34. M. Kline, Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, vol. 1 (Oxford and New York, 1990), p. 181. Gibbon writes as follows (chap. 47): vol. 1 (Oxford and New York, 1990), p. 181. Gibbon writes as follows (chap. 47): Hypatia, the daughter of Theon the mathematician, was initiated in her father's studies: her learned comments have elucidated the geometry of Apollonius and Diophantus; and she publicly taught, both at Athens and Alexandria, the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. In the bloom of beauty, and in the maturity of wisdom, the modest maid refused her lovers and instructed her disciples; the persons most ill.u.s.trious for their rank and merit were impatient to visit the female philosopher; and Cyril beheld with a jealous eye the gorgeous train of horses and slaves who crowded the door of her academy. A rumour was spread among the Christians that the daughter of Theon was the only obstacle to the reconciliation of the prefect and the archbishop; and that obstacle was speedily removed. On a fatal day, in the holy season of Lent, Hypatia was torn from her chariot, stripped naked, dragged to the church, and inhumanly butchered by the hands of Peter the reader and a troop of savage and inhuman fanatics: her flesh was sc.r.a.ped from her bones with sharp oyster sh.e.l.ls, and her quivering limbs were delivered to the flames. The just progress of inquiry and punishment was stopped by seasonable gifts: but the murder of Hypatia has imprinted an indelible stain on the character and religion of Cyril of Alexandria.

The story of Hypatia lived on. The novelist Charles Kingsley used Gibbon's account for his own novel, Hypatia, Hypatia, a best-seller in Britain in 1853. a best-seller in Britain in 1853.

35. Quoted in P. Chuvin, A Chronicle of the Last of the Pagans (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., and London, 1990), p. 133.

36. Bowersock, h.e.l.lenism in Late Antiquity, h.e.l.lenism in Late Antiquity, pp. 13. For evidence of the Christian groups see S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, vol. 2, chap. 17, part X, "The Epigraphy of the Anatolian Heresies." pp. 13. For evidence of the Christian groups see S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor, vol. 2, chap. 17, part X, "The Epigraphy of the Anatolian Heresies."

37. Chuvin, A Chronicle of the Last of the Pagans, A Chronicle of the Last of the Pagans, p. 141. p. 141.

38. Quoted in Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, The Holy Land: An Oxford Archaeological Guide, Archaeological Guide, 4th ed. (Oxford, 1998), p. 86. 4th ed. (Oxford, 1998), p. 86.

18.

1. The evidence for Peter's presence in Rome is flimsy, but no other city (outside Antioch, where by tradition he was the first bishop, and, of course, Jerusalem) lays claim to his presence, and so most scholars are prepared to accept that he did travel to Rome. How and why is difficult to guess. It is known that Jewish groups from the city made pilgrimages to Jerusalem, so Peter, perhaps at a time when his own authority among Christian Jews in Jerusalem was coming under threat from James, "the brother of Jesus," may have decided to return with them in the hope of regaining his status elsewhere. The legend that he was bishop of Rome (if that was the position he held when in the city) for twenty-five years seems to have been a third-century invention.

2. Gregory is quoted in R. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge, 1997), p. 7. For the linguistic separation of east and west, see J. Herrin, (Cambridge, 1997), p. 7. For the linguistic separation of east and west, see J. Herrin, The The Formation of Christendom Formation of Christendom (Oxford, 1987), pp. 1045. (Oxford, 1987), pp. 1045.

3. From De praescriptione haereticorum De praescriptione haereticorum (c. 200), quoted in H. Bettenson, (c. 200), quoted in H. Bettenson, Doc.u.ments of the Christian Church Doc.u.ments of the Christian Church (Oxford, 1943), p. 8. For Tertullian, see the entries in general reference books such as (Oxford, 1943), p. 8. For Tertullian, see the entries in general reference books such as The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed., ed. F. Cross and E. Livingstone (Oxford, 1997), and P. Esler, ed., Church, 3rd ed., ed. F. Cross and E. Livingstone (Oxford, 1997), and P. Esler, ed., The Early Christian World The Early Christian World (London and New York, 2000), vol. 2, chap. 40, by David Wright. The quotation about Tertullian's lack of (London and New York, 2000), vol. 2, chap. 40, by David Wright. The quotation about Tertullian's lack of curiositas curiositas comes from Wright, p. 1033, although Wright warns his readers not to dismiss Tertullian's lack of interest in Greek philosophy too readily. He had read widely in the cla.s.sics although he kept them subordinate to the Christian faith that he preached so vigorously. One can find, for instance, elements of Stoicism in his thinking as when he argued that through G.o.d "we find this whole fabric of the universe to be once for all disposed, equipped, ordered as it stands, and supplied with the complete guidance of reason." (The Stoics argued that the supreme divine principle, call it what you will, suffused the cosmos and provided it with an underlying order.) Also see chap. 3 in P. Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and s.e.xual Renunciation in Early comes from Wright, p. 1033, although Wright warns his readers not to dismiss Tertullian's lack of interest in Greek philosophy too readily. He had read widely in the cla.s.sics although he kept them subordinate to the Christian faith that he preached so vigorously. One can find, for instance, elements of Stoicism in his thinking as when he argued that through G.o.d "we find this whole fabric of the universe to be once for all disposed, equipped, ordered as it stands, and supplied with the complete guidance of reason." (The Stoics argued that the supreme divine principle, call it what you will, suffused the cosmos and provided it with an underlying order.) Also see chap. 3 in P. Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and s.e.xual Renunciation in Early Christianity Christianity (New York, 1988; London, 1989), for views on Tertullian and his abiding concern, human s.e.xuality. A full selection of Tertullian's writings is to be found in H. Bettenson, (New York, 1988; London, 1989), for views on Tertullian and his abiding concern, human s.e.xuality. A full selection of Tertullian's writings is to be found in H. Bettenson, The Early Christian Fathers The Early Christian Fathers (Oxford, 1956), pp. 10467. (Oxford, 1956), pp. 10467.

