In a memorial addressed to Granvella by Melanchthon, the Protestants demanded that the matter should be discussed in a calm and Christian manner in the public a.s.sembly, and rejected the secret movements of their opponents, who merely wished ambiguous and entangling articles subscribed. On December 22d he also addressed a private letter to Granvella, in which he lays before him the necessity of a public discussion, and says: "The Church will be benefited if we establish a pure and useful doctrine. I am conscious of my own weakness; yet as far as I am concerned, I do not fear the judgment of honorable and learned men, nor moderate counsels." After long debates, it was at last agreed upon that Eck and Melanchthon should debate the matter in the presence of all. At last, January 14th, 1541, they began the debate, in the presence of the Imperial envoy Granvella. Melanchthon published an account of this discussion, which lasted but four days. We will present parts of this, to show that notwithstanding all his love of peace, he also adhered steadfastly to the truth.

An old account, speaking of his and Eck's speeches, says that they compared with each other like the song of a nightingale with that of a raven. They first discussed Original Sin. Eck opened the debate, and at once a.s.serted the Augsburg Confession and Apology handed to him had been altered in many articles, and did not agree with the former ones. It was certainly an arbitrary act on the part of Melanchthon, to make alterations in those doc.u.ments, which had acquired a public character.

But he explained that his alterations did not affect the substance, but merely the form of expression, which was "milder and clearer" now. Eck was not at all willing to grant this, especially when he regarded the tenth article, on the Lord's Supper. However, he proceeded, pa.s.sing over the first article, because both sides agreed in this, and came to the second article, of _Original Sin_. He was not willing to admit that it was really Sin, but it is merely a want of hereditary righteousness, not of remaining gifts; and the evil l.u.s.t, which remains after Baptism, cannot be properly called Sin. Melanchthon says: "Eck has at last admitted that the evil inclination, which remains in the saints, is a fault, opposed to G.o.d's commandment; but the word sin he wished to be confined to unforgiven sins." Eck had disputed in the same way in Augsburg. But secretly he had said here and there that the views of the opposite side were really true. Melanchthon writes: "What a crime against his convictions, that he should defend such a thing! But I trust that he has been refuted in a sufficiently clear manner."

Granvella listened very attentively, and it is said of him, that he declared he would faithfully report everything to his Sovereign, and also what he thought of the cause of the Protestants, which was not as foolish as their opponents represented it to be. They disputed on Original Sin for four days, and at last Eck proposed a form of agreement which did not oppose the Augsburg Confession. They were now about to proceed to discuss the article of Righteousness, or Justification, for which Melanchthon was very anxious; but on January 18, an Imperial decree was published to the a.s.sembly, which postponed this Religious Conference to the diet soon to be held in Ratisbon. Thus they left Worms again, and were obliged to confess that their journey had been entirely unsuccessful.

All were now eagerly waiting for the diet. Melanchthon, in a letter, says: "G.o.d grant Grace, that something profitable for the Churches and the general peace may be accomplished at this diet." Yet he looked forward to this diet with a troubled heart, not because he feared a religious discussion with the enemy, but rather because he did not approve of the plans of the Evangelical princes, particularly those of the Landgrave Philip. Concerning the latter he expressed himself in the very strongest terms. Luther had entreated the Elector to excuse Philip from this journey; but the Elector could not grant this request, because he needed able men at this diet; yet he also trusted confidently that as he "intended to abide faithfully to the end in the truth revealed, and the pure doctrine of the divine word," so also would all the other allies in the faith present at this diet "steadfastly adhere to that which becometh the honor of G.o.d, and the extension of his saving word."

The Elector, deeply interested in the preservation of pure doctrine, gave explicit directions to his counsellors how they were to act in Ratisbon. He particularly regarded Melanchthon with a watchful eye. He was ordered to reside with the counsellors of the Elector. If any person wished to converse with him there, it should be done in the presence of the counsellors. "And altogether Philip should take heed not to go out too much, but rather remain in his lodgings and with the counsellors, even as he himself will best know how he ought to act."

