The Elector especially censured Melanchthon for arbitrarily altering the Augsburg Confession, which was not a private, but a public Confession.

The people, too, were highly displeased with this. He required an answer to this and several other points. He would rather suffer the University, which had prospered under Melanchthon, to decrease, than endure such divisions. Luther did not say anything about this to Melanchthon. When a certain Peter Ravus was made a Doctor, on the 4th of June, Luther led to the discussion of the doctrine of the necessity of good works, and rejected the formula that good works are necessary to salvation.

Cruciger, who yielded at last, wrote a lengthy account of this to Dietrich. Cordatus was silent after this public discussion, in which Melanchthon's formula had been defeated; and Master Philip himself began to retract, no doubt because he saw that his formula might be promotive of work-righteousness. He simply wished to insist upon the doctrine that sanctification must necessarily follow from justification. He should not therefore have adhered so obstinately to his formula in the beginning.

The "Inquiry" of the Elector referred to an opinion, that under certain circ.u.mstances, one kind of the sacrament might also be distributed.

Melanchthon had thus advised the preacher JACOB SHENK, of Freiberg, who had asked his opinion whether he should not introduce both kinds of the sacrament into his congregation, even against the will of the authorities. This answer, which regarded the circ.u.mstances of the case, and wished to prevent rebellion against tyrannical princes, had been given without any consultation with Luther. Shenk sent Melanchthon's letter to the Elector's court at Weimar. When Melanchthon heard of this, he was greatly incensed. On the 16th of July he wrote to Brenz that he was here contending with a Hydra. As soon as he was done with one, many others arise. Another slanderer of Freiberg had complained of him to the Elector. He now refers to the cause which had induced this friend and former hearer to take this step. On the 11th of October he wrote to Camerarius, that the prince was present himself. For he had sent his Chancellor to speak with Luther concerning this matter. The result of this interview was, that Luther expressed his surprise that Melanchthon still entertained such fancies; and, on the whole, he thought that Melanchthon did not think much of the sacrament, and was almost of Zwingli's opinion. Yet he was not able to say how he felt at heart, and did not wish that so distinguished a man should separate from them and their University. But if he should adhere to the opinion expressed to Shenk, why everything else must yield to the truth. If for the sake of peace, we are to permit _one_ kind, we should also be obliged to yield to tyrants, if they wished us to teach that works justify us. "I think,"

said the Chancellor, "that it would do no harm if Dr. Martinus would proceed, and speak earnestly and cordially with Philip. There is a chain in these matters which connects something. May the Almighty overrule it for good."

October 13, Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich: "Yesterday I understood that several articles should be presented to me to subscribe, but I am not certain of anything, because everything is kept secret. Not only are all who are considered my friends excluded from these interviews and deliberations, but also all those who do not seem to be full of the proper heat and violence. I earnestly hope that, if they are displeased with me, they will produce their complaints openly and without concealment. I have to-day prepared a defence."

He completed this, and met all the accusations against him, not only in regard to the Lord's Suppers but also in regard to those other points in which he had somewhat changed his views. The day on which he was to make his defence was already appointed, but Luther's illness prevented the meeting. Besides this, Shenk went over to Agricola, who, as is well known, held the erroneous doctrine that the law is no longer to be taught in the Christian Church. On this account no further notice was taken of him.

The year 1538 also brought him fresh troubles. In the summer Melanchthon had indeed been honored by being made Rector of the University, but he was soon to experience the unpleasant part of his office. A young Master SIMON LEMNIUS, a Grison, had published a small volume of satirical poems, in which he not only ridiculed several citizens of Wittenberg, but also the most worthy Professors, among them even Luther and Melanchthon. He even made satirical allusions to the Elector's Court. On the other hand, he praised Archbishop ALBERT of Mentz, who indeed deserved so little praise. This part displeased Luther more than all the rest; and he expressed his displeasure, "because this lampooner praises that miserable town-clerk of Halle, (pardon the expression,) Bishop Albert, and thus makes a saint of the devil." As many were already prejudiced against Melanchthon, he was suspected of secretly having countenanced the satirical poems of Lemnius. For, among other things, it was also the duty of the Rector of the University to keep a watchful eye upon the various publications.