4. For this account of Jerome I have drawn on the full and readable life by J. Kelly, Jerome Jerome (London, 1975). (London, 1975).

5. Ibid., p. 218. Taken from Letter LVI in Jerome's collected correspondence.

6. Letter CX in Jerome's collected correspondence.

7. Quoted in Kelly, Jerome, Jerome, p. 331. p. 331.

8. There is a ma.s.s of work on Augustine. The standard life is still P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo Augustine of Hippo (London, 1977; rev. ed., Berkeley and London, 2000). It is very vivid and insightful, and certainly one of the finest biographies of any figure from the ancient world. A shorter life is by H. Chadwick, (London, 1977; rev. ed., Berkeley and London, 2000). It is very vivid and insightful, and certainly one of the finest biographies of any figure from the ancient world. A shorter life is by H. Chadwick, Augustine Augustine (Oxford, 1986). The ma.s.sive encyclopaedic study (Oxford, 1986). The ma.s.sive encyclopaedic study Augustine Through the Ages, Augustine Through the Ages, ed. A. Fitzgerald (Grand Rapids, Mich., and Cambridge, 1999), is an essential companion to further study. Highly recommended are C. Harrison, Augustine: Christian Truth and Fractured Humanity (Oxford, 2000); J. Rist, Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptised (Cambridge, 1994); and a more critical study by a philosopher, C. Kirwan, Augustine (London and New York, 1989). Harrison contains an overview of the main works a.n.a.lysed in the text and is perhaps the best starting point. Recent issues in Augustinian studies are covered in R. Dodaro and G. Lawless, eds., ed. A. Fitzgerald (Grand Rapids, Mich., and Cambridge, 1999), is an essential companion to further study. Highly recommended are C. Harrison, Augustine: Christian Truth and Fractured Humanity (Oxford, 2000); J. Rist, Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptised (Cambridge, 1994); and a more critical study by a philosopher, C. Kirwan, Augustine (London and New York, 1989). Harrison contains an overview of the main works a.n.a.lysed in the text and is perhaps the best starting point. Recent issues in Augustinian studies are covered in R. Dodaro and G. Lawless, eds., Augustine and His Critics Augustine and His Critics (London and New York, 2000). (London and New York, 2000).

9. See the entry on Luther in Fitzgerald, ed., Augustine Through the Ages, Augustine Through the Ages, p. 515. One of the themes of the Council of Trent (154563) was a rea.s.sertion of Catholic interpretations of Augustine against those of Luther. p. 515. One of the themes of the Council of Trent (154563) was a rea.s.sertion of Catholic interpretations of Augustine against those of Luther.

10. Uta Ranke-Heinemann, Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven: Women, Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven: Women, s.e.xuality and the Catholic Church, trans. P. Heinegg (New York, 1990), p. 75. s.e.xuality and the Catholic Church, trans. P. Heinegg (New York, 1990), p. 75.

11. The City of G.o.d The City of G.o.d 10:32. 10:32.

12. Confessions 8:12. I have used the translation by R. S. Pine Coffin in the Penguin Cla.s.sics edition, first published in 1961. It is interesting that Augustine was converted by a verse of Paul's, not one of Jesus'. Scholars have noted that he seemed relatively uninterested in the person of Christ.

13. Confessions Confessions 9:10. 9:10.

14. See P. Fredriksen, "Paul and Augustine: Conversion Narratives, Orthodox Traditions and the Retrospective Self," Journal of Theological Studies Journal of Theological Studies 37 (1986): 335. 37 (1986): 335.

15. These two quotations are taken from the Confessions, Confessions, 10:8 and 2:2. The introspective nature of Augustine is well ill.u.s.trated by the following quotation: "We do not consult a speaker who utters sounds to the outside, but a truth that resides within . . . Christ, who is said to dwell in the inner man-he it is who teaches." The influence of Platonism, in the idea that one is recollecting what is already inside oneself, can also be seen here. From Augustine's 10:8 and 2:2. The introspective nature of Augustine is well ill.u.s.trated by the following quotation: "We do not consult a speaker who utters sounds to the outside, but a truth that resides within . . . Christ, who is said to dwell in the inner man-he it is who teaches." The influence of Platonism, in the idea that one is recollecting what is already inside oneself, can also be seen here. From Augustine's De Magistro, De Magistro, "On the Teacher," paragraph 38, quoted in J. Pelikan, "On the Teacher," paragraph 38, quoted in J. Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971), p. 295. vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971), p. 295.

16. G. Wills, Saint Augustine Saint Augustine (London and New York, 1999), p. 93, quoting Albrecht Dihle. (London and New York, 1999), p. 93, quoting Albrecht Dihle.

17. C. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994), p. 223. Stead goes on (p. 227) to consider the problems of isolating oneself from empirical evidence.

One cannot explain human knowledge as a purely active process; it always involves attention to data which are not of our own making, apart from the exceptional case where we attend to our own creative thoughts and fantasies. Augustine often seems to see this clearly enough; but he does not take the decisive step of abandoning the will-o'-the-wisp of a purely active intellect, and the artificial theories to which it leads.

There is much wisdom in this statement, and it is of relevance to the theme in this book as a whole.