He departed, with Cruciger, on the 14th of March. From Leipzig he wrote home: "May G.o.d bless and overrule this journey and all our acts, that they may be undertaken for the honor of G.o.d, the growth of the Gospel, the welfare of the Church, and the peace of the Empire." March 16, in the evening, he reached Altenburg, and there united with the other delegates. But on the Bavarian frontier he met with a misfortune, for the carriage was overturned, and he strained the wrist of his right hand so seriously that he could not use it; and it was thought for some time that it was broken. He not only arrived in Ratisbon in great pain, but could not use his hand for a considerable time. He dictated his letters to Cruciger, whom he therefore called his "other self." On the 4th of April, he for the first time, and with great difficulty, wrote to Eber in Wittenberg, and expresses the wish that G.o.d might make him a useful instrument in the Church. On the following day the diet was opened by the Emperor himself. He expressed his wish to restore harmony, and thought the best way to accomplish this would be to appoint honorable and peaceable persons, who should discuss the contested articles of religion, and endeavor to bring about a compromise. They should then make a report, and finally consult with the Papal nuncio CONTARINI, whom the Emperor called a friend of peace. Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich: "This is a dangerous business, and therefore our friends have been disputing for two days among themselves. The more determined of them will only agree to a continuation of the discussion of Worms, but others are willing to permit the Emperor to try this new way." The opinion of the latter was at last given to the Emperor as the decision of the Protestants. He appointed Pflug, Eck, and Groper, of the Catholics; and Melanchthon, Bucer, and Pistorius, of the Protestants, to discuss the articles.[20]

The Count Palatine Frederick, and Granvella, were to officiate as moderators during this discussion; and some other persons were also appointed to attend as hearers and witnesses. Burkard, in a letter to chancellor Bruck, thus judges the different speakers at this Conference: "What hope of the spread of truth can be entertained, when they take the drunken Eck for such important matters, who values wine more than all religion? Julius (Pflug) is altogether dependent upon the Pope; the third, Groper, is a worthy, modest, and not unlearned man, but he will be overcome by the noise on the one side, and by craftiness on the other, and perhaps he will also introduce his own peculiar opinions, which do not altogether agree with the truth of the Gospel. I have confidence in all our Theologians here present, and am convinced that they will not forsake the truth."

Before the debate began, the Emperor summoned them into his presence, and exhorted them, in a very condescending manner, that they should transact this matter in a friendly manner, and not lose sight of the glory of G.o.d, and the general welfare. The Catholics now wished that they would begin with the disputed articles, the Lord's Supper, the power of the Church, the pope, ma.s.ses, secret ma.s.ses, monastic vows, celibacy of priests, and the one kind in the Sacrament, and then pa.s.s over to the articles of Justification, of merit, and of good works. By this we can easily see, that at the outset they were anxious to frustrate the discussion. But when the discussion was about to begin, on April 27th, the Emperor presented a book, which contained an attempt to reconcile these articles, with the direction "that the persons selected should examine it, and correct whatever was opposed to Holy Scripture, but suffer everything Christian to remain." This book was afterwards called the _Ratisbon book_, and also the _Ratisbon Interim_, and was known to the Wittenbergers before. For the Margrave JOACHIM, of Brandenburg, had already sent it to Luther, that he might give his opinion, as early as February 4th. Luther said of it: "These people (the authors of the book), whoever they are, mean very well, but their propositions are impossible, and such as the Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, and Prebendaries, can never agree to.... Besides this, it contains many points which our side will not and cannot adopt. The best thing to be done, would be to appoint pious and learned men to judge what and where is G.o.d's word." The author of the book was not known with certainty; some looked upon Wizel as the author, others, Groper. Melanchthon believed that Groper had prepared it, with the help of a young Imperial Counsellor, Gerhard Volcruck, and also Bucer's; that he had presented it to Capito, and then sent it to the Landgrave Philip, and the Elector of Brandenburg. By the last it had been sent to Luther. The book contained 23 articles, which were treated in such a manner that they could be called half-Catholic, and half-Protestant. Thus it came to pa.s.s as Luther had said, that it neither gave satisfaction to the Catholics nor to the Protestants. But as the Emperor valued it highly, and wished it to be made the basis of their deliberations, this was done, "although I was much afraid," says Melanchthon, "that this book would cause no little strife." They pa.s.sed over the first articles, of creation, the perfect state of man before the fall, of free will, of the origin of sin, and of original sin, without any difficulty. Now they came to the article on _Justification_. This was not at all satisfactory to either party, and therefore they subst.i.tuted another. Eck had proposed a formula, but Melanchthon objected to it. They disputed about it for several days, and at last agreed to a formula, concerning which the Saxon counsellors wrote to the Elector, that in the main it was not opposed to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, "and that the words employed were sufficiently clear, so that it could not be perverted to a misunderstanding." The counsellors highly commended the firmness of their Theologians, and Melanchthon in particular. They relate to the Elector, that Melanchthon had expressed himself before all the Theologians and Granvella, to the following effect: "that he would rather die than yield anything against his conscience and the truth, for it would bring about his death, for he could not reconcile it to his conscience." But the Elector was by no means pleased with the formula of agreement in regard to justification, which they had sent to him; for he thought that their opponents wished "either entirely to cast aside, or at least obscure, the doctrine that we are saved by faith alone." He therefore laid this formula before Dr. Luther and Pomera.n.u.s, who could not but say that it might easily lead to a misunderstanding. He therefore, May 13th, informed his counsellors that he could not possibly agree to it. However, Luther entreated the Elector "not to write too severe a letter to Melanchthon and his friends, lest he should again trouble himself to death. For they have still retained our beloved Confession, and have adhered steadfastly to this, even if every thing else should fail." The Elector, who had intended to go to Ratisbon himself, now remained at home, and sent Amsdorf, a man who strictly adhered to the Confession, in his place. He and the Duke of Pomerania arrived in Ratisbon on the 13th of May.

