Meanwhile an officer and thirty-two men rode through the scrub and returned to Teroi Wells. Colonel Lloyd immediately despatched two volunteers from the mounted police to endeavour to discover the whereabouts of Captain Fenwick and the Tokar force, but both men were killed by the Dervishes.

On the morning of the 16th the Dervishes, hearing heavy firing during the night from the Khor Wintri, drew off, and Captain Fenwick's party was then able to make its way back to Teroi Wells and rejoin the force there.

The return of Captain Fenwick's reconnoitring party to the square at Teroi Wells was a great relief to the members of the column, who had entertained the gravest fears for their safety.

The cavalry having rested, the column left Teroi Wells and moved towards the Khor Wintri to join the Tokar force. Owing to the thickness of the bush and the roughness of the country, the troops were obliged to proceed on foot. The camels were not required, and the food and reserve ammunition were sent on towards the hills held by Omar t.i.ta's men. The two forces joined in the evening at the Khor Wintri, eight miles from the bivouac at Teroi Wells.

The column, on arriving at the Khor Wintri, found Major Sidney there holding the wells, the Dervishes with whom he was in touch having retreated up the pa.s.s.

Major Sidney reported that he had arrived at the Khor Wintri on the previous afternoon and surprised the Dervishes there. On the approach of his force a party of Dervishes moved up the hill to the right, and Sidney sent a party up the hill to check them. The remainder then formed into square and opened fire upon the main body of the Dervishes, who were advancing and who numbered about 90 hors.e.m.e.n and 500 spearmen. The latter attempted to turn the right flank and rear by ascending the mountains, but in each instance they were met by a heavy fire and finally retreated up the pa.s.s, losing about thirty killed and many wounded. Only three Soudanese soldiers were wounded.

Shortly after the junction of the Souakim and Tokar forces Omar t.i.ta arrived in camp. He reported that his tribesmen had abandoned the heights and pa.s.s to the enemy.

It was decided that the column should return to Souakim on the following day, the enemy having retreated bodily towards Horasab. The column bivouacked again at Teroi Wells on the 17th, and arrived at Souakim on the 18th, where it was enthusiastically welcomed by the inhabitants.

The effect of this engagement was that demoralization set in at Osman Digna's camp. It was known that he had lost over 100 killed and about the same number wounded. Nevertheless, by making a considerable detour the remainder of his fighting force managed to reach Horasab, whence they dispersed among the hills. Thus ended the last fight in the neighbourhood of Souakim.

The story has now arrived at the point at which the reconquest of Dongola was decided upon. For this undertaking every available Egyptian soldier was required, and the Souakim troops having to be withdrawn, a strong Indian contingent was once more despatched to protect Souakim.

The force, which arrived on the 30th May, consisted of 4,000 men, made up of the 26th Bengal Infantry, the 35th Sikhs, the 1st Bombay Lancers, the 5th Bombay Mountain Battery, and two Maxim guns, the whole under the command of Colonel Egerton.

The duty of the Indian Contingent was simply to act as a garrison for Souakim, where they remained, but saw no fighting.

A question as to whether the expenses of the Indian troops should be borne by the taxpayers of the United Kingdom or be thrown on the Indian Budget was raised soon after the Indian Contingent reached Souakim. The matter was warmly discussed in the House of Commons on the 6th July. Of the merits of the case there could hardly be a doubt. The force was sent to Egypt in order to set free the Souakim garrison which was required for the Dongola expedition, a matter in which India had not the remotest interest. It could not be pretended that the Khalifa was in any way a source of danger to the Suez Ca.n.a.l, the great highway to India, or that he threatened the interests of that dependency in the slightest degree.

Nevertheless on a division, by 252 votes to 106, the House decided that India was to bear the burden (about 5,000 a month), England paying only the expenses of the transport of the troops, a conclusion so obviously unjust that it shocked the national conscience, and for a time seriously endangered the popularity of Lord Salisbury's Government.

CHAPTER LIX.

IN LOWER EGYPT.

Whilst wars and rumours of wars prevailed on her frontiers, Egypt, internally, was enjoying peace and prosperity.

So completely tranquil was the condition of the country in January, 1887, that a considerable reduction in the strength of the Army of Occupation was decided on. This was effected gradually until the whole force numbered only 3,500 men. This had a double advantage. It not only set free the troops for service elsewhere, but it relieved Egypt from the burden of contributing to their support.[149]

The financial tension having been relieved by the London Convention of 1885, various reforms were taken in hand, and made steady, if not rapid, progress.