18. From the article "Reason" in A. Hastings, ed., The Oxford Companion to The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought Christian Thought (Oxford and New York, 2000), p. 596. Compare the words of Joan of Arc in George Bernard Shaw's (Oxford and New York, 2000), p. 596. Compare the words of Joan of Arc in George Bernard Shaw's St. Joan, St. Joan, scene 5, when she is asked by Dunois, the b.a.s.t.a.r.d of Orleans, why she provides him with reasons for her belief in her voices. "Well, I have to find reasons for you, because you do not believe in my voices. But the voices come first; and I find the reasons after . . ." scene 5, when she is asked by Dunois, the b.a.s.t.a.r.d of Orleans, why she provides him with reasons for her belief in her voices. "Well, I have to find reasons for you, because you do not believe in my voices. But the voices come first; and I find the reasons after . . ."

19. Quotations taken from Wills, Saint Augustine, Saint Augustine, p. 44. p. 44.

20. R. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries Centuries (London and New Haven, 1997), p. 94. (London and New Haven, 1997), p. 94.

21. See G. Bonner, "Augustine as Biblical Scholar," in P. R. Ackroyd and C. F. Evans, eds., The Cambridge History of the Bible, The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol 1 (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 54163. In order to show how lively Augustine's imagination could be, I summarize (from this article) Augustine's a.n.a.lysis of the 153 fish caught in the miraculous draught (John 21:11). The sum of the integers 1 to 17 is 153. Taking 17, this is the sum of 10 (the Ten Commandments) and 7 (the number of the Holy Spirit, who enables the elect to fulfill the law). Thus 153 fishes comes to represent the whole number of the elect, as regenerated by the Holy Spirit. It is also three times 50 plus 3, the persons of the Trinity. The number 50 represents the square of 7 (the number of the Spirit) with one added to show the unity of the Spirit, whose operations are sevenfold and who was sent on the fiftieth day to the disciples! Note the mildly sarcastic comment of R. Mortley in his vol 1 (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 54163. In order to show how lively Augustine's imagination could be, I summarize (from this article) Augustine's a.n.a.lysis of the 153 fish caught in the miraculous draught (John 21:11). The sum of the integers 1 to 17 is 153. Taking 17, this is the sum of 10 (the Ten Commandments) and 7 (the number of the Holy Spirit, who enables the elect to fulfill the law). Thus 153 fishes comes to represent the whole number of the elect, as regenerated by the Holy Spirit. It is also three times 50 plus 3, the persons of the Trinity. The number 50 represents the square of 7 (the number of the Spirit) with one added to show the unity of the Spirit, whose operations are sevenfold and who was sent on the fiftieth day to the disciples! Note the mildly sarcastic comment of R. Mortley in his From Word to Silence, From Word to Silence, vol. 2, vol. 2, The Way of The Way of Negation, Christian and Greek Negation, Christian and Greek (Bonn, 1986), p. 246: "At times it appears as if Augustine's pursuit of meaning in the pages of Scripture is somewhat like that of the modern literary critic [note Mortley is writing in the mid 1980s], who by multiplying a series of references and subjective connections, finds a meaning which is far removed from the text itself and any possible authorial intention." (Bonn, 1986), p. 246: "At times it appears as if Augustine's pursuit of meaning in the pages of Scripture is somewhat like that of the modern literary critic [note Mortley is writing in the mid 1980s], who by multiplying a series of references and subjective connections, finds a meaning which is far removed from the text itself and any possible authorial intention."

22. See Kirwan, Augustine, p. 131, for Augustine on original sin. Paul's influence on Augustine was profound, so much so that one scholar has gone so far as to claim that "much of western Christian thought can be seen as one long response to Augustine's Paul" (P. Fredriksen in the entry on Paul in Fitzgerald, ed., Augustine Through the Ages Through the Ages).

23. The old question of how a G.o.d who is conceptualized as omnipotent and omniscient can allow evil seems impossible to answer. The pagan philosopher s.e.xtus Empiricus (probably end of the second century A.D.) put the issue well in his Outlines of Pyrrhonism, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 3:12: "For in claiming that he [G.o.d] is provident in all things, they will be saying that he is the cause of evil, but if they claim that he is provident only about some things or nothing, they will be forced to say either that G.o.d lacks good will or is weak; yet obviously only people who are impious will say this." Quoted in M. Frede, "Monotheism and Pagan Philosophy" in P. Athana.s.siadi and M. Frede, eds., 3:12: "For in claiming that he [G.o.d] is provident in all things, they will be saying that he is the cause of evil, but if they claim that he is provident only about some things or nothing, they will be forced to say either that G.o.d lacks good will or is weak; yet obviously only people who are impious will say this." Quoted in M. Frede, "Monotheism and Pagan Philosophy" in P. Athana.s.siadi and M. Frede, eds., Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), p. 56. In the mid second century, Marcion (the champion of Paul) attempted to solve the problem by arguing that there were two G.o.ds, the powerful Creator G.o.d of the Old Testament, whose behaviour as related in the Old Testament was quite clearly wicked, and a good, all-knowing G.o.d who was the father of Christ. See Pelikan, (Oxford, 1999), p. 56. In the mid second century, Marcion (the champion of Paul) attempted to solve the problem by arguing that there were two G.o.ds, the powerful Creator G.o.d of the Old Testament, whose behaviour as related in the Old Testament was quite clearly wicked, and a good, all-knowing G.o.d who was the father of Christ. See Pelikan, The The Christian Tradition, Christian Tradition, vol. 1, pp. 71ff. An introduction to the problems can be found in any study of the philosophy of religion, for instance, that edited by B. Davies, vol. 1, pp. 71ff. An introduction to the problems can be found in any study of the philosophy of religion, for instance, that edited by B. Davies, Philosophy of Religion: A Guide and Anthology Philosophy of Religion: A Guide and Anthology (Oxford, 2000). There is a short overview in the article "Evil, the Problem of" by Thomas P. Flint in Hastings, ed., (Oxford, 2000). There is a short overview in the article "Evil, the Problem of" by Thomas P. Flint in Hastings, ed., The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. I have always been unhappy with the argument that evil should be seen as the inevitable consequence of G.o.d's gift to humanity of free will. Should one attempt to persuade those whose lives have been irretrievably ruined by the evil actions of others that this is because of the exercise of a free will given to the perpetrator of the evil by a G.o.d whom they should believe to be fully loving? I have always been unhappy with the argument that evil should be seen as the inevitable consequence of G.o.d's gift to humanity of free will. Should one attempt to persuade those whose lives have been irretrievably ruined by the evil actions of others that this is because of the exercise of a free will given to the perpetrator of the evil by a G.o.d whom they should believe to be fully loving?