The next point to be discussed, was the article of the _Church_. It was very easy to predict that this would be an apple of discord, for the Ratisbon book maintained that there must be a power in the Church to interpret the Bible, and that private individuals did not enjoy this power; also, that no private individual has the right to oppose the majority. Much contention ensued, in which Granvella himself mingled, and said to Melanchthon, he should read the article more carefully.

Melanchthon replied, "that he had read it frequently, and even in Wittenberg; but they should know that he could not, and would not approve of it. For if the power referred to by them, was to be given to the Councils, many errors of former Councils must be sanctioned, and posterity would also be grievously burdened thereby." Melanchthon was so determined that they could not agree, and they were obliged to pa.s.s on to other articles. The book next spoke of the doctrine of the Sacraments. Melanchthon consented to retain _Confirmation_, although all abuses connected with it should be abolished, the Catechism studied diligently, and "true and earnest prayer" connected with it.

When the article on the _Lord's Supper_ was made the order of the day, it caused a violent debate, which lasted for eight days. The Catholics presented a formula declaring transubstantiation, and maintained all the abuses which had crept into the Roman Church on account of this false doctrine. Melanchthon had before given the warning in vain, that Eck ought not to be permitted to indulge in his bullying and abusing, otherwise "he might kindle a fire which he would not be able to extinguish."[21] The Protestants referred to the gross abuses attending the carrying about and adoration of the Sacrament, and also spoke of the ridiculous case which had already been discussed by the Catholics in their own writings, what a mouse was eating when she gnaws the consecrated bread. The Protestants adhered to the doctrine of the Bible and of the ancient Church, that the Sacraments are only Sacraments when they are used, and not so when they are not used. It was during this contest, manfully waged by the Protestants, that, as Melanchthon tells us, "Eck became sick, having become too excited, perhaps, and drinking so excessively afterwards, that a fever followed." The articles on _Confession_ and _Satisfaction_ again led to violent discussions, because Groper insisted upon the enumeration of particular sins. He thought, as the Church had the right of binding and loosing, this was a court of justice, where it was necessary for the Judge to hear the case; and because in Confession, satisfaction was imposed to heal the wounds, the priest ought to know beforehand whether the injury is great or small. Melanchthon disproved these propositions, and proposed a milder article. Granvella was greatly displeased at this, and said "many evil words" to Melanchthon. "So that," he relates himself, "the next day, at the beginning of the debate, I complained, and said if it was intended that I should not express my opinions, I would stay away in future." The Envoy excused himself, and pacified him. The article concerning the order of _Church Government_, and the power of the Bishops, again brought about a sharp conflict. When he observed that it had been prepared in a very sly manner, "I became very impatient, and opposed the entire article," he reports himself. They simply wished to retain the entire Papacy. Melanchthon was here obliged not only to battle against the Catholics, but also with Bucer and the Hessian chancellor. Granvella a.s.sured him, that if he would not accept this article, he would prevent the entire work of Reformation. Even the Elector Joachim sent a deputy to him, to urge him to accept this article. Melanchthon says: "I gave him a very short answer." They then considered the articles on the Invocation of Saints, Ma.s.ses, One kind, Celibacy, and Monastic Life.

