The jungle _Kurumba_ of the Nilgiris appear to be remnants of a great and widely spread people who erected dolmens. They have slightly broader heads (index 77) than allied tribes, but resemble them in their broad nose, dark skin and low stature (1.575 m. 5 ft. 2 in.). They cultivate the ground a little, but are essentially woodcutters, hunters, and collectors of jungle produce. There is said to be no marriage rite, and several brothers share a wife. Some bury their dead. After a death a long waterworn stone is usually placed in one of the old dolmens which are scattered over the Nilgiri plateau, but occasionally a small dolmen is raised to mark the burial. They have a great reputation for magical powers. Some worship Siva, others worship Kuribattraya (Lord of many sheep), and the wife of Siva. They also worship a rough stone, setting it up in a cave or in a circle of stones to which they make _puja_ and offer cooked rice at the sowing time. The Kadu Kurumba of Mysore bury children but cremate adults; there is a separate house in each village for unmarried girls and another at the end of the village for unmarried males.

The _Vedda_ of Ceylon have long black coa.r.s.e wavy or slightly curly hair. The cephalic index is 70.5, the nose is depressed at the root, almost platyrrhine; the broad face is remarkably orthognathous and the forehead is slightly retreating with prominent brow arches; the lips are thin, and the skin is dark brown. The stature is extremely low, only 1.533 m. (5 ft. 0-1/2 in.). The Coast and less pure Vedda average 43 mm.

(1-3/4 in.) taller and have broader heads. The true Vedda are a grave but happy people, quiet, upright, hospitable with a strong love of liberty. Lying and theft are unknown. They are timid and have a great fear of strangers. The bow and arrow are their only weapons and the arrow tipped with iron obtained from the Sinhalese forms a universal tool. They speak a modified Sinhali, but employ only one numeral and count with sticks. They live under rock shelters or in simple huts made of boughs. They are strictly monogamous and live in isolated families with no chiefs and have no regular clan meetings. Each section of the Vedda had in earlier days its own hunting grounds where fish, game, honey, and yams const.i.tuted their sole food. The wild Vedda simply leave their dead in a cave, which is then deserted. The three things that loom largest in the native mind are hunting, honey, and the cult of the dead. The last const.i.tutes almost the whole of the religious life and magical practices of the people; it is the _motif_ of almost every dance and may have been the source of all. After a death they perform certain dances and rites through a _shaman_ in connection with the recently departed ghost, _yaka_. They also propitiate powerful _yaku_, male and female, by sacrifices and ceremonial dances[962].

The _Sakai_ or _Senoi_ are jungle folk, some of whom have mixed with Semang and other peoples. Their skin is of a medium brown colour. Their hair is long, mainly wavy or loosely curly, and black with a reddish tinge. The average stature may be taken to be from 1.5 m. to 1.55 m. (59 to 61 inches), the head index varies from about 77 to 81. The face is fairly broad, with prominent cheek-bones and brow ridges; the low broad nose has spreading alae and short concave ridge; the lips are thick but not everted. They are largely nomadic, and their agriculture is of the most primitive description, their usual implement being the digging stick. Their houses are built on the ground and as a rule are rectangular in plan though occasionally conical, and huts are sometimes built in trees as refuges from wild beasts. A scanty garment of bark cloth was formerly worn, and, like the Semang, they make fringed girdles from a black thread-like fungus. Their distinctive weapon is the blow-pipe which they have brought to great perfection, and their food consists in jungle produce, including many poisonous roots and tubers which they have learnt how to treat, so as to render them innocuous.

They do not make canoes and rarely use rafts. In the marriage ceremony the man has to chase the girl round a mound of earth and catch her before she has encircled it a third time. The marriage tie is strictly observed. Each village has a petty chief, whose influence is purely personal. Individual property does not exist, only family property.

Cultivation is also communal. The inhabitants of the upper heaven consist of Tuhan or Peng, the "G.o.d" of the Sakai and a giantess named "Granny Long-b.r.e.a.s.t.s" who washes sin-blackened human souls in hot water; the good souls ultimately go to a cloud-land. There are numerous demons and whenever the Sakai have done wrong Tuhan gives the demons leave to attack them, and there is no contending against his decree. He is not prayed to, as his will is unalterable[963].

The _Toala_ of the south-west peninsula of the Celebes are at base, according to the Sarasins[964], a Pre-Dravidian people, though some mixture with other races has taken place. The hair is very wavy and even curly, the skin darkish brown, the head low brachycephalic (index 82) and the stature 1.575 m. (5 ft. 2 in.). The face is somewhat short with very broad nose and thick lips. Possibly the _Ulu Ayar_ of west Borneo who are related to the Land Dayaks may be partly of Pre-Dravidian origin and other traces of this race will probably be found in the East India Archipelago[965].