Amongst them the use of the "courbache" was abolished, and in criminal cases the punishment of imprisonment subst.i.tuted--a humane and beneficent change, which nevertheless added to the difficulty of collecting the revenue, and led to a considerable increase of crime.

The Khedive, Tewfik Pasha, was himself a moderate but sincere reformer.

He quite realized that the state of things which under Ismail's rule had brought the country to the verge of ruin could not be continued, and gave a loyal support to his European advisers. His Prime Minister, Nubar Pasha, who had replaced Cherif in January, 1884, when the latter could not be brought to accept British advice with regard to the abandonment of the Soudan, was not unfavourable to the English, and for some time found himself able to work in harmony with the various British officials who were now introduced into the Government service.

Unfortunately certain elements existed which were certain to produce friction sooner or later. Nubar Pasha was a statesman of too much ability and with too important a history to be able for any great length of time to quietly sit down and play a secondary part. Hence he gradually grew restive under the advice which England from time to time felt bound to tender to him. He fell out first with Sir Colin Scott Moncrieff, the head of the Irrigation Department, then with Sir Edgar Vincent, the financial adviser, and finally with Sir Evelyn Baring himself.

In June, 1888, Nubar was dismissed on a personal question which arose between him and the Khedive, and replaced by Riaz Pasha, who had been sulking in retirement ever since he was denied the pleasure of hanging Arabi in 1882.

Under Riaz's administration the work of reform continued. More particularly was this the case in the departments relating to finance and irrigation. Sir Edgar Vincent conferred a great benefit on the population by subst.i.tuting a simple and convenient currency for the chaos of coins of all metals and all currencies which had for many years been in circulation.[150]

Extensive changes were introduced in the matter of irrigation. The work upon the "Barrage," which regulates the water supply of the Delta, was completed in 1890. A proper system of inspection was established, and the native cultivator was no longer compelled to rely upon the goodwill of a corrupt Egyptian engineer for the water for his lands.

The result was that increased areas of land were brought into cultivation, and the cotton crop in 1890-91 was nearly double that of the average for previous years.

The abolition of the ruinous system of forced labour for the execution of public works, begun in the days of Nubar, was completed during Riaz's term of office, notwithstanding the persistent obstacles put in the way by France. In 1890 the Egyptian finances had made such a recovery, and Egyptian stock stood so high, that it was found possible to convert the Privileged Debt and to reduce the interest from 5 to 3-1/2 per cent. The net result of this and of the conversion of the Daira Loan was to relieve the Budget by E.314,000 a year.

The English, whilst all these improvements were being made, had not become more popular in Egypt, but their presence began to be tolerated by the natives, who could not but see, though they would not acknowledge, the benefits which it secured to them.[151]

In the civil service the Egyptian functionaries commenced to know their British teachers, and to learn that as long as the former did their duty they would be supported against the tyranny or caprice of their official chiefs, and a feeling of security such as had never been known before was the result.

In 1889 the question of reforming the native courts of justice had been considered. Sir Evelyn Baring's proposal was to strengthen them by increasing the number of European judges. Riaz, on the contrary, was not too favourable to the appointment of foreigners, but he had to give way, and in November, 1889, two additional Englishmen had been nominated to the Court of Appeal, making in all three English and three Belgian judges. This, however, did not effect all that was required, and in the spring of 1890 Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Scott, a judge of the High Court of Bombay, with extensive Indian as well as Egyptian experience, was appointed temporary "judicial adviser" to the Government. Scott drew up a report, pointing out the defects of the existing system, and, above all, the necessity for a further improvement in the _personnel_ of the courts. Riaz Pasha strenuously opposed this, and his nominee Fakri Pasha, Minister of Justice, wrote a counter-report, condemning all the changes which Scott had recommended. Sir Evelyn Baring promptly recognized which side was in the right, and that the question was whether there was to be a reform or not. Scott's proposals were accepted, and his appointment was made permanent, so as to enable him to superintend the carrying of them into execution. Riaz Pasha had to accept the inevitable, which he did with a bad grace, and in May, 1891, he resigned.