It was certainly a fault that Melanchthon had overlooked this; however, he did everything he could to rectify it. He forbade the satirist to leave the city; and when he fled, and did not appear after having been summoned twice, he was expelled. However, his enemies were not satisfied yet, and Melanchthon believed it necessary to send a written justification of his conduct to the Elector. He proves that he could not have known anything of this lampoon, because he and his wife are also attacked in two places in the most virulent manner. He had not seen a page of the book until it was handed to him, and then he scarcely looked into it, regarding it as an abject pet.i.tion addressed to the Bishop of Mentz; but when he had examined it more carefully, he had forbidden the author to leave the city. As he had fled, and did not appear to answer the summons, he had been expelled from the University as a traitor and calumniator. Melanchthon thus concludes: "This is indeed the truth, for by G.o.d's grace, unfaithfulness and falsehood shall never be laid to my charge." When it was said that his son-in-law Sabinus knew something of it, he added to his report: "I do not know what my son-in-law knew of, or did in this matter, for he has caused me enough sorrow in other matters, which I must labor to mend." This settled the whole matter. But these repeated attacks grieved Melanchthon exceedingly, as appears from various letters to his friends. He once wrote to Camerarius, that he felt in Wittenberg as if he was tied to Mount Caucasus. The continual, bitter sorrows which had been weighing upon his mind for years, and his daily anxieties, were preying upon him so much, that he feared he would not live much longer.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE a.s.sEMBLY OF THE PRINCES AT FRANKFORT, AND THE VICTORIES OF THE REFORMATION.

The Catholics and Protestants a.s.sumed a more hostile att.i.tude towards each other; but the Electors of Brandenburg and the Palatinate interposed, and finally succeeded in bringing about a meeting of the princes, in Frankfort-on-the-Main, at the beginning of the year 1539. On the 31st of January, Melanchthon also went thither. From Weimar he wrote to Jonas, that there was some hope of peace, for the princes manifested their readiness to bring it about. The Emperor and King Ferdinand had likewise sent amba.s.sadors. They were not regarded much before they had presented their offers as to the conditions of peace. But when the Imperial orator requested the mediators already mentioned to make propositions for peace, according to their judgment, a star of hope seemed to arise. The Count Palatine and the Margrave hereupon demanded a form of agreement from the Protestants, in order to learn what they still missed in the Nuremberg Religious Peace. The Protestants complied with this request; they demanded that not only the states of the present time, but also those who should receive the Gospel in the future, should receive full liberty, and especially also that the proceedings of the Imperial chamber of justice should be stopped. Thus matters stood March 4th, as Melanchthon wrote to Jonas; but the amba.s.sadors were stubborn, and would by no means consent to the proposed conditions of peace. He wrote to the prince of Anhalt: "May G.o.d incline their minds to the love of peace!" But this did not happen; on the contrary, the Imperial amba.s.sador overwhelmed the Protestants with accusations, although the mediators seemed more inclined to terms. Melanchthon wrote to BRENZ "The matter has almost come to that point, that, as the Emperor said, the time for arms, and not for deliberations, seems to have arrived. Yet, although I tremble when I think what a very serious matter this is, I am sometimes surprised that our friends, who are so greatly irritated, do not break forth more violently."

They could not effect an agreement. Thus time pa.s.sed on, and Melanchthon, in the meantime, wrote three discourses in the German language. The _first_ treated of the right of defence, if they should be attacked by their enemies; the _second_ showed that upright persons could not take up arms against the Protestants; and the _third_, that all the G.o.dly must a.s.sist them. Some disputed the right of waging war against the Emperor. Two years ago the Wittenbergers had declared the lawfulness of this step, maintaining that the Gospel did not oppose natural rights or public laws. All hopes of an agreement diminished more and more, and he was obliged to write to Camerarius, on April 5th: "We have here been weaving the veil of Penelope. If we have rejected one form of peace, another is laid before us, which merely differs from the preceding one in words, but not in sense. Some maintain that they are treacherously procrastinating this matter, but this has not frightened us as yet. I hope that the Empire may remain undisturbed, although no fair conditions could yet be obtained from the Imperial orator. He demands that we should not receive any new confederates. This shameful condition is introduced again and again, with new sophistries, although it has been rejected repeatedly. In this you have the entire history of the Convention. In the beginning, I disputed concerning a number of points; but when the Imperial amba.s.sador made such unreasonable demands, I ceased; and if no truce is made, we shall publish the reasons which induced us to reject those demands." For this purpose he had prepared his three German discourses. Luther understood the state of things very well when he wrote; that one party wished an open door for the Gospel, and the other locked it; and the matter was now so, that Christ and Belial must be united, or one must yield to the other.