Australia resembles South Africa in the arid conditions characterising the interior, the eastern range of mountains precipitating the warm moisture-laden winds from the Pacific. As a result of the restricted rainfall there is no river system of importance except that of the Murray and its tributary the Darling. In the north and north-east, owing to heavier rainfall, there are numerous water-courses, but they do not open up the interior of the country. The lack of uniformity in the water supply has a far-reaching effect on all living beings. The arid conditions, the irregularity and short duration of the rainfall oblige the natives to be continually migrating, and prevent these unsettled bands from ever attaining any size, indeed they are sometimes hard pressed to obtain enough food to keep alive.

It may be a.s.sumed that the backwardness of the culture of the Australians is due partly to the low state of culture of their ancestors when they arrived in the country, and partly to the peculiar character of the country as well as of its flora and fauna, since Australia has never been stocked with wild animals dangerous to human life, or with any suitable for domestication. The relative isolation from other peoples has had a r.e.t.a.r.ding effect and the Australian has developed largely along his own lines without the impetus given by compet.i.tion with other peoples. Records of simple migration are rare. There have been no waves of aggression, and intertribal feuds are not very serious affairs. The Australians have never influenced any other peoples and they are doomed gradually to disappear.

Baldwin Spencer says "In the matter of personal appearance while conforming generally to what is known as the Australian type, there is considerable variation. The man varies from, approximately, a maximum of 6 ft. 3 in. to a minimum of 5 ft. 2 in.... As a general rule, few of them are taller than 5 ft. 8 in. The women vary between 5 ft. 9 in. and 4 ft. 9 in. Their average height is not more than 5 ft. 2 in. The brow ridges are strongly marked, especially in the man, and the forehead slopes back. The nose is broad with the root deep set. In colour the native is dark chocolate brown, not black. The hair ... may be almost straight, decidedly wavy--its usual feature--or almost, but never really, frizzly.... The beard also may be well developed or almost absent[966]." The skull is dolichocephalic with an average cranial index of 72, prognathous and platyrrhine.

There has been much speculation with regard to the origin of the present Australian race. According to Baldwin Spencer "There can be no doubt but that in past times the whole of the continent, including Tasmania, was occupied by one race. This original, and probably Negritto[967]

population, at an early period; was widely spread over Malayasia and Australia including Tasmania, which at that time was not shut off by Ba.s.s Strait. The Tasmanians had no boats capable of crossing the latter and [it is a.s.sumed that their ancestors] must have gone over on land[968]."

Subsequently when the land sank a remnant of the old ulotrichous population "was thus left stranded in Tasmania, where _h.o.m.o tasmania.n.u.s_ survived until he came in contact with Europeans and was exterminated."

He had frizzly hair. "His weapons and implements were of the most primitive kind; long pointed unbarbed spears, no spear thrower, no boomerang, simple throwing stick and only the crudest form of chipped stone axes, knives and sc.r.a.pers that were never hafted. Unfortunately of his organisation, customs, and beliefs we know but little in detail[969]."

It is now generally held that at a later date an immigration of a people in a somewhat higher stage of culture took place; these are regarded by some as belonging to the Dravidian, and by others, and with more probability, to the Pre-Dravidian race. J. Mathew[970] suggests that "the two races are represented by the two primary cla.s.ses, or phratries, of Australian society, which were generally designated by names indicating a contrast of colour, such as eaglehawk and crow. The crow, black c.o.c.katoo, etc., would represent the Tasmanian element; the eaglehawk, white c.o.c.katoo, etc., the so-called Dravidian." Baldwin Spencer does not think that the moiety names lend any serious support to the theory of the mixture of two races differing in colour. He goes on to say "Mr Mathew also postulates a comparatively recent slight infusion of Malay blood in the northern half of Australia. There is, however, practically no evidence of Malay infusion. One of the most striking features of the Malay is his long, lank hair, and yet it is just in these north parts that the most frizzly hair is met with[971]."