Riaz was succeeded by Mustapha Pasha Fehmi, the present Prime Minister, the first Egyptian Premier really in sympathy with the English, with whom he from the first has cordially co-operated. So effectual had been the changes made in the administration of the finances, that, notwithstanding a considerable remission of the land tax, the revenue of the country had risen from E.9,574,000 in 1886, the first year in which the benefit of "The London Convention" had been felt, to E.10,539,460[152] in 1891, with a large surplus over expenditure, and besides this reserve funds amounting to E.2,811,000 had been created.

Progress was also made in the work of putting down the slave trade, and in 1891 Sir Evelyn Baring was able to write that the traffic was practically extinguished. As a commentary upon this it may be mentioned that a few months later no less a personage than Ali Pasha Cherif, a large landed proprietor and the President of the National a.s.sembly, was convicted in the native courts of law of, and sentenced to imprisonment for, being personally concerned in the purchase of slaves for his household.

Whilst events in Egypt were thus progressing the country sustained a severe loss in the death of the Khedive, Tewfik Pasha, which took place after a short illness at Helouan, on the 7th January, 1892. His Highness' eldest son, Prince Abbas Pasha Hilmy, the present Khedive, then seventeen years of age, succeeded to the throne of Egypt in virtue of the Imperial Firman of the 8th June, 1873.

Upon the new Khedive's arrival from Vienna, where he was completing his studies, he received a warm welcome, and by his subsequent acts created an excellent impression on all cla.s.ses of society.

He at once confirmed the former Ministers in power and lent his aid to the work of reform.

Although on the death of Tewfik the new Khedive was _de jure_ as well as _de facto_ the ruler of Egypt, his recognition by an Imperial Firman from the Porte was a formality which nevertheless had to be observed.

The preparation of this important doc.u.ment was known to have been completed at Constantinople, and an envoy was told off to bring it to Egypt. Still for some time it did not come. To do honour to the occasion a division of the British Mediterranean fleet was despatched to Alexandria. It did not, however, please the Sultan that his envoy should be thus received, and the official's departure from time to time was postponed. Then began a little game of "hide and seek." It was given out that the Firman would not be sent until after the approaching fast of "Ramadan," and the British Admiral, as if tired of waiting, withdrew his ships and put to sea. No sooner was this known to the Sultan than the Imperial yacht conveying the envoy was despatched in hot haste to Egypt.

The Admiral, however, was not to be baffled. He had only steamed a hundred miles or so from land, and, with his ships in extended order, awaited the return of a fast vessel which he sent to Suda Bay for news.

On her return with intelligence that the envoy had started, the fleet steamed slowly back to the coast of Egypt, where, on the arrival of the Turkish yacht, the stately ironclads, after saluting, formed in two lines dressed in colours, and escorted her into the harbour of Alexandria.

When the Firman reached Cairo it somehow leaked out that it differed in important particulars from what it ought to have been, and before the precious doc.u.ment, for which E.6,000 was paid, was read on 14th April, the mistake had to be put right by telegraphic communication with the Porte.

In June, 1892, the great services rendered by Sir Evelyn Baring in connection with Egypt received their recognition in the shape of a peerage which was conferred on the distinguished Minister Plenipotentiary and diplomatic agent for Great Britain in Cairo. Honours were never better deserved. Writing of Lord Cromer, as the new peer must henceforth be called, an eminent author (Sir Alfred Milner), more than once quoted in this book, says:--

"It would be difficult to overestimate what the work of England in Egypt owes to the sagacity, fort.i.tude, and patience of the British Minister. His mental and moral equipment, very remarkable in any case, was peculiarly suited to the very peculiar circ.u.mstances in which he found himself placed. Perhaps the most striking feature about him has been a singular combination of strength and forbearance. And he needed both these qualities in an exceptional degree. On one side of him were the English officials, zealous about their work, fretting at the obstruction which met them at every turn; on the other side were the native authorities, new to our methods, hating to be driven, and keen to resent the appearance of English diplomatic pressure. The former were often inclined to grumble with him for interfering too little; the latter were no less p.r.o.ne to complain of his interfering too much. What a task was his to steer an even keel between meddlesomeness and inactivity!