Melanchthon remarks: "Although there was much opposition, we presented counter-articles to all these." Because he adhered to the truth, which he had discovered and confessed in a determined manner, prompted partly by his own conscience and the exhortations of the Elector and his counsellors, he was declared to be a stubborn person, and he was even accused to the Emperor. The latter expressed himself very unfavorably in regard to him to the Landgrave Philip. He was particularly accused of being governed by Luther, and also led by the French amba.s.sador. Under these circ.u.mstances, Melanchthon believed it necessary to defend himself before the Emperor against these unjust accusations. He addressed a letter to him, of which we shall communicate some parts. He declares in the most positive manner that he had no instructions from Luther, and was not at all connected with the French amba.s.sador, and that his Elector had only given the general direction, that they should not depart from the truth. "This is a direction which must be deeply engraven upon every heart, without the orders of an Elector." Further on he says: "I have always acted according to my own convictions, and have never contended about useless things." He then proceeds to speak of Councils, and of Auricular Confession, showing their want of foundation; and also, that he had sought peace. "However, even moderation must have its bounds. That Truth, which the Son of G.o.d revealed to us from the bosom of the Father, should shine in the Church. And I wish your Imperial Majesty could see into my heart, so that you might judge truthfully what my endeavors in regard to these disputes have been for many years. A true, scripturally developed, and sure doctrine, and one that will be beneficial to the Church, must be found." He concludes this letter, so faithful to the Confession, in the following manner: "I know that our doctrine is the doctrine of the true Catholic Church, and I believe that many wise men confess the same. But these believe that we have gone farther in the abolition of abuses than was necessary. They wish to retain a species of adoration of the saints, private ma.s.ses, and the like. Therefore they wish us to take a step backwards, and to approve the first germs of these abuses. As I am not able to do this, I again urgently pray for my dismissal." The Elector rejoiced at this firmness, and therefore wrote to his counsellors: "We have with great satisfaction heard that Magister Philip proves himself firm and faithful in this business, and hope that Almighty G.o.d will graciously sustain him in this course."

On the 16th of May the religious discussion was brought to a close; and May 31, the Protestants presented a memorial to the Emperor, in which they refer to nine articles in particular, which they could not accept on any consideration. They treated of the Church, the Sacrament, the enumeration of particular sins in Confession, of Satisfaction, of the Unity of the Church and Ordination, of the Saints, the Ma.s.s, Secret Ma.s.ses, and the Celibacy of the Priesthood. We may easily understand that the Emperor, who was very desirous of a union, was not at all satisfied with such a conclusion. As he believed that very much depended upon Luther in this matter, he even sent a deputation to him. It was composed of Prince JOHN of Anhalt, MATTHIAS VON SCHULENBURG, and ALEXANDER ALESIUS. They arrived in Wittenberg on the 7th of June, and conferred with him a few days. But they did not find a hearing here; for Luther's motto was the word, once expressed in a letter to the Elector: "It is impossible to reconcile Christ and the serpent." They therefore returned to Ratisbon without effecting their purpose. Melanchthon expressed himself in a very decided and clear manner in regard to the Ratisbon book, in an address to the States. He says of the _rejected_ articles: "I will not accept one of them, nor patch at them any more."

Of the _omitted_ articles, to which Confirmation and Extreme Unction belong, he said: "We would not contend much about these, if we could agree in other points." He then speaks of the articles which were looked upon as _agreed upon_, while they were nevertheless not _agreed_ upon.

He here had many objections to make to the book in reference to Justification, the state of Grace, Sin, and the like. He concludes his opinion in these beautiful words: "I cannot and will not accept this book, and pray G.o.d, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would grant good counsels and help to us all, and that he would guard and rule his Church, which he has redeemed by his Son unto eternal life, and which he still wonderfully preserves. However, in order that each and every one may know what I believe, I wish to declare by this, that I hold the doctrine of our Church, as it is contained in our Confession and Apology, and that, with the help of G.o.d, I intend to abide by it. I also thank G.o.d that he has again illuminated his Church, and would not wish to give any occasion to darken the pure doctrine again." But the Catholics rejected the book also; Eck called it an insipid book, and expressed himself against it in the most decided manner.

Now the final decree of the Diet was to be issued. The Protestants previously, however, presented their declaration, prepared by Melanchthon, who, at the Emperor's request, also delivered an opinion concerning the Reformation, on the 18th of July. He was willing to grant temporal power to the Bishops, an opinion which he expressed at different times, without considering what dangers this must necessarily cause. At last, on the 29th of July, the recess of the Diet took place.

The religious difficulties were postponed, to be decided at a Council soon to be held, or postponed to the next diet, in case no Council should be convened within 15 months. The Peace of Nuremberg was to be observed until that time.