As the King of England still intended to enter into a league with the Protestants, and had therefore sent his amba.s.sador, CHRISTOPHER MOUAT, to the Convention at Smalkald, Melanchthon again addressed a letter to him. In his letter, dated April 1st, he most earnestly urges the King, that, as he had already reformed some abuses in the Church, he should also abolish all remaining Roman unG.o.dliness. At the same time, Louis von Baumbach and Francis Burckard, vice-chancellor of the Electorate of Saxony, departed from Frankfort to England. These messengers were received by the King in a very friendly manner, but they could not induce Henry to reform the Church according to the principles of the Gospel. When Henry demanded again that Melanchthon should be sent over, it was not done, for they saw very well that the King was not serious in this matter. He had also received Melanchthon's letter in a very ungracious manner. Henry was an obstinate man, who pretended to be a Theologian himself. How ridiculous this his boasted learning was, is apparent, for instance, in the argument he advances for the necessity of good works. He argued, because evil works merit everlasting wrath, it follows that good works merit everlasting bliss. At the request of the Elector and the Landgrave, Melanchthon also addressed a letter to King Francis of France, in order to explain the character of the League of Smalkald to him. This was brought about, not for bad ends, but simply to defend the Gospel. He thus concludes this letter: "It is much to be desired that the greatest monarchs will prevent a suppression of the truth by unjust means." At last the Convention of the Princes at Frankfort adjourned. On the 19th of April they agreed on a truce of fifteen months, and also a religious discussion, to be held in Nuremberg, August 1st. "We thank G.o.d," Melanchthon writes from Saalfeld April 23d, "that no one is permitted to begin war, and that the peace of Nuremberg has again been established and renewed. But this was only gained by great exertions."

He was now to have a more agreeable experience than he had been accustomed to for the past few years. On the 17th of April, Duke GEORGE of Saxony, this decided enemy of the Gospel, departed this life. It is true, it is said that he pa.s.sed from this world with full faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. He had already, in the beginning of this year, expressed a wish that a reformation of his dominions should be undertaken. But he wished a Reformation like that of King Henry of England. He did not wish the Scriptures to decide, but rather the traditions of the first eight centuries. However, Melanchthon, together with Chancellor Bruck and Bucer, had gone to Leipzig in the beginning of January, in order to negotiate with GEORGE VON CARLOWITZ, and GEORGE WIZEL, who, after having become a Protestant, had returned into the bosom of the Catholic Church. These negotiations, however, were soon brought to a conclusion, because the principles of the two parties were entirely opposed to each other. But now, after the accession of the Duke's brother HENRY, the Reformation was accomplished easily and rapidly, for he was a friend of Evangelical truth. It was, indeed, a blessing that death had carried off Duke George so suddenly, for, as Melanchthon relates in a letter to Camerarius, he intended to exclude his brother and the other heirs, and to bequeath his dominions to King Ferdinand. But it is evident in this case also, that G.o.d's thoughts are often different from, and always better than the thoughts of men. The new Duke had an interview with the Elector, concerning the Reformation of his dukedom, on the 5th of May. May 22d, Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas went to Leipzig, where Myconius and Cruciger were already, in order to reform the Church and University according to the Gospel. On the 28th of May, they published their opinion in regard to the Reformation of the University, in which they declared that "all government is bound before G.o.d to abolish and forbid false doctrine and false worship." All preaching, discussions, reading, distribution of the Sacrament, and all their ceremonies, were to be forbidden to the monks, because they continued to practise, and would not forsake their blasphemy. The Theologians of the University should be required "to receive this doctrine, or, if they should be unwilling to do this, that they should not be allowed to lecture, dispute, or preach. Also, that it was highly necessary to introduce Christian doctrine into the schools and churches at the same time." In addition to this, they proposed Amsdorf, Dr. Hess of Breslau, or Alexander Alesius and Ziegler, as teachers of the Hebrew language. That it would also be necessary to increase the salaries, for twenty florins would no longer suffice in these times, especially as the professors were married. The abundance of the convents should be taken from them, and provision made for poor students of Theology, because "the rich do not become pastors and preachers, for alas! they are ashamed of this high service of G.o.d."

On Pentecost the Evangelical form of worship was introduced in Leipzig, and Luther preached a powerful sermon. On the 30th of May we already find our friend Melanchthon busily engaged in Wittenberg. But his eyes were still bent upon Leipzig, where his two dear friends Myconius and Cruciger had to contend with the powers of darkness. He comforted and encouraged them in a letter dated June 6: "I pray G.o.d and our Lord Jesus Christ to be with and to preserve you in your conflicts and dangers. For I have no doubt that you have there become acquainted with the pharisaical, yea diabolical venom of the enemies of the Gospel. But you know that your labor will redound to the honor of Christ, and you also know how much the Empire would be benefited by the reunion of these countries. Therefore patiently endure labor and danger in so important a cause." "We look for your letters with fearful anxiety, and pray you to write more frequently. Here, by the Grace of G.o.d, we have peace, only we have almost too much to do."