Yet how seldom has he failed to hit the right mean. Slowly but surely he has carried his main points, and he has carried them without needlessly overriding native authority or pushing his own personality into the foreground. He has realized that the essence of our policy is to help the Egyptians to work out as far as possible their own salvation.... The contrast between Egypt of to-day and Egypt as he found it, the enhanced reputation of England in matters Egyptian, are the measure of the signal services he has rendered alike to his own country and to the country where he has laid the foundations of a lasting fame."

In January, 1893, an incident occurred in Cairo which attracted an amount of attention somewhat out of proportion to its real importance.

The Prime Minister, Mustapha Pasha Fehmi, became so ill that his life was despaired of. The Khedive thereupon informed Lord Cromer of his desire to appoint another Egyptian statesman, Tigrane Pasha, in Mustapha's place. This was discouraged by the British representative on the ground that Tigrane was a Christian. The next thing was that the Khedive summarily dismissed Mustapha and three of his colleagues, and nominated Fakri Pasha, the late Minister of Justice, as Premier. Fakri had been dismissed shortly before, on Lord Cromer's suggestion, on account of his opposition to judicial reform. At the same time Lord Cromer was informed that what was taking place was to be followed by a wholesale dismissal of English officials, a report, however, which the Khedive has always denied. On the matter being telegraphed to Lord Rosebery, then British Foreign Secretary, his Lordship took the matter seriously and directed Lord Cromer to protest, and to inform the Khedive that Her Majesty's Government expected to be consulted in such matters as a change of ministry, and that the appointment of Fakri could not be sanctioned. The Khedive, on this being pointed out to him, consented to cancel the appointment objected to, and to nominate Riaz Pasha as the subst.i.tute to Mustapha, which was accepted. The Khedive's nominations to the other vacant posts were not found fault with, and there the matter would have ended had not symptoms of an apparent anti-English feeling shown themselves in the capital, and in the tone of the native press generally. In consequence of this, it was determined to strengthen the Army of Occupation, then numbering only 3,000 men, by two additional battalions, which were promptly despatched to Egypt.

The amusing part of the incident was the interview which took place between Lord Rosebery and the French Amba.s.sador on the 18th January, when the latter stated that he had called to protest against what he termed a high-handed proceeding which had occurred in Egypt. Lord Rosebery replied that he quite recognized that there was some high-handedness. It then turned out that they were not talking about the same thing, one referring to the action of Lord Cromer, and the other to that of the Khedive. On matters being explained, Lord Rosebery scored off the Amba.s.sador by saying that he was at a loss to understand the latter's meaning, as he could hardly call Lord Cromer's making a protest a "high-handed proceeding," seeing that that was the express object for which the Amba.s.sador had sought the present interview.

The serious part of the incident was the view which the British Government took of it. Lord Rosebery, in a despatch dated the 16th February, declared that 'if the Prime Minister and the heads of other important departments were to be summarily dismissed in disregard of British advice, there was nothing to prevent the dismissal of any other functionaries, European or native, who might not have the good fortune to fall in with the tendencies of the moment, or whose prominence might afford a favourable opportunity for the display of autocratic power. It was not too much to say that, under these circ.u.mstances, the whole fabric so laboriously built up during the last ten years would have been at the mercy of caprice or intrigue, and would rapidly and necessarily have crumbled away.'

Riaz Pasha on his return to power showed himself anything but disposed to work well with the Khedive's English advisers. His policy took the form of stubborn opposition rather than active resistance, and it required all the firmness and tact of Lord Cromer to keep things in the right path. With the promotion of Maher Pasha to the post of Under-Secretary at War, attempts were made to interfere with the authority of the Sirdar in matters relating to the army, and hardly were these defeated than the further difficulty known as the "frontier incident" occurred.

The Khedive on his visit to Wady Halfa in January, 1894, made some observations on the army which were taken by the British officers as a slight upon them, and the Sirdar, General Kitchener, in consequence, resigned. He, however, withdrew his resignation almost immediately after, at the request of the Khedive. The matter was regarded by the British Government as an attempt to discredit the English officers, and to undermine their authority with the troops, and Lord Cromer was instructed to ask that a general order should be issued expressing the Khedive's satisfaction with the army, and the officers generally, and also that Maher Pasha should be removed. Both these requirements were complied with and the incident was closed.

Riaz Pasha shortly after resigned, and Nubar again returned to power.

Under his advice the relations of the Khedive with the British Government became more cordial, and no further "incidents" such as those above recorded took place.