On the 30th of July, Melanchthon departed from Ratisbon. He did not go by way of Nuremberg, although he had been invited thither in the most urgent manner, but came to Leipzig, where he zealously labored to have his beloved friend Camerarius called to the University. He thus speaks of his friend in a letter to Duke HENRY: "He is peaceable, modest, and sincere, and so learned in Philosophy and Eloquence, that he is excelled by few in foreign and German lands." In consequence of this the Duke called him.

When, to the great sorrow of the Protestants, Duke Henry was gathered unto his fathers, the young Duke MAURICE entered upon the government with the most promising prospects. During his reign Camerarius came to Leipzig, and thus into the vicinity of his friend Melanchthon.

CHAPTER XXI.

PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION.

While the Protestants were enjoying a period of rest, because the Emperor was busily occupied with the Turks and the pirates of Algiers, the work of the Reformation advanced more and more. And where it could not be done peacefully, the power of the princes was now and then employed. In the beginning of the year 1541, the Bishop of Naumburg-Zeitz had died, and the Chapter elected the well-known Julius von Pflug, Bishop. When the Elector John Frederick heard of this, he p.r.o.nounced the election invalid, not only because the citizens in that region had long since been friends of the Gospel, but also because the right of protectorship of the Bishopric belonged to him. He proceeded upon the almost unbounded right of sovereignty--even over the Church, and we cannot expect anything else from him, but that he would appoint a decidedly Evangelical Bishop to this important see. He asked the advice of his Theologians, who, in their opinion, likewise took for granted, that the right of electing the Bishop belonged to him. They advised him to elect a Christian man, and at the same time one who was descended from a princely family.

The Chapter, which was ordered to proceed to another election, refused to do so; so that the Elector found himself compelled to interfere by force of arms, notwithstanding the threats of the Emperor. On the first of November, the Wittenbergers prepared an Opinion in regard to the election of the Bishop, in which they express a wish that the chapter of Naumburg might be preserved, because encouragement to study was thus given to the n.o.bility, although the chapter itself must be improved and reformed in a Christian manner. If the chapter wished to elect another man, it ought not to be "a young fellow," but a man "who has an affection for Christian doctrine, and proper exercises in the Church, and would altogether set a good example." They propose Prince GEORGE VON ANHALT, who is especially recommended by Melanchthon, who gives him this testimony, that "he rightly understands the doctrine of the Gospel, is pious, and would care for the interests of the Church." Against the opinion prevailing in regard to the prince, that he merely wished to do things by halves, Melanchthon declared that, on the contrary, the prince wished no patch-work in doctrine, and would not listen to any articles, in Ratisbon, which could be twisted. The Licentiate Amsdorf, however, Superintendent of Magdeburg, could not be prevailed upon to accept a bishopric. The Opinion generally demands a thorough Reformation, a pious, reasonable preacher, "who would not preach the Church empty,"

abolition of the ma.s.s, and good schools. The Bishop and the Canons should not grant any power to the Bishop; and the n.o.blemen who should be elected Canons, should not merely be hunters and idle persons, but able men. Even if the Chapter should retain the right of election, the Elector should nevertheless retain his power, to see to it that proper persons would be elected, and improper ones rejected. But, as before remarked, the Chapter would not proceed to another election; and another Opinion adjudged the right to the Elector, under these circ.u.mstances, to nominate a proper person for the see, to the n.o.bility and the senators of the cities, "in order that the churches and country might be supplied." The Elector placed great confidence in Amsdorf, and succeeded in having him elected Bishop. On the 10th of January, he was installed into his office in the presence of Melanchthon, who had been appointed to reform the churches and schools in the See. From this time, this region enjoyed the blessed influences of the Gospel.

A Reformation was also to be brought about in the Electorate of COLOGNE.

The present Elector, and Archbishop HERMAN, Count of WIED, was a friend of the Evangelical doctrine, and had for several years been actively engaged in improving Church matters. It is true that he was counselled by Groper, with whom we became acquainted at the Diet of Ratisbon. But now he wished to make further advances, with the a.s.sistance of Melanchthon and Bucer. Bucer had come to Bonn at the close of the year 1542, in order to begin the Reformation. In January, 1543, the Archbishop sent Magister ERDMANN to Wittenberg, to invite Melanchthon to Bonn for the same purpose. The Landgrave Philip also urged him to go thither. He replied to him, that it was to be feared that the Chapter of the Archbishop would not yield, and that the Pope would urge them to elect another Bishop. That he was willing to venture his body and life for such a pious old prince. "But such a work requires men who are able to preach, and so to present the truth to the people, that they may be encouraged, and not deterred by the opposition of the other side." He also excused himself on account of his numerous duties in the University, and thought that even if the Elector desired a true change, yet those in power only labored to bring about a Reformation, in which the adoration of the saints, and daily ma.s.ses, might still find a place.