On the 24th of June he wrote to Duke ALBERT of Prussia: "According to the latest news we learn, that by the hand of G.o.d, the Gospel has had a good and flourishing beginning in the dominions of Duke Henry of Saxony, as well as in Leipzig and other places. May our Lord Jesus Christ grant his Grace to it! In Leipzig they have begun to administer the sacrament in the true way, and they are also abolishing secret ma.s.ses." A few days before, Myconius and Cruciger had a severe conflict with the Dominicans.

The disputation lasted eight hours. After this the University renounced the Roman Church. Many were, however, not at all satisfied with this Reformation, which was especially opposed by John von Malt.i.tz, Bishop of Meissen. He sent a memorial to the Duke, which was either composed by Pflug or Witzel, and asked that the reformation of the defects of the Church should be left to him. The Duke sent it to the Elector, who required an opinion from his Theologians in regard to it. Melanchthon is the author of this opinion. Although this _Meissen Book_, as the Bishop's memorial was called, had taken up some portions of the true doctrine, in order to be more acceptable, yet on the whole it adhered to hereditary teachings, and found fault with the Protestants.

As Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas, appealed to the Holy Scriptures, they could easily refute the Bishop's book. They therefore declare: "That they announce to the priests that they would not receive or approve of their book; and that they did not consider it calculated to effect the Reformation and Improvement of the Church, nor to bring about a Christian agreement."

As Melanchthon had been so active in the Reformation of the Church and University in Leipzig, he was now commissioned to visit the Churches in the Duke's possessions in Thuringia, and also some cities in Meissen. He discharged this duty, and found a most lamentable state of things. We will extract some parts of his report. Of the minister at Weissensee he says, that he was unlearned, frivolous, and led a scandalous life; that the people asked for a good Pastor, and displayed an affection for the Gospel. Of the minister of Danstadt he says, that he was a highly vicious person, and should be deposed at once. The two preachers of Sangerhaus, although they had adopted the new doctrine, were accused of adultery. The minister in Freiburg is a venomous blasphemer, sent thither by Eck, and ought to be deposed forthwith. He also proposed persons for these vacant places. Myconius should be lent for a time to Annaberg. He thus discharged his duty in the region which he had been appointed to visit, in a most earnest and conscientious manner. He also enjoyed the great satisfaction of hearing that his dearest friend in the world, Joachim Camerarius, had been called to a Professorship in Leipzig, in 1541.

He had not long completed his labors in the dominions of the Duke, when he received a call from the Elector of Brandenburg, JOACHIM II., to come to Berlin, in order to give his advice in regard to the introduction of the Reformation in that country.

We have already seen that the Elector had acted as mediator in the a.s.sembly of the princes at Frankfort; so he also wished to introduce a Church discipline of this character, which was strongly tainted with Catholicism, although he wished the preaching of the Gospel to remain free. Melanchthon, who met the Elector about the 12th of October, induced him to change his Church discipline after the pattern of that of Nuremberg, although it still retained much that was Catholic. He wrote to Dietrich, that private ma.s.ses were abolished, that the priests were permitted to marry, that the invocation of saints was abolished, that the preaching of the pure doctrine was enjoined, and that the Lord's Supper was distributed in both kinds.

CHAPTER XIX.

HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS.

When he returned, he found the plague raging in Wittenberg. It had carried off his dear friend and brother-in-law, the jurist SEBALD MuNSTERER, together with his wife. He received their children into his own house; but he himself felt seriously indisposed, and entertained earnest thoughts of death. On the 26th of October, he wrote to his beloved Dietrich in Nuremberg, that he was now standing in one of the climacterical years of human life, the forty-second year, which had proved the year of death to many; that his strength had failed, partly because of the sorrows of the soul, and partly on account of his excessive labors. He continues thus: "Although I might wish to live somewhat longer, on account of my children, and also on account of my books, yet I shall follow G.o.d with resignation, whenever it pleases him to call me away from this place. I am very glad that you so kindly offer your a.s.sistance to my son (Philip, then 14 years old), and I commend him to you; for he will need the kindness of his friends, when I am gone.

His moral character is good, but I cannot praise his temperament; and I also believe that he does not possess sufficient talent to study."