24. See Harrison, Augustine, Augustine, p. 87, for the quotation from Augustine. The earlier history of Christian thinking on free will (as well as Augustine's views) is covered by Pelikan, p. 87, for the quotation from Augustine. The earlier history of Christian thinking on free will (as well as Augustine's views) is covered by Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, chap. 6, "Nature and Grace." vol. 1, chap. 6, "Nature and Grace."

25. Pelikan's chapter on "Nature and Grace" is outstanding on Augustine's views. The problem remained of why anyone should behave well if it was already predestined who should be saved and who condemned. At the same time, if G.o.d can grant or withhold grace at will, then the responsibility of "allowing" human beings to go to h.e.l.l is his. Augustine argued in return that G.o.d created men whose d.a.m.nation he could foresee as a means of manifesting his anger and demonstrating his power. The contradictions involved in sorting out predestination can be seen in the following quotation from Augustine cited by Pelikan (p. 297): "As the one who is supremely good, he made good use of evil deeds [sic!], for the d.a.m.nation of those whom he had justly predestined to punishment and for the salvation of those whom he had kindly predestined to grace." One hardly needs to go further to explain the profound sense of insecurity that Augustine and his followers brought into the Christian tradition.

26. Harrison's quotation comes from her Augustine, Augustine, p. 28. Kirwan, p. 28. Kirwan, Augustine, Augustine, lists the "original sin" texts on p. 131. They are also discussed by Pelikan in lists the "original sin" texts on p. 131. They are also discussed by Pelikan in The The Christian Tradition, Christian Tradition, vol. 1, pp. 299300. Pelikan notes how Augustine was misled by a Latin mistranslation of Romans 5:12 in which "death spread to all men, through one man, in whom all men sinned," whereas the Greek original reads, "Death spread to all men, through one man, because all men sinned." See Stead, vol. 1, pp. 299300. Pelikan notes how Augustine was misled by a Latin mistranslation of Romans 5:12 in which "death spread to all men, through one man, in whom all men sinned," whereas the Greek original reads, "Death spread to all men, through one man, because all men sinned." See Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, pp. 23233, for Augustine's views that the number of saved equalled the number of angels. In his pp. 23233, for Augustine's views that the number of saved equalled the number of angels. In his City of G.o.d City of G.o.d (22:24), Augustine leaves only the smallest scope for reasoned thought in "fallen man." "There is still the spark, as it were, of that reason in virtue of which he was made in the image of G.o.d: that spark has not been fully put out" (trans. H. Bettenson). (22:24), Augustine leaves only the smallest scope for reasoned thought in "fallen man." "There is still the spark, as it were, of that reason in virtue of which he was made in the image of G.o.d: that spark has not been fully put out" (trans. H. Bettenson).

27. Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1, p. 315, for the first of Pelagius' quotations; Harrison, vol. 1, p. 315, for the first of Pelagius' quotations; Harrison, Augustine, Augustine, p. 103, for the second. Gerald Bonner has useful essays on Augustine and Pelagianism in his p. 103, for the second. Gerald Bonner has useful essays on Augustine and Pelagianism in his Church and Faith in the Patristic Church and Faith in the Patristic Tradition (Aldershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., 1996). Tradition (Aldershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., 1996).

28. Quoted in Kirwan, Augustine, Augustine, p. 134. Richard Sorabji in his p. 134. Richard Sorabji in his Emotion and Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (Oxford, 2000), concludes that Julian (and Pelagius) won the philosophical argument but that the political argument (which was what now mattered) was won by Augustine. Sorabji concludes his chapter "Augustine on l.u.s.t and the Will" as follows (p. 417): (Oxford, 2000), concludes that Julian (and Pelagius) won the philosophical argument but that the political argument (which was what now mattered) was won by Augustine. Sorabji concludes his chapter "Augustine on l.u.s.t and the Will" as follows (p. 417): To many, myself included, the Pelagian view that l.u.s.t is a good thing, which may be put to bad use, is far more attractive than Augustine's view that l.u.s.t is a bad thing which may, in marriage, be put to a good use. If Pelagius had prevailed on this and more generally on original sin, a British theologian would have been at the centre of western theology, and western att.i.tudes to s.e.xuality, and to much else besides, might have been very different.

The question of how an "evil" thing (s.e.xual incontinence as Augustine conceived it) can be made good simply through the circ.u.mstances in which it is undertaken is another example of Augustine tying himself up in knots (and defying his own mentor Paul, who had condemned the idea of doing evil that good may come of it, Romans 3:8). The contradictions here are dissected by J. Mahoney on "Augustinism and s.e.xual Morality" in his The Making of Moral Theology: A Study of the Roman The Making of Moral Theology: A Study of the Roman Catholic Tradition Catholic Tradition (Oxford, 1987), pp. 5868. (Oxford, 1987), pp. 5868.

29. The quotations are taken from the article by H. Chadwick, "Orthodoxy and Heresy," in A. Cameron and P. Garnsey, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XIII (Cambridge, 1998), p. 583.