On the 12th of March, Bucer wrote a very pressing letter to induce him to come, as his labors could be completed in 10 or 12 days. But he did not go. In April, Father Medmann again appeared in Wittenberg in behalf of the aged Elector, in order to induce him to come. He sent him with a letter to his own Elector and lord, in which he declared that he had no inclination to go, but also added: "I will obey whatever your Electoral Grace may order in this matter." The Elector, "because this is a G.o.dly and Christian work," at once gave him leave of absence for six or seven weeks. He also allowed him one hundred gold florins, and two troopers as an escort.

On the 17th of April he departed, accompanied by JUSTUS JONAS, the son of the Rector, and JEROME SCHREIBER, and reached Bonn, where the Archbishop resided, on the 4th of May. He writes to some one, that two plans of reformation had been proposed; one, which was simple and pure, prepared by Bucer; the other, by Groper, who endeavored to excuse and establish abuses, as we may suppose from the book of Ratisbon. What strange sights met his eyes here! He writes to Camerarius: "You could not look without tears upon the ruin of the churches here, in which crowds of people still daily run to the images of the Saints. This is the main thing of religion, in the eyes of the ignorant mult.i.tude." He wrote the same to Bugenhagen, and especially referred to the deplorable ignorance of the clergy. And yet Groper, in his own way, wished to hold fast this state of things. The aged Archbishop, of whom Melanchthon says that he has the best intentions, "confesses that an improvement is necessary, and protests that he wishes a true and thorough reformation, and that he is not afraid of dangers." He therefore placed more confidence in Bucer than in Groper. Although the n.o.bility and the cities expressed themselves favorable to such a reformation, they were opposed by Cologne and the Chapter. The Landgrave informed the Archbishop that he and the other allies would come to his a.s.sistance, should it be necessary. Pistorius a.s.sisted Bucer.

Melanchthon writes to Luther of both these men, that their preaching was largely attended, and that they taught pure and correct doctrine. He superintended their labors, and wrote to Cruciger, May 23d, that the entire work was almost completed, and that he would extricate himself as soon as possible. A short time before this, he also sent a little letter to his son Philip, which we cannot bear to omit here: "Although I have public cares enough, I yet also bear the domestic ones about with me.

These you should lighten by your diligence and obedience, especially as you know with how much love we have raised and cared for you. I therefore admonish you, that you walk in the fear of G.o.d, and strive, first of all, to please G.o.d, the eternal Judge, and then also good men, and that you will show greater diligence and care in this for my sake.

Heartily obey your mother, whom you could already support by your age and virtue."

It was already known at Rome what they were doing in Cologne. The Pope, therefore, sent an admonition to that city, of which Melanchthon writes: "He buries Christ, and promises a change of affairs." But the Archbishop did not permit this to terrify him. When the plan or book of the Reformation was finished, it was read to him, in the presence of the dean of the cathedral, Count von s...o...b..rg, and other counsellors. Six days were spent in reading and discussing it. The Bible, translated by Luther, was lying before them. The Elector himself looked for the pa.s.sages referred to. He approved of the book, and it was also unanimously adopted by the chamber of deputies. But the Chapter and Clergy of Cologne, led by Groper, were most decidedly opposed to it. And at the same time the superst.i.tious populace was excited against it, and their opposition was considerably increased by a lampoon written by a Carmelite monk named Billig.

Towards the end of July, Melanchthon departed, and pa.s.sed through Frankfort, where he closed a dispute concerning some customs in the Lord's Supper; and also through Weimar, where the Court wished to see him, and arrived in Wittenberg on the 15th of August. It is true he had been absent for a longer time than had been allowed by the Elector. So much more did the professors and students rejoice who had gone to meet and escort him into the city. A few days afterwards he wrote to Dietrich: "The Reformation of the Church is, by the grace of G.o.d, progressing very finely in the territory of Cologne;" and to Matthesius: "The Reformation is already introduced into several cities, and pious and learned preachers teach faithfully and purely. We will pray G.o.d that he would suffer the light of his truth to shine far and wide, and also preserve it." Great as his hopes of a prosperous progress of the Reformation in the Electorate of Cologne were, he was obliged to relinquish them to a considerable degree, when he heard that the refractory Chapter had accused the aged Archbishop before the Pope and the Emperor. Finally the old man was deposed from his office, and the work of Reformation, which had thus been commenced, was extinguished.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE SCHOOL OF TRIBULATION.