Although many fled on account of the plague, he was determined to remain in Wittenberg. "I will bear the present cross, as I have borne many other things; G.o.d will put an end to it." At that time, when he was very weak, and suffering much from sleeplessness, he made his will, from which we here present a few extracts, showing his truly Christian disposition. He began by declaring, that after the manner of the fathers, he wished to prepare his will, as a Confession for his friends and children, in order that they might abide by it at all times. "And first of all do I return thanks to G.o.d, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who was crucified for us, the Creator of all things, that he has called me to repentance and the knowledge of the Gospel, and beseech him, for the sake of his Son, whom he has given as a sacrifice for us, that he would forgive my sins, accept of, and justify me, hear me, and deliver me from eternal death, as I also confidently trust he will do.

For he has commanded us to believe it; and it is a sin to think our sins greater than the death of the Son of G.o.d. I prefer him before my sins.

But I pray that G.o.d would strengthen these beginnings of faith, by the Holy Ghost, for the sake of his Son, our mediator. I am indeed troubled concerning my own sins, and the offences of others; but I consider the death of the Son of G.o.d greater, so that Grace is mightier than sin." He then proceeds to confess his belief in the Apostles' and Nicene Creed, and the entire system of doctrine which he had so unequivocally declared in his _Loci Communes_, and the Epistle to the Romans. He warns his children against the Roman Church, which in many articles teaches the most corrupt doctrine. "I therefore beg my children to obey me in this, on account of the divine commandment, that they do not connect themselves with the Papists." He also particularly warns them against those frivolous persons who should deny the doctrines of the Son of G.o.d, and of the Holy Ghost, among whom he especially mentions Servetus. He also defends himself against the suspicions of those who have said that he leaned to the side of the enemy; he calls G.o.d to witness that he never wished to do so. He never wished to spread any new doctrine, but adhered to that doctrine which had been brought to light in these latter days, by Dr. Martin Luther. He therefore thanks this man of G.o.d, "firstly, because I have learned the Gospel from him; and secondly, on account of his particular kindness towards me, which he has manifested in many acts of kindness; and I wish that he may be always revered as a father by the members of my family." Then he also gratefully mentions the Elector, Chancellor Bruck, his brother George, in Bretten, Camerarius, and a number of other friends. "I beseech them all kindly to forgive all my faults, if I have in any respect offended any of them; I never wished to offend any one wilfully." But the Lord still needed him for important labors; his health gradually returned, and he could again attend to his numerous duties. He published one of his best writings, "On the Soul," about this time. Towards the close of this year, 1539, Bucer came to Wittenberg on account of a certain matter, which became a source of much bodily and mental distress to Melanchthon.

The Landgrave, PHILIP of Hesse, had commissioned Bucer to solicit the opinions of the Wittenberg Theologians in a peculiar and very delicate matter. It did not refer to the general affairs of the Church, but a private, domestic affair of the Landgrave. For various reasons his affections had become alienated from his wife, and he believed that it would be better for him to form a new matrimonial connection than fall into sins of the flesh. Bucer brought an elaborate treatise with him, which justified this double marriage of the Landgrave, and now only wished that Luther and Melanchthon should also signify their approval of this step. The two Theologians delivered a "secret Confessor's advice," on the 10th of December, in which they show that G.o.d originally permitted man to have but one wife, and that this law, although G.o.d bore with its violation in the Old Covenant, was restored in the New Testament. But an exception should be made in the present case of necessity, in order to avoid greater evils; yet without making it public, so that the enemies of the Gospel could not cry out that the Protestants were like the Anabaptists, who took many wives at once.[19]

With this wished-for advice, Bucer departed; and after the Landgrave had also obtained a formal consent from his wife to form a second marriage, he was secretly married to Lady Margaret von der Saale, on the 3d of March, 1540, at Rothenburg on the Fulda. Melanchthon, who was at the time in Smalkald attending a convention, was also invited, without being informed particularly of the character of the occasion. He was much offended because he was thus obliged to be present at the wedding, and never forgot this treatment of the Landgrave. But even upon the present occasion he exhorted him to take better care of pastors and the teachers of the schools, to avoid the vices of fornication and adultery, and to remember David's punishment; also, to keep this second marriage secret, and not permit it to be spoken of publicly.