30. The conference of 411 is well covered by M. Tilley in "Dilatory Donatists or Procrastinating Catholics: The Trial at the Conference of Carthage," in E. Ferguson, ed., Doctrinal Diversity: Varieties of Early Christianity Doctrinal Diversity: Varieties of Early Christianity (New York and London, 1999). Tilley argues that the Donatists a.s.sumed that this conference would be a proper chance to discuss theology, but in fact it turned out to be no more than "an imperial administrative process" through which to condemn them. The Donatists attempted to argue that the issue was one of the goodness of individuals and mocked Augustine's view that good and bad individuals could co-exist within the same inst.i.tution without defiling that inst.i.tution. (New York and London, 1999). Tilley argues that the Donatists a.s.sumed that this conference would be a proper chance to discuss theology, but in fact it turned out to be no more than "an imperial administrative process" through which to condemn them. The Donatists attempted to argue that the issue was one of the goodness of individuals and mocked Augustine's view that good and bad individuals could co-exist within the same inst.i.tution without defiling that inst.i.tution.

31. The quotation from Augustine is from Kirwan, Augustine, Augustine, p. 212, and that from Gregory from H. Drake, p. 212, and that from Gregory from H. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance (Baltimore and London, 2000), p. 407. See C. Kirwan, Augustine, pp. 21218, for Augustine's shifting views on persecution. See also Rist, Intolerance (Baltimore and London, 2000), p. 407. See C. Kirwan, Augustine, pp. 21218, for Augustine's shifting views on persecution. See also Rist, Augustine, Augustine, "Towards a Theory of Persecution," pp. 23945. "Towards a Theory of Persecution," pp. 23945.

32. Rist, Augustine, Augustine, p. 215. Like the h.o.m.oeans, the Donatists were casualities of the new principle that there should be only one state church based on one interpretation of Christianity. As rivals to the ownership of Christian "truth," the Donatists were treated far more harshly than Jews or pagans. p. 215. Like the h.o.m.oeans, the Donatists were casualities of the new principle that there should be only one state church based on one interpretation of Christianity. As rivals to the ownership of Christian "truth," the Donatists were treated far more harshly than Jews or pagans.

33. The quotation, itself quoted from a review, comes from Stephen O'Shea's The Perfect Heresy: Life and Death of the Cathars The Perfect Heresy: Life and Death of the Cathars (London, 2000). (London, 2000).

34. A point made by Harrison, Augustine, Augustine, p. 197, who elaborates, on pp. 200202, the sources for the idea of "the two cities." The rigid dichotomy between polarized extremes, good and bad, saved and unsaved, not only draws, like so much of Augustine's thought, on Paul but is typical of Augustine's polemical rhetoric. As such, it has created a great deal of unnecessary anxiety among Christians (if one does not agree totally with what has been defined as orthodoxy, one is condemned), and it has hindered the exploration of unresolved theological issues. p. 197, who elaborates, on pp. 200202, the sources for the idea of "the two cities." The rigid dichotomy between polarized extremes, good and bad, saved and unsaved, not only draws, like so much of Augustine's thought, on Paul but is typical of Augustine's polemical rhetoric. As such, it has created a great deal of unnecessary anxiety among Christians (if one does not agree totally with what has been defined as orthodoxy, one is condemned), and it has hindered the exploration of unresolved theological issues.

35. The City of G.o.d The City of G.o.d 19:13, quoted ibid., p. 207. 19:13, quoted ibid., p. 207.

36. J. S. McClelland, A History of Western Political Thought (London, 1996), p. 108.

37. The point is made in Michael Signer's article "Jews and Judaism," in Fitzgerald, ed., Augustine Through the Ages, Augustine Through the Ages, pp. 47073. See also Harrison's sympathetic a.s.sessment in pp. 47073. See also Harrison's sympathetic a.s.sessment in Augustine, Augustine, pp. 14244. pp. 14244.

38. Stead, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity, p. 235. p. 235.

39. Rist, Augustine, Augustine, pp. 29192. Note St. Jerome's comment in his Letter CVC: "You are renowned throughout the world. Catholics venerate you, and look upon you as a second founder of the old faith. And, surely what is a sign of greater glory [ pp. 29192. Note St. Jerome's comment in his Letter CVC: "You are renowned throughout the world. Catholics venerate you, and look upon you as a second founder of the old faith. And, surely what is a sign of greater glory [sic], all the heretics detest you." Mahoney, "Augustinism and s.e.xual Morality," p. 69, notes that Augustine's use of polarized language "can lead to violent and extreme language and entrenched positions, in which words become weapons with which to crush an adversary rather than inadequate counters of that humble exploration of divine reality which should be characteristic of theological discourse."

40. Quoted by M. Warner, Alone of All Her s.e.x Alone of All Her s.e.x (London, 1985), p. 57. As she notes, the idea "is an extension of Augustine's argument about original sin." (London, 1985), p. 57. As she notes, the idea "is an extension of Augustine's argument about original sin."

41. For this period, see chap. 5, "A Divided City: The Christian Church, 300460," especially the section "The Primacy of Peter," in R. Collins, Early Early Medieval Europe, 3001000, Medieval Europe, 3001000, 2nd ed. (London, 1999). On Rome, R. Krautheimer's 2nd ed. (London, 1999). On Rome, R. Krautheimer's Rome: Profile of a City, 3121208 Rome: Profile of a City, 3121208 (Princeton, 2000), is an excellent starting point. (Princeton, 2000), is an excellent starting point.

42. A good starting point for the tortuous career of Vigilius is his entry in J. Kelly, The Oxford Dictionary of the Popes The Oxford Dictionary of the Popes (Oxford, 1986). (Oxford, 1986).

43. Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 12527. Her chap. 3, "The Churches in the Sixth Century: The Council of 553," is essential for more detailed study of this period. pp. 12527. Her chap. 3, "The Churches in the Sixth Century: The Council of 553," is essential for more detailed study of this period.

44. Ibid., p. 182. On Gregory, Herrin has good points to make-see her chap. 4, "The Achievement of Gregory the Great." For a fuller study, see R. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge, 1997), and for Gregory's thought, C. Straw, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley and London, 1988). There is also a sensitive introduction to Gregory by M. Colish in her (Berkeley and London, 1988). There is also a sensitive introduction to Gregory by M. Colish in her Medieval Medieval Foundations of the Western Intellectual Tradition Foundations of the Western Intellectual Tradition (New Haven and London, 1997), pp. 3741. (New Haven and London, 1997), pp. 3741.

45. Quoted in MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism, p. 97. R. A. Markus considers Gregory's approach to secular learning in Gregory the Great, Gregory the Great, pp. 3440. pp. 3440.

46. Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, The Formation of Christendom, p. 177. The longer extract from this reproach that Herrin gives has much to say about Gregory's view of the ministry, in particular that the need for unity in the church requires that bishops should be prepared to cooperate and compromise with each other when necessary. The quotation on "compa.s.sion" and "contemplation" comes from Gregory's p. 177. The longer extract from this reproach that Herrin gives has much to say about Gregory's view of the ministry, in particular that the need for unity in the church requires that bishops should be prepared to cooperate and compromise with each other when necessary. The quotation on "compa.s.sion" and "contemplation" comes from Gregory's Regula Regula Pastoralis, Pastoralis, his great work on the exercise of spiritual power. his great work on the exercise of spiritual power.

47. Markus, Gregory the Great, Gregory the Great, p. 204. p. 204.

48. Collins in Early Medieval Europe, Early Medieval Europe, p. 233. Chap. 13, "The Sundering of East and West," provides a good overview of the process. p. 233. Chap. 13, "The Sundering of East and West," provides a good overview of the process.

49. The story of Fursey is told by P. Brown in "Gloriosus Obitus: The End of the Ancient Other World," in W. Klingshirn and M. Vessey, eds., The Limits of Ancient Christianity: Essays on Later Antique Thought and Culture in Honor of Ancient Christianity: Essays on Later Antique Thought and Culture in Honor of R. A. Markus R. A. Markus (Ann Arbor, 1999), pp. 29495. The problem of why Christianity laid such heavy stress on punishment in the afterlife is, of course, a major subject in itself and has only been partially addressed in this book. The words of Jesus in Matthew (25:3146) have been fundamental, and Matthew 22:14, "Many are called but few are chosen," was used "generation after generation as proof that only a minority ever reached heaven" with the majority consigned everlastingly to h.e.l.l. See the article on "h.e.l.l" by A. Hastings, ed., in (Ann Arbor, 1999), pp. 29495. The problem of why Christianity laid such heavy stress on punishment in the afterlife is, of course, a major subject in itself and has only been partially addressed in this book. The words of Jesus in Matthew (25:3146) have been fundamental, and Matthew 22:14, "Many are called but few are chosen," was used "generation after generation as proof that only a minority ever reached heaven" with the majority consigned everlastingly to h.e.l.l. See the article on "h.e.l.l" by A. Hastings, ed., in The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought.

50. N. MacGregor, Seeing Salvation: Images of Christ in Art (London, 2000), p. 127. See also M. Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel: Pain and The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel: Pain and Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (London, 1999), although this book concentrates primarily on the crucifixion of the good and bad thieves. The chapter "Images of the Suffering Redeemer" in R. M. Jensen, (London, 1999), although this book concentrates primarily on the crucifixion of the good and bad thieves. The chapter "Images of the Suffering Redeemer" in R. M. Jensen, Understanding Early Understanding Early Christian Art Christian Art (London and New York, 2000), provides an excellent exploration of the issues involved. (London and New York, 2000), provides an excellent exploration of the issues involved.

51. See Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom, The Rise of Western Christendom, 2nd ed. (Malden, Oxford, Melbourne, and Berlin, 2003), p. 119. This magnificent survey of western Christendom takes the story up to 1000. 2nd ed. (Malden, Oxford, Melbourne, and Berlin, 2003), p. 119. This magnificent survey of western Christendom takes the story up to 1000.

19.

1. Book 5, chap. 5. The extracts are from the Penguin edition, translated by D. Magarshack.

2. Tenth-century Ecomium Ecomium of Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus, quoted in R. Lim, of Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus, quoted in R. Lim, Public Public Disputation, Power and Social Order in Late Antiquity Disputation, Power and Social Order in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and London, 1995), p. 158. A survey of how these heresies interacted on the ground can be found in S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor (Oxford, 1993), vol. 2, pp. 91108. Mitch.e.l.l's survey shows that in fourth-century Phrygia and Lycaonia, orthodox Christianity was virtually unknown in an area that was, however, heavily Christian. (Berkeley and London, 1995), p. 158. A survey of how these heresies interacted on the ground can be found in S. Mitch.e.l.l, Anatolia: Land, Men and G.o.ds in Asia Minor (Oxford, 1993), vol. 2, pp. 91108. Mitch.e.l.l's survey shows that in fourth-century Phrygia and Lycaonia, orthodox Christianity was virtually unknown in an area that was, however, heavily Christian.

3. J. Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture (New Haven and London, 1993), is especially helpful here. See in particular chap. 3, "The Language of Negation." (New Haven and London, 1993), is especially helpful here. See in particular chap. 3, "The Language of Negation."