We have learned before that Melanchthon was compelled to pa.s.s through much tribulation. But the year 1544 is particularly marked in this respect. Domestic afflictions are certainly among the bitterest we are called upon to bear, and such he amply experienced. His favorite daughter, ANNA, had formed an unhappy marriage with the poet SABINUS, who was a frivolous debauchee, and wished to be divorced from her.

However, the Lord separated them by the death of Anna, in 1547. We shall speak of this again. His son Philip also gave him much trouble. While he was yet a student of law, about nineteen years old, he was betrothed to a young woman of Leipzig, without the knowledge of his parents. This grieved his father exceedingly.

But he was still more troubled on account of his relations with Luther, with whom he was at variance at this time. This was caused by Melanchthon's changed views of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. We have remarked before that it was an arbitrary act on his part, and one which has done much harm, to alter the Augsburg Confession. For it was not his private work, but a public Confession. He altered this doc.u.ment in the editions of 1533 and 1535, but it was not until the year 1540 that he published a greatly changed edition. An old account says that Luther found fault with him on this account, and said to him: "Philip, you are not acting rightly in altering the Augsburg Confession so often, for it is not your book, but the book of the Church." These alterations particularly referred to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, with which Eck had reproached him at Worms.

He expressed this article in such a manner that the Catholics and the Reformed could include their views. This may have been satisfactory enough to the Reformed, but the Lutherans were highly displeased. Luther adhered to the bodily eating and drinking of the body and blood, as he had taught from the beginning. Although he had not laid so great a stress upon this point for the last few years, he now a.s.serted it again.

There were some faithful adherents of the Gospel in Venice, who were compelled to endure great oppression. They applied to Luther, and complained of their afflictions, and spoke particularly also of the spread of the Swiss views of the Lord's Supper. Luther replied, that he had only formed a concord with the Upper Germans, but would have nothing to do with the Swiss, particularly those of Zurich. They are indeed learned, but intoxicated men, who merely eat common bread in the Lord's Supper. They should beware of false prophets, and adhere strictly to the doctrine of the connection of the body and blood of Christ with the bread and wine, even if many should think of a transubstantiation. When Melanchthon heard of this letter, he was much grieved, for he thought that Luther had conceded transubstantiation, which, however, was not the case. But the flame only began to break forth somewhat in the year 1544.

During this year the Reformation book of Cologne was brought to Wittenberg. When Luther came to the article on the Lord's Supper, he would not read any further, and wrote to Chancellor Bruck, who had sent it for his inspection, by the order of the Elector: "The book does not only tolerate, but encourages the fanatics, and is far more favorable to _their_ doctrine than our own. If I am to read the whole of it, our gracious Master must allow me further time, until my displeasure has abated. Otherwise I do not wish to look at it. And besides this, as the Bishop shows, it is altogether too long and too great nonsense, so that I can well perceive that chatterer, Bucer, in it." It is true that Bucer had prepared the book, but not without Melanchthon's approbation.

Luther had said, in the spring of this year, that he did not suspect Melanchthon in the least. But when he visited Amsdorf during the summer, and was in the habit of thundering against the Sacramentarians, in the pulpit and elsewhere, Melanchthon feared the worst, and wrote both to Bucer, and to Bullinger in Zurich, that Luther had never treated this matter more violently than at present, and that, on the whole, there was little hope of peace. At last Luther published his "Short Confession"

concerning the Lord's Supper, which is one of his ablest productions.

However strongly he attacked the Swiss in this, nothing was said of Bucer and Melanchthon, the latter of whom had feared an attack. About this time, as Melanchthon himself states in a letter to Myconius, October 10th, 1544, he had a conversation with Luther, in which he a.s.sured him that he had always granted a union of Christ with the bread and wine; so that if bread and wine are taken, Christ is truly present, and makes us his members. He believes that Luther was satisfied with this; but if not, he would be obliged to think of removing from Wittenberg, which he had been advised to do, and for which he had many and weighty reasons. However, after some time, a better state of feeling seemed to be established, so that Melanchthon could reply to Chancellor Bruck's inquiries, "that there was nothing of importance:" and Bruck wrote to the Elector, "I cannot learn anything from Philip, but that he and Martin are very good friends. May the Almighty add his blessing to it!"