We have but now mentioned that Melanchthon was in Smalkald. He had gone thither on the 18th of February, 1540. It was proposed to discuss the Religious Convention here, which had been called to Spire. The Theologians had already, in obedience to the Elector's orders, delivered their opinion, "whether the Evangelical princes should enter into a worldly peace with the Bishops, and whether they could yield anything to them in matters of religion." This doc.u.ment was signed by the Theologians on the first of March. It discussed doctrine, needful external matters, and external indifferent matters, (adiaphora.) In the _first_ article of doctrine, it does not depart from the Confession, and will not yield anything. The _second_ article enumerates among external needful matters, the abolition of private ma.s.ses, of the canon of the ma.s.s, of monastic vows, of the celibacy of the priesthood, of the Invocation of saints, of all magical ceremonies, as, for instance, herbs, consecration of bells, &c., and required the restoration of the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. In this article also it does not yield anything. The _third_ article speaks of external indifferent matters, of the power of the Bishops, ordination, reading, singing, holidays, and other ceremonies, and of possessions. They expressed the opinion that if Princes and Bishops would accept doctrine and the needful points, arrangements might be made with them in reference to the last point. Envoys were sent from Smalkald to the Emperor, who was in Belgium at this time, to present the peaceful sentiments of the Protestants to him, and to pray him not to begin war. They returned with the most peaceful prospects, for the Emperor expressed his intention to inst.i.tute further deliberations in regard to the harmony of the Churches. After Melanchthon had prepared another opinion, concerning the erroneous doctrines of Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenkfeldt, which was also signed by the Theologians, the Convention adjourned April 15th.

Melanchthon returned by way of Erfurt, and on the 4th of May wrote to Dietrich that the Emperor did not as yet manifest any hostility, although he had not promised a certain peace. He, on this occasion, related that the Count-palatine Frederick had conversed with the Emperor in Spain, and had advised him to follow more moderate counsels. The Emperor promised him he would do so. He had not been long in Wittenberg, when he heard that the Emperor was willing to hold a convention at Spire. After having written a letter to the Emperor in Torgau, whither he had been called by the Elector, he departed in the beginning of June to attend this convention, which, according to the last orders, was to be held, not in Spire, but in Hagenau, in Alsatia. It is not to be wondered at, that he should have felt very unwell when he departed from Wittenberg, after so many exertions, and recent recovery from a severe illness. Before he departed, he deposited his last will with Cruciger. A large concourse of students and masters escorted him, and when he was crossing the bridge over the Elbe, he said: "We have lived upon Synods, and now we shall die there." With such thoughts of death he departed, and reached Weimar. Here he was obliged to remain for some time, because he was not sure whether he should go to Hagenau. Luther, at least, had written to the Elector beseeching him to see to it, "That each and every one of the delegates should be earnestly commanded, that they could not and should not depart from that which has now finally been harmoniously agreed upon at Smalkald."

Melanchthon, however, was the person whose yielding temper was most objected to. He was at this time filled with indescribable dread, because a report reached his ears that the Landgrave intended to publish the secret advice of the Wittenbergers. He saw very well that its publication would not only place him in a very doubtful position, but would also greatly injure the cause of the Gospel. His sorrows almost consumed him, and he therefore wrote to Luther for consolation and support in this matter. He faithfully responded to this call. But this consolation did not help him, and he became seriously ill. But let us hear the account of old Ratzeberger: "As it now also became known that the Landgrave had, besides his first wife, also married Lady von der Saale, and it was apparent that this deed would bring great disgrace and injury to the Gospel, Master Philip took it very much to heart. For he saw, if he went to Hagenau, that this would give the Lutherans a very severe blow. He was particularly grieved by this, because he had always looked upon this Landgrave, who had caused this great offence, with particular affection and hope. However, some a.s.sert, that he fell into this distress because he approved of this improper conduct of the Landgrave through the persuasions of his Court Chaplain, Dionysius, with which the court was afterwards highly displeased. He therefore became very sick at Weimar, more on account of sorrow and melancholy than anything else. His strength failed rapidly, and certain death seemed to be his only prospect. When he was thus seriously and dangerously ill, the Elector sent for Luther, who rode day and night from Wittenberg, in order to see Philip before his death. When he arrived, he to his sorrow found him as he had already heard. His eyes were already dim, his reason was gone, he could not speak nor hear, and his countenance was loose and fallen; having, as Luther said, a Hippocratical countenance. He recognized no one, and could neither eat nor drink. When Luther, unrecognized, looked upon him, he was greatly shocked, and said to his companion, G.o.d forbid! how has the devil abused this instrument! and immediately turned to the window and earnestly prayed to G.o.d. Then, Luther said, G.o.d our Lord was obliged to listen to me. For I cast my burden before his door, and besieged his ear with all his promises that he would hear prayer, which I could remember in the Bible, so that he was obliged to hear me, if I was to trust his promises.