4. As reported by his fellow Cappadocian Gregory of Nyssa, above, p. 195.

5. Lim, Public Disputation, Public Disputation, p. 168. p. 168.

6. See ibid., pp. 15871, for a full a.n.a.lysis of these orations.

7. R. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d (Edinburgh, 1988), p. 809. Edward Gibbon made the point that if one wanted to know just how vicious debates were in these councils, one turned not to opponents of Christianity but to "one of the most pious and eloquent bishops of the age, a saint and a doctor of the church," Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus. A member of the Anglican commission on liturgy, the late Michael Vesey, is said to have compared preparing liturgical texts for the Anglican Synod with "trying to do embroidery with a bunch of football hooligans." Quoted in a letter to the (Edinburgh, 1988), p. 809. Edward Gibbon made the point that if one wanted to know just how vicious debates were in these councils, one turned not to opponents of Christianity but to "one of the most pious and eloquent bishops of the age, a saint and a doctor of the church," Gregory of n.a.z.ianzus. A member of the Anglican commission on liturgy, the late Michael Vesey, is said to have compared preparing liturgical texts for the Anglican Synod with "trying to do embroidery with a bunch of football hooligans." Quoted in a letter to the Independent Independent newspaper (London), November 29, 2000. newspaper (London), November 29, 2000.

8. Lim, Public Disputation, Public Disputation, p. 171. p. 171.

9. Ibid., pp. 17181.

10. The first quotation is from Pseudo-Dionysius, The Celestial Hierarchy, The Celestial Hierarchy, quoted in A. Cameron, quoted in A. Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire (Berkeley and London, 1991), p. 219. Pseudo-Dionysius claimed that his works had been written by Dionysius the Areopagite, a convert of Paul's. The claim was so successful that it was not until 1895 that his writings were recognized as coming from the fifth century. See Paul Rorem, "The Uplifting Spirituality of Pseudo-Dionysius," in Bernard McGinn and John Meyendorff, eds., (Berkeley and London, 1991), p. 219. Pseudo-Dionysius claimed that his works had been written by Dionysius the Areopagite, a convert of Paul's. The claim was so successful that it was not until 1895 that his writings were recognized as coming from the fifth century. See Paul Rorem, "The Uplifting Spirituality of Pseudo-Dionysius," in Bernard McGinn and John Meyendorff, eds., Christian Spirituality: Origins to the Christian Spirituality: Origins to the Twelfth Century Twelfth Century (London, 1986); the quotation about "G.o.d being in no way like the things that have being" is taken from p. 135. (London, 1986); the quotation about "G.o.d being in no way like the things that have being" is taken from p. 135.

11. Quoted in Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, p. 234. p. 234.

12. Quoted in Lim, Public Disputation, Public Disputation, p. 221. p. 221.

13. I have taken these points from chap. 7, "The Orthodox Consensus," in J. Pelikan's The Christian Tradition, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971). They remain recognizable in contemporary Roman Catholicism. Standard histories of Christian doctrine still tend to exclude mention of the historical context within which doctrine developed. This is one area of Christianity where the influence of Platonism remains strong. Correct doctrine is like the Platonic Forms, eternal, unchanging and available for an elite to grasp. This elite alone (the church hierarchies) has the right to interpret it for others. In such a context ideas cannot be relative to the society in which they are formed, and it is hardly surprising therefore that standard histories of Christian doctrine tend to ignore the wider historical context in which doctrine developed. Richard Hanson was one of the first theologians to declare, in vol. 1 (Chicago and London, 1971). They remain recognizable in contemporary Roman Catholicism. Standard histories of Christian doctrine still tend to exclude mention of the historical context within which doctrine developed. This is one area of Christianity where the influence of Platonism remains strong. Correct doctrine is like the Platonic Forms, eternal, unchanging and available for an elite to grasp. This elite alone (the church hierarchies) has the right to interpret it for others. In such a context ideas cannot be relative to the society in which they are formed, and it is hardly surprising therefore that standard histories of Christian doctrine tend to ignore the wider historical context in which doctrine developed. Richard Hanson was one of the first theologians to declare, in The Search for the The Search for the Christian Doctrine of G.o.d Christian Doctrine of G.o.d (Edinburgh, 1988), that it was the emperors who were the main force in establishing orthodoxy. Even then, his view, which was supported by a ma.s.s of historical evidence, was described in one review as "provocative." (Edinburgh, 1988), that it was the emperors who were the main force in establishing orthodoxy. Even then, his view, which was supported by a ma.s.s of historical evidence, was described in one review as "provocative."

14. There is Protagoras' famous saying from the fifth century B.C.: "About the G.o.ds I am not able to know whether they exist or do not exist, nor what they are like in form; for the factors preventing knowledge are many: the obscurity of the subject, and the shortness of human life." There is no indication here that Protagoras believed no one should have a go at defining the nature of the G.o.ds, in fact there is a record that he wrote just such a work himself and recited it in the home of the playwright Euripides.

15. Quoted in Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire, p. 15. p. 15.

16. Ibid., p. 67. See also chap. 13, "Madness and Divinization: Symeon the Holy Fool," in Guy Stroumsa, Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity Early Christianity (Tubingen, 1999). (Tubingen, 1999).

17. Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana 4:163 (translation: Green). A little earlier (section 161) Augustine suggests that G.o.d's words are like a possession that can be stolen. The fact that such a possession is held by a thief does not diminish its value. The point remains that the link stressed by Isocrates and Quintilian between the moral character of the speaker and the words he spoke has been broken. 4:163 (translation: Green). A little earlier (section 161) Augustine suggests that G.o.d's words are like a possession that can be stolen. The fact that such a possession is held by a thief does not diminish its value. The point remains that the link stressed by Isocrates and Quintilian between the moral character of the speaker and the words he spoke has been broken.