But Luther's Short Confession had called forth a violent refutation from Bullinger, and it was again feared that Luther would make another attack, especially upon Melanchthon, who was a correspondent of Bullinger. The Elector heard of it, and directed his Chancellor to pacify Luther, and to request him not to attack Melanchthon, "which, if it should take place, would cause us a great deal of sorrow." If Philippus adhered to those of Zurich or others, Luther should admonish him in a Christian and paternal manner, and that would certainly be effectual. Their ancient friendship was gradually restored, whether by a conversation with Melanchthon or in some other way, is not known. That Luther was not induced to depart from the true doctrine by the attacks from Zurich, is evident in a letter, addressed by him to a friend, not long before his death, from which we merely extract these words: "I am satisfied with this blessedness of the Psalm, 'Blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the Sacramentarians, nor standeth in the way of the Zwinglians, nor sitteth in the seat of the Zurichers. Here you have my opinion.'"

So many sorrows resting upon Melanchthon injuriously affected his body and spirit. He was seized by another illness in July, 1544. He wrote to Veit Dietrich, July 1: "Dearest Veit, while I am writing this, I am suffering severely from an affection of the spleen, which has been caused by the afflictions which have weighed upon me for the last two months; and if my spleen ulcerates, I shall lose my life." His dear friend Camerarius, who had heard of this illness, hastened to Wittenberg, to see and comfort him. On the 6th of July, the sufferer was able to write to Myconius: "Although my health is not yet established, (for the disease of the stone is added to my other afflictions, and in two days I have pa.s.sed three stones with great pain,) yet I attend to my scholastic labors, to which G.o.d has called me, and I pray for the civil government."

He at this time also received the sad tidings that one of his best friends, the celebrated JEROME BAUMGARTNER, of Nuremberg, had been captured by the robber-knight, ALBERT VON ROSENBERG, when he was returning from the Diet of Spire. We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure to communicate some parts of the letter of consolation, addressed to Baumgartner's wife by Melanchthon: "We pray G.o.d that he will not permit you to sink in this great distress, but would by his Holy Spirit grant you comfort and strength, as he has often promised that he is a G.o.d who dwelleth with the sorrowful, as I have often experienced in no slight afflictions. And may you particularly console yourself with these three considerations: _first_, that what our Saviour said is certainly true, that all our hairs are numbered by G.o.d; that is, that G.o.d regards and preserves us, although we may be in danger. Therefore, even as he preserved Daniel among the lions, so he will also comfort and preserve your lord in the midst of the robbers who have captured him. In the _second_ place, that this also is certainly true, that the Divine Majesty has promised, and pledged itself, to be with the troubled and terrified who call upon him, as it is written in the 37th chapter of the Prophet Isaiah. Therefore you should not doubt that the Eternal G.o.d is with your lord and you, and will strengthen and save you from this great distress. In the _third place_, it is certain that it is G.o.d's will that we should acknowledge him by calling upon him, and that he will manifest his presence by those gifts for which we pray, as he has said, 'Call upon me in the day of trouble; I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me.' Therefore you should not doubt that G.o.d will hear you, and the many Christians who are praying that the Lord would restore your husband to you with joy. May the Eternal G.o.d, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, do this for his own glory, and at all times comfort and protect you and your husband. Amen."

He wrote this on the 9th July, 1544; but, with many other sympathizing friends, was obliged to wait an entire year, until the prisoner regained his liberty, and could return to his family.

CHAPTER XXIII.

WORMS AND RATISBON AGAIN.

When the just-mentioned Baumgartner attended the Diet of Spire, in 1544, as the deputy from Nuremberg, the Emperor demanded the a.s.sistance of the states of the Empire against the Turks, who were giving his brother Ferdinand much trouble in Hungary. The Protestants took advantage of this opportunity, and before all demanded a fixed peace, and equal rights with the Catholics. The Emperor made many promises, and appointed a new diet to be held at Worms. He would have a Plan of Reformation prepared by learned and peaceable men, and the Protestants should also present their plans. In the meantime there should be a general peace, and no party persecute the other because of religion. Law-suits and proscriptions, on account of religion, should be abolished. These were pleasing prospects for the Protestants, but did not last very long; for the Emperor now made peace with the king of France, and did not find any difficulty in using force of arms in Germany, as he had long ago intended. The Pope also summoned a General Council of the Church, to meet in Trent in the spring of 1545, so that it was easy to see that the affairs of the Church would be disposed of there, and not at the Diet.

Melanchthon says, in a letter written January 11th, 1545, to Duke Albert, of Prussia: "The hope was entertained that the Emperor would call a National Synod, or would cause religion to be further discussed; but the Pope could not bear this. On this account the Council has been summoned for the 8th of April. Yesterday I received a letter from Worms, showing the violent feelings of the Emperor."