He then took Philip by the hand, and said, "Be of good cheer, Philip, you will not die! Although G.o.d has reason enough to take away life, yet he hath no pleasure in the death of the sinner, but that he should return from his ways and live. If G.o.d again called and received the greatest sinners who ever lived upon this earth, namely, Adam and Eve, he will not cast out thee, my Philip, nor suffer thee to perish in sins and sorrow. Therefore, do not give way to despondency, and do not murder yourself, but trust in the Lord, who is able to kill and make alive, wound and bind, scourge and heal again. For Luther fully understood the troubles of his heart and conscience. When he had thus held and addressed him, Philip began to draw his breath again, but could not say anything for a long time. He then turned his face towards Luther, and began to entreat him for G.o.d's sake not to detain him any longer; that he was now upon a good journey, and that he should suffer him to proceed, for nothing better could happen to him. Luther replied: "By no means, Philip; you must serve the Lord still longer." Philip became more and more animated, and Luther immediately ordered them to prepare some food, and took it to him himself. But Philip refused to taste it. Luther forced him, and said: "Do you hear, Philip! you must eat, or I shall excommunicate you. He was prevailed upon by such language, so that he began to eat a little, and thus gradually regained strength."

Melanchthon himself said of Luther: "If he had not come I should have died." The Elector also, who deeply sympathized with his sorrows and illness, comforted him in the most friendly manner: "Although it belongeth to G.o.d alone, according to his good pleasure, to bestow or take away courage and comfort, yet you on your part must not fail to lay aside and forget the causes of your trouble, which, thanks to G.o.d! are not so great in our estimation, that they should afflict you so deeply.

We doubt not but that Almighty G.o.d will soon restore your cheerfulness, and with it your health."

The Elector then requests him, as soon as he should be able to move, to come to Eisenach, with Luther and Jonas, because he needed them; for letters and reports were constantly arriving from Hagenau. He gradually recovered, and, although it was with difficulty, he was able to leave for Eisenach on the 7th of July. On the 10th of July, Luther wrote concerning him to Wittenberg: "Master Philip has been restored to life, as it were from the grave; he looks sickly, yet lively, jests and lives with us, and eats and drinks in his own room and at table."

Melanchthon himself wrote to Bugenhagen from Eisenach: "I thank you heartily, best and dearest pastor, that you have comforted me in so Christian a manner, while I was absent, and visited with terrible afflictions in body and spirit, and that at home you a.s.sisted my wife by your counsels. I still feel my disease, although it has abated somewhat.

If I should remain alive, I will be able to say that I have been restored from death to life, by the power of G.o.d. This is the testimony of all who were with me. Oh! that I might thank G.o.d rightly, and live for his glory! I commend myself, and the Church of Christ, to your prayers. I hope that he also (the Landgrave), who has brought me into this great trouble, warned by my example, and the writings of our friends, will be more modest, and not publicly defend a scandalous affair. I have heard that he promised to listen to the counsels of our friends." In Eisenach, the Saxon and Hessian Theologians conferred concerning the double-marriage of the Landgrave. The Hessian Theologians, among them the court-chaplain, Dionysius Melander, wished the permission to publish the second marriage, to be granted to their Prince. An old account relates, that upon this Luther attacked them in so severe a manner, "that the water ran down their cheeks." The Wittenbergers insisted that this marriage should be concealed, like the secrets of the Confessional. On the 24th of July, Melanchthon himself wrote to the Landgrave, exhorting him to cover the matter, and not to give cause for its public discussion. He should prevent this, "not only on account of the evil reports and the offence, but also because it is no easy matter to defend this business plausibly." The Landgrave took this to heart, and for a long time bore the disgrace he so richly deserved. But when he sent forth a pamphlet, written by Bucer, yet without his name, which endeavored to justify his conduct, Melanchthon published a very severe reply to it.

At the close of July, he returned to Wittenberg.

CHAPTER XX.

WORMS AND RATISBON.

