. attracted the attention of the whole room by appearing with an ivory-colored button, as large as a silver dollar, bearing the portraits of McKinley and [Vice-Presidential nominee] Hobart. The faces could be distinguished across the room. Mr. Roosevelt was very proud of the emblem, which, he said, was the first of its kind to reach New York. All concerned with the case, excepting Mr. Parker, seemed interested in it. Commissioner Roosevelt submitted it to close inspection with infinite good nature and evident gratification.99 Only in private did he continue to express reservations. "While I greatly regret the defeat of Reed, who was in every way McKinley's superior, I am pretty well satisfied with the outcome at St. Louis...McKinley himself is an upright and honorable man, of very considerable ability and good record as a soldier and in Congress; he is not a strong man however; and unless he is well backed I should feel rather uneasy about him in a serious crisis..."100

MAYOR S STRONG ADDED TO Roosevelt's sense of unease by fleeing New York as soon as the trial was over, saying that he wished to soothe his rheumatism, and consider his verdict, in the mud baths of Richfield Springs. "I will do nothing in the matter for several weeks." Roosevelt's sense of unease by fleeing New York as soon as the trial was over, saying that he wished to soothe his rheumatism, and consider his verdict, in the mud baths of Richfield Springs. "I will do nothing in the matter for several weeks."101 Roosevelt was left to ponder the larger implications of McKinley's nomination. He could also look forward to a resumption of hostilities with Commissioner Parker. Roosevelt was left to ponder the larger implications of McKinley's nomination. He could also look forward to a resumption of hostilities with Commissioner Parker.

A CREEPING DISTASTE CREEPING DISTASTE for the job of Police Commissioner becomes apparent in Roosevelt's correspondence from the summer of 1896 onward. for the job of Police Commissioner becomes apparent in Roosevelt's correspondence from the summer of 1896 onward.102 He had never found the work attractive-"grimy" was his most frequent adjective-yet up until his confrontation with Parker he had exulted in its sheer bruising volume, as a strong man exults in shifting tons of rubble. But the collapse of his legal move against Parker, coinciding as it did with the emergence of William McKinley as the likely next President of the United States, made him realize that he had achieved about as much as he ever would in Mulberry Street. He summed up his feelings in an unusually revealing letter to Bamie, written with an air of finality, as if he had already resigned: He had never found the work attractive-"grimy" was his most frequent adjective-yet up until his confrontation with Parker he had exulted in its sheer bruising volume, as a strong man exults in shifting tons of rubble. But the collapse of his legal move against Parker, coinciding as it did with the emergence of William McKinley as the likely next President of the United States, made him realize that he had achieved about as much as he ever would in Mulberry Street. He summed up his feelings in an unusually revealing letter to Bamie, written with an air of finality, as if he had already resigned: I have been so absorbed by my own special work and its ramifications that I have time to keep very little in touch with anything outside of my own duties; I see but little of the life of the great world; I am but little in touch even with our national politics. The work of the Police Board has...nothing of the purple in it; it is as grimy as all work for municipal reform over here must be for some decades to come; and it is inconceivably arduous, disheartening, and irritating...I have to contend with the hostility of Tammany, and the almost equal hostility of the Republican machine; I have to contend with the folly of the reformers and the indifference of decent citizens; above all I have to contend with the singularly foolish law under which we administer the Department. If I were...a single-headed Commissioner, with absolute power...I could in a couple of years accomplish almost all I could desire; but as it is I am one of four Commissioners, each of whom possesses a veto power in promotions...Add to this a hostile legislature, a bitterly antagonistic press, an unscrupulous scoundrel as Comptroller...However, I have faced it as best I could, and I have accomplished something.103 His use of the phrase "a couple of years," while possibly unconscious, is interesting. Projected from his acceptance of the Commissionership in April 1895, it indicates that Roosevelt was looking forward to another offer in April 1897, in other words, about the time the new President would be making appointments.104 It was useless to hope for a Cabinet post, such as Thomas B. Reed would have given him; but if he ingratiated himself with McKinley now, and worked hard to ensure his election in November, he might count on some fairly high-level job next spring.

He needed no time to decide which particular appointment to push for. One area of national policy interested him more than any other, in view of what he saw as a gathering threat to American security in the Caribbean and Atlantic.105 Paging at random through his list of extracurricular activities in the months preceding the convention, one finds him dining with Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan in February; criticizing the weakness of Secretary Herbert's Navy message in March; pumping the German diplomat Speck von Sternburg for "accurate Teutonic information" on world naval affairs in April; and spending "a rather naval week" in May, during which he inspects the Paging at random through his list of extracurricular activities in the months preceding the convention, one finds him dining with Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan in February; criticizing the weakness of Secretary Herbert's Navy message in March; pumping the German diplomat Speck von Sternburg for "accurate Teutonic information" on world naval affairs in April; and spending "a rather naval week" in May, during which he inspects the Indiana Indiana from top to bottom, and lunches on the from top to bottom, and lunches on the Montgomery Montgomery as she lies in the sun off Staten Island. In between times he reads a life of Admiral James, a two-volume British tome on as she lies in the sun off Staten Island. In between times he reads a life of Admiral James, a two-volume British tome on Modern Ironclads Modern Ironclads, and Lord Brassey's Naval Annual Naval Annual for 1896. He maintains a running correspondence with his new brother-in-law, Lieutenant Commander William Sheffield Cowles, USN, for 1896. He maintains a running correspondence with his new brother-in-law, Lieutenant Commander William Sheffield Cowles, USN,106 writing in June: "Brassey evidently thinks our battleships inferior to the British, because of their 6 inch quick firers...I am not at all sure they are right; though I dislike the superimposed turrets." writing in June: "Brassey evidently thinks our battleships inferior to the British, because of their 6 inch quick firers...I am not at all sure they are right; though I dislike the superimposed turrets."107 Finally, in July, he invites an old friend of William McKinley to visit him at Sagamore Hill. She arrives on the first day of August. Although the weather is very hot, he insists on rowing her across the glaring waters of Oyster Bay. As his oars spasmodically rise and fall, he tells her, "I should like to be Assistant Secretary of the Navy."108

"The work of the Police Board has...nothing of the purple in it."