As concerns linguistics S. H. Ray says "There is no evidence of an African, Andaman, Papuan, or Malay connection with the Australian languages. There are reasons for regarding the Australian as in a similar morphological stage to the Dravidian, but there is no genealogical relationship proved[972]." No connection has yet been proved between the Australian languages and the Austronesian or Oceanic branch of the Austric family of languages, first systematically described by W. Schmidt[973]. The study of Australian languages is particularly difficult owing to the very few serviceable grammars and dictionaries, and the large number of very incomplete vocabularies scattered about in inaccessible works and journals. The main conclusion to which Schmidt has arrived[974] is that the Australian languages are not, as had been supposed, a mainly uniform group. Though over the greater part of Australia languages possess strong common elements, North Australia has languages showing no similarities in vocabulary and very few in grammar with that larger group or with each other. The area of the North Australian languages is included in a line from south of Roebuck Bay in the west to Cape Flattery in the east, with a southward bend to include Arunta (Aranda), interrupted by a branch of southern languages running up north down Flinders and Leichhardt rivers[975]. The area contains two or three linguistic groups, best distinguished by their terminations which consist respectively of vowels and consonants, the oldest group; vowels alone, the latest group; and vowels and liquids, probably representing a transition between the two.

In South Australia, though differences occur, the languages possess common features both in grammar and vocabulary, having similar personal p.r.o.nouns, and certain words for parts of the body in common. Linguistic differences are a.s.sociated with differences in social grouping, the area of purely vowel endings coinciding with the area of the 2-cla.s.s system and matrilinear descent, while the area of liquid endings is partly coterminous with the 4-cla.s.s system and (often) patrilinear succession.

Schmidt endeavours to trace the connection between the distribution of languages with that of types of social groupings, more particularly in connection with the culture zones which Graebner[976] has traced throughout the Pacific area, representing successive waves of migration.

The first immigration, corresponding with Graebner's _Ur-period_, is represented by languages with postposed genitive, the earliest stratum being pure only in Tasmania; remnants of the first stratum and a second stratum occur in Victoria, and remnants of the second stratum to the north and north-east. According to Schmidt this cultural stratum is characterised by absence of group or marriage totemism, and presence of s.e.x patrons ("s.e.x-totemism"). The second immigration is represented by languages with preposition of the genitive, initial _r_ and _l_, vowel and explosive endings, and is found fairly pure only in the extreme north-west and north, and in places in the north-east. The great multiplicity of languages belonging to this stratum may be attributed to the predominance of the strictly local type of totem-groups. These are the languages of Graebner's "totem-culture." The third immigration is represented by languages with preposition of the genitive, no initial _r_ and _l_, and purely vowel terminations. These are the languages of the south central group of tribes with a 2-cla.s.s system and matrilinear descent. This uniform group has the largest area and has influenced the whole ma.s.s of Australian languages, only North Australia and Tasmania remaining immune. Their sociological structure with no localisation of totems and cla.s.ses contributed to their power of expansion. The fourth immigration is represented by languages of an intermediate type, with vowel and liquid endings but no initial _r_ and _l_. These are the tribes with 4-cla.s.s and 8-cla.s.s systems, universal father-right (proving the strong influence of older totemic ideas), curious fertility rites, conception ideas and migration myths.

It will be seen that Schmidt's conclusions confute the evolutionary theory developed by Frazer, Hartland, Howitt, Spencer and Gillen, Durkheim and (in part) Andrew Lang, that Australia was essentially h.o.m.ogeneous in fundamental ideas which have developed differently on account of geographic and climatic variation. Schmidt's view is that Australia was entered successively by a number of entirely different tribes, so that the variation now met with is due to radical diversities and to the numerous intermixtures arising from migrations and stratifications of peoples. The linguistic data dispose of the idea that the oldest tribes with mother-right, 2-cla.s.s system, traces of group-marriage, and lack of moral and religious ideas live in the centre, and that from thence advancement radiated towards the coast bringing about father-right, abandonment of cla.s.s system and totemism, individual marriage, and higher ethical and religious ideas. On the contrary it would appear that the centre of the continent is the great channel in which movements are still taking place; the older peoples are driven out towards the margin and there preserve the old sociological, ethical and religious conditions. In fact, the older the people, judging from their linguistic stratum, the less one finds among them what has been a.s.sumed to be the initial stage for Central Australia[977]. These are Schmidt's views and they confirm the cultural results established by Graebner. But as the whole question of the culture layers in the Pacific is still under discussion it is inadvisable at this stage of our knowledge to make any definite statements. It is worth noting, however, that[978] the distribution of simple burial of the dead coincides in the main with Schmidt's South Australian language area, and the area roughly enclosed on the east by long. 140 E. and the north by lat. 20 S.

appears to form a technological province distinct from the rest of Australia[979].