The Convention at Hagenau was not successful. The Chancellor of Treves here made a proposition, in the name of the Catholics, July 6th, 1540, that the points already disposed of in Augsburg, in 1530, should not be considered now, but they should merely discuss those on which they could not agree there. The Protestants would not agree to this, and declared "that they could not recollect that any agreement in disputed matters had been reached in the Diet held at Augsburg." Finally, they obtained sight of a writing of Dr. Eck's, who had compared the articles agreed upon, and they sent it to the Elector with the remark: "Your Grace will be able to see from this, in what a childish and improper manner they have prepared these." The Convention adjourned without having come to an actual Religious Conference. This was now to be held in Worms, on the 28th of October of the same year. The Emperor was exceedingly anxious for a union; but before the meeting was opened, the Elector requested the opinions of his Theologians. In this they resolved not to acknowledge the precedence or judicial power of the Pope in the Council, and also to reject those articles marked by Eck as agreed upon. The Elector positively enjoined upon his amba.s.sadors, by no means to depart from the meaning or the words of the Augsburg Confession. Whenever Melanchthon, in his letters, referred to the coming religious conference, he always expressed the wish: "Oh! that G.o.d would incline the hearts of the princes to magnify his glory, and to seek wholesome peace!"

On the 18th of October, he set out with Cruciger. In Leipzig they took along with them the professors SHEUBEL, and ANDREW FRANCK, called Camicia.n.u.s; and in Eisenach, JUSTUS MENIUS, selected instead of Myconius. In Gotha he prepared the Protestation, in which he showed "how the Protestants should act in the present Conference, and whether the spiritual amba.s.sador is to be acknowledged as judge in disputed questions." On the 31st of October they reached Worms; and November 2d, he already wrote to Camerarius about the "shameless hypocrites," Eck, Cochlaeus, Nausea, Mensinger, and others, who had been appointed to attend this Conference in behalf of the Catholics. "These men will p.r.o.nounce sentence upon our heads, although they do not understand our cause, and are burning with hatred, and have stained their hearts and hands with the blood of the G.o.dly. But if an opportunity should present itself to explain our affairs, I shall with G.o.d's help endeavor to unfold those useful views which we contend for, clearly, truly, and without perversion. This I can do so much better, because I have ceased to regard the will of the princes, and on this account have an easier conscience than I had before." And to Dietrich he wrote: "Even if Spanish and French gentlemen were standing before the gates, I would not approve of these double-tongued articles." He adhered steadfastly to this resolution. But the Convention was not opened for a long time, owing to the delay of the Imperial Commissioner, GRANVELLA, "of whom it is said, that he is at present the heart of the Emperor Charles,"

although the Papal Nuncio, a brother of the well-known Cardinal Campegius, had arrived at the proper time.

He formed the centre, around whom the enemy gathered to discuss their plans. More and more enemies arrived in Worms, in order that they might command a respectable position on account of their numbers. "But G.o.d, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, will protect us, whom do you also call upon to preserve and rule his Church,"--thus Melanchthon wrote to Jonas. The Protestants entertained the hope that Granvella "would exert himself to obtain peace, even if no union or agreement could be effected." Melanchthon at this time did not visit any of the decided enemies; however, he went to a few of those who wished to be considered somewhat moderate. He wrote to Dietrich: "These wish to persuade me to consider the whole difference a mere contention about words. I answered, as Aristides said to Themistocles, that Athens would not have peace until they both should be drowned in the sea; so we also, on both sides, deserved the severest punishment if we were confusing the Church by a mere contention about words." At last the Imperial Envoy Granvella arrived, November 22d, and opened the session on the 25th with an address, in which he entreated the States with tears to come to an agreement, and conjured them to "unite again the rent mantle of Christ, and think of your name as Christians which you received in Holy Baptism, and also of your own highly-renowned German nation." They disputed a long time as to the manner in which the religious discussion should be conducted. The Catholics would have preferred settling the matter as rapidly as possible without entering upon a regular discussion, although the final decree of Hagenau, and also the Imperial Proclamation, demanded that the separate articles of the Augsburg Confession and its Apology should be debated in a friendly and Christian manner, but not so as to be obligatory.

While these useless negotiations were carried on, Melanchthon was surprised by a visit from Camerarius on the 9th of December. This was an excellent opportunity for interchange of thought and friendly conversations. When Camerarius returned, Melanchthon sent a letter to the physician FUCHS, in Tubingen, by him: "I have been restored from death to life so short a time, that I still bear about the remains of my sickness and sufferings. I am heartily obliged to Joachim, that he wished to alleviate these by his visit."

When Eck had prepared a form of agreement on the articles of Original Sin and Justification, concerning which there was a great difference of opinion, the Catholics were anxious that it should be brought to vote.

Eck must have considered his form a very excellent one, for he in various places made use of the ridiculous expression, that they could not obtain a better one from Calcutta in India. The Catholics were not at all pleased when even the envoys of the Palatinate, of Brandenburg, and Julich would not accept of this. Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "These acknowledged, in a modest but determined manner, that they approved of our opinions, as included and explained in the Confession and Apology."