18. G. Kennedy, A New History of Cla.s.sical Rhetoric A New History of Cla.s.sical Rhetoric (Princeton, 1994), pp. 26970. (Princeton, 1994), pp. 26970.

19. Lim, Public Disputation, Public Disputation, p. 233 and elsewhere in his book. p. 233 and elsewhere in his book.

20. Ibid., pp. 23132. Earlier attacks on Aristotle are to be found, as in the works of Tertullian. Arius was even referred to at one point as "the new Aristotle" on the grounds that he employed dialectic, in other words examined issues critically, rather than relying on faith. See R. Vaggione, Eunomius of Cyzicus and the Nicene Eunomius of Cyzicus and the Nicene Revolution Revolution (Oxford, 2000), p. 95. (Oxford, 2000), p. 95.

21. Lim, Public Disputation, Public Disputation, pp. 17475. pp. 17475.

22. These quotations are taken from R. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries (New Haven and London, 1997), pp. 8689. (New Haven and London, 1997), pp. 8689.

23. Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire, p. 206. p. 206.

24. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism, p. 90.

25. Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap. 28. chap. 28.

26. Basil is quoted in Pelikan, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, Christianity and Cla.s.sical Culture, p. 177. For the bishop of Melitene, see Henry Chadwick, p. 177. For the bishop of Melitene, see Henry Chadwick, The Church in Ancient Society The Church in Ancient Society (Oxford, 2001), p. 591. (Oxford, 2001), p. 591.

27. "Bede and Medieval Civilization" and "Bede and His Legacy," reprinted as items XI and XIV in Gerald Bonner, Church and Faith in Patristic Tradition Church and Faith in Patristic Tradition (Aldershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., 1996). As Bonner puts it, "Bede's outlook is a narrow one, not merely in the sense that any specialist, theologian or otherwise is professionally narrow, but in the sense of deliberatly seeking to exclude a whole department of human experience-the non-Christian-from his considerations. . . . Bede did not seek to be original, but to stand in the tradition of the Fathers of the Church" (p. 10). (Aldershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., 1996). As Bonner puts it, "Bede's outlook is a narrow one, not merely in the sense that any specialist, theologian or otherwise is professionally narrow, but in the sense of deliberatly seeking to exclude a whole department of human experience-the non-Christian-from his considerations. . . . Bede did not seek to be original, but to stand in the tradition of the Fathers of the Church" (p. 10).

28. H. Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Before the Era of Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Before the Era of Art, Art, trans. E. Jephcott (Chicago and London, 1994). There is a wealth of material in this book on icons and the theological dimensions within which they were set. See also A. Cameron, "The Language of Images: The Rise of Icons and Christian Representation," in D. Wood, ed., trans. E. Jephcott (Chicago and London, 1994). There is a wealth of material in this book on icons and the theological dimensions within which they were set. See also A. Cameron, "The Language of Images: The Rise of Icons and Christian Representation," in D. Wood, ed., The Church and the Arts The Church and the Arts (Oxford, 1992), pp. 142. An atmospheric account of these changes is to be found in P. Brown, The (Oxford, 1992), pp. 142. An atmospheric account of these changes is to be found in P. Brown, The World of Late Antiquity World of Late Antiquity (London, 1971), chap. 14, "The Death of the Cla.s.sical World: Culture and Religion in the Early Middle Ages." (London, 1971), chap. 14, "The Death of the Cla.s.sical World: Culture and Religion in the Early Middle Ages."

29. R. McInerny, Saint Thomas Aquinas Saint Thomas Aquinas (Boston, 1977), p. 18. (Boston, 1977), p. 18.

30. M. Hoskin and O. Gingerich, "Medieval Latin Astronomy," chap. 4 in M. Hoskin, ed., The Cambridge Concise History of Astronomy The Cambridge Concise History of Astronomy (Cambridge, 1999). (Cambridge, 1999).

31. See the essay by Louise Marshall, "Confraternity and Community," in B. Wisch, ed., Confraternities and the Visual Arts in Renaissance Italy: Ritual, Confraternities and the Visual Arts in Renaissance Italy: Ritual, Spectacle, Image Spectacle, Image (Cambridge, 2000), above all the ill.u.s.trations on pp. 22 and 23 (examples from Genoa and Siena). The examples are all the more remarkable in that when Apollo sends his plague on the Greeks at Troy (through arrows), it is the G.o.ddesses Hera and Athena who intervene to find a solution by which the plague is withdrawn. (Cambridge, 2000), above all the ill.u.s.trations on pp. 22 and 23 (examples from Genoa and Siena). The examples are all the more remarkable in that when Apollo sends his plague on the Greeks at Troy (through arrows), it is the G.o.ddesses Hera and Athena who intervene to find a solution by which the plague is withdrawn.

32. Examples of shrines which maintain their continuity from pagan to Christian are taken from MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism, pp. 12627, but most of the examples quoted here and in the following paragraph come from R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present Antiquity to the Present (London, 1997), chap. 4, "Medicine and Faith," and chap. 5, "The Medieval West." Miracles were, of course, known in the pagan world as well. One can learn a great deal from studying the contexts in which miracles take place and the range of miracles, some harming G.o.d's apparent enemies, others healing, others used as a means of effecting conversions. See W. Cotter, Miracles in (London, 1997), chap. 4, "Medicine and Faith," and chap. 5, "The Medieval West." Miracles were, of course, known in the pagan world as well. One can learn a great deal from studying the contexts in which miracles take place and the range of miracles, some harming G.o.d's apparent enemies, others healing, others used as a means of effecting conversions. See W. Cotter, Miracles in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook (London, 1999). (London, 1999).