New York City Police Commissioners Andrews, Parker, Roosevelt, and Grant. (Illustration 20.2)

CHAPTER 21.

The Glorious Retreat Then forth from the chamber in anger he fledAnd the wooden stairway shook with his tread.

IN ADDRESSING HIMSELF to Mrs. Bellamy Storer rather than Mr. Bellamy Storer, Roosevelt flatteringly acknowledged that lady's superior political muscle. He had known her since his early Washington days, to Mrs. Bellamy Storer rather than Mr. Bellamy Storer, Roosevelt flatteringly acknowledged that lady's superior political muscle. He had known her since his early Washington days,1 and had plenty of opportunity to see her in action as a lobbyist for the Roman Catholic Church. Mrs. Storer was a wealthy and formidable matron whose eyes burned with religious fervor, and whose jaw brooked no opposition from anybody-least of all William McKinley, whom she considered to be in her debt. The Presidential candidate had gratefully accepted $10,000 of Storer funds in 1893, when threatened with financial and political ruin. Mrs. Storer was now, three years later, expecting to recoup this investment in the form of various appointments for her near and dear. and had plenty of opportunity to see her in action as a lobbyist for the Roman Catholic Church. Mrs. Storer was a wealthy and formidable matron whose eyes burned with religious fervor, and whose jaw brooked no opposition from anybody-least of all William McKinley, whom she considered to be in her debt. The Presidential candidate had gratefully accepted $10,000 of Storer funds in 1893, when threatened with financial and political ruin. Mrs. Storer was now, three years later, expecting to recoup this investment in the form of various appointments for her near and dear.2 Roosevelt knew that she was fond of him, in an amused, motherly sort of way. She tended (like Edith) to treat him as if he were one of her own children. Years later, when events had conspired to embitter her toward him, she wrote that the "peculiar attraction and fascination" of the young Theodore Roosevelt "lay in the fact that he was like a child; with a child's spontaneous outbursts of affection, of fun, and of anger; and with the brilliant brain and fancy of a child."3

"A good-natured, well-meaning, coarse man, shrewd and hardheaded."

Mark Hanna, sketched the day Theodore Roosevelt went boating with Mrs. Bellamy Storer. (Illustration 21.1) Shrewdly playing upon her maternal sympathies in 1896, he said that his political unpopularity in New York was now so great that the future security of the Roosevelt "bunnies" depended on his getting a high-level post in Washington. Should he fail to negotiate one-or should McKinley (God forbid!) fail to win election, "I shall be the melancholy spectacle...of an idle father, writing books that do not sell!"

Mrs. Storer told him that she was "sure" something could be arranged; she and her husband would speak to McKinley in due course.4 Roosevelt, overjoyed, promised in return to work up support on the Republican National Committee for Bellamy Storer as a Cabinet officer, or Ambassador. The atmosphere in the rowboat grew increasingly cozy, and for the rest of her visit Mrs. Storer basked in Roosevelt's good humor: Roosevelt, overjoyed, promised in return to work up support on the Republican National Committee for Bellamy Storer as a Cabinet officer, or Ambassador. The atmosphere in the rowboat grew increasingly cozy, and for the rest of her visit Mrs. Storer basked in Roosevelt's good humor: One never knew what he would say next. He was certainly very witty in himself, and he valued wit in others. He used during this period to get on the warpath over Sienkiewicz's novels-The Deluge and and Fire and the Sword- Fire and the Sword-and when he was quite sated with slaughter his face would be radiant and he would shout aloud with delight. He seemed as innocent as Toddy in Helen's Babies Helen's Babies, who wanted everything to be "bluggy".... His vituperation was extremely amusing, and he had a most extraordinary vocabulary...Never in our lives have we laughed so often as when Theodore Roosevelt of those days was our host.5

FOR ALL THE OPTIMISM flowing out of Sagamore Hill that summer weekend, Roosevelt and the Storers were uncomfortably aware of the proximity, in New York's Waldorf Hotel, of a Cleveland millionaire who could turn their hopes to dust if he felt like it. Marcus Alonzo Hanna was more than McKinley's manager and closest political adviser; he was now the party Chairman as well. In this double role he stood confirmed as the first countrywide political boss in American history. flowing out of Sagamore Hill that summer weekend, Roosevelt and the Storers were uncomfortably aware of the proximity, in New York's Waldorf Hotel, of a Cleveland millionaire who could turn their hopes to dust if he felt like it. Marcus Alonzo Hanna was more than McKinley's manager and closest political adviser; he was now the party Chairman as well. In this double role he stood confirmed as the first countrywide political boss in American history.6 Cynical Democrats were saying that Hanna, not McKinley, had been nominated at St. Louis; cartoonists depicted the candidate as a limp puppet hanging out of his pocket. Cynical Democrats were saying that Hanna, not McKinley, had been nominated at St. Louis; cartoonists depicted the candidate as a limp puppet hanging out of his pocket.