Rarely can the Australian depend on regular supplies of food. He feeds on flesh, fish, grubs and insects, and wild vegetable food; probably everything that is edible is eaten. Cannibalism is widely spread, but human flesh is nowhere a regular article of food. Clothing, apart from ornament, is rarely worn, but in the south, skin cloaks and fur ap.r.o.ns are fairly common. Scarification of the body is frequent and conspicuous. The men usually let their hair grow long, and the women keep theirs short. Dwellings are of the simplest character, usually merely breakwinds or slight huts, but where there is a large supply of vegetable food, huts are made of boughs covered with bark or gra.s.s and are sometimes coated with clay. Implements are made of sh.e.l.l, bone, wood and stone. Baldwin Spencer remarks "It is not too much to say that at the present time we can parallel amongst Australian stone weapons all the types known in Europe under the names Ch.e.l.lean, Mousterian, Aurignacian etc.... The terms Eolithic, Palaeolithic, and Neolithic do not apply in Australia as indicating either time periods or levels of culture[980]." Spears and wooden clubs are universal, and the use of the spear-thrower is generally distributed. The boomerang is found almost throughout Australia; the variety that returns when it is thrown is as a rule only a plaything or for throwing at birds. The forms of the various implements vary in different parts of the country and in some districts certain implements may be entirely absent. For example the boomerang is not found in the northern parts of Cape York peninsula or of the Northern Territory, and the spear-thrower is absent from south-east Queensland. Bows and arrows are unknown and pottery making does not occur. Rafts are made of one or more logs, and the commonest form of canoe is that made of a single sheet of bark. Dug-outs occur in a few places, and both single and double outriggers are found only on the Queensland coast. These sporadic occurrences give additional support to the modern view that the racial and cultural history of Australia is by no means so simple as has till lately been a.s.sumed[981].

Students of Australian sociology have been so much impressed with certain prominent features of social organisation that they have paid insufficient attention to kinship and the family; the former has however recently been investigated by A. R. Brown[982], while information concerning the latter has been carefully sifted by B. Malinowski[983].

The main features of social groupings are the tribe, the local groups, the cla.s.ses, the totemic clans and the families. A tribe is composed of a number of local groups and these are perpetuated in the same tracts by the sons, who hunt over the grounds of their fathers; this is the "local organisation." The local group is the only political unit, and _intra_-group justice has been extended to _inter_-group justice, where the units of reference are not based on kinship; this may be regarded as the earliest stage of what is known as International Law[984]. In the so-called "social organisation," the tribe as a community is divided into two parts (moieties or phratries), which are quite distinct from the local groups, though rarely they may be coincident. Each moiety may be subdivided into two or four exogamous sections which are generally called "cla.s.ses" and are peculiar to Australia. Descent in the cla.s.ses is as a rule indirect matrilineal or indirect patrilineal, that is to say, while the child still belongs to its mother's or father's moiety (as the case may be) it is a.s.signed to the cla.s.s to which the mother or the father does not belong; but the grandchildren belong to the cla.s.s of a grandmother or grandfather. In diagram I (below) _A_ and _C_ are cla.s.ses of one moiety, #B# and _D_ those of the other. Thus when _A_ man marries _B_ woman the children are _D_. _B_ man marries _A_ woman and the children are _C_ and so on. When there are four cla.s.ses in each moiety the diagram works out as follows (II)[985]:

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Very important in social life are the initiation ceremonies by means of which a youth is admitted to the status of tribal manhood. These ceremonies vary greatly from tribe to tribe but they agree in certain fundamental points. "(1) They begin at the age of p.u.b.erty. (2) During the initiation ceremonies the women play an important part. (3) At the close of the first part of the ceremonies, such as that of tooth knocking out or circ.u.mcision, a definite performance is enacted emblematic of the fact that the youths have pa.s.sed out of the control of the women. (4) During the essential parts the women are typically absent and the youths are shown the bull-roarer, have the secret beliefs explained to them and are instructed in the moral precepts and customs, including food restrictions, that they must henceforth observe under severe penalties. (5) The last grade is not pa.s.sed through until a man is quite mature[986]."

Practically universal is the existence of a grouping of individuals under the names of plants, animals or various objects; these are termed totems and the human groups are termed totem clans. The members of a totem clan commonly believe themselves to be actually descended from or related to their totem, and all members of a clan, whatever tribe they may belong to, are regarded as brethren, who have mutual duties, prohibitions and privileges. Thus a member of a totem clan must help and never injure any fellow member. "Speaking generally it may be said that every totemic group has certain ceremonies a.s.sociated with it and that these refer to old totemic ancestors. In all tribes they form part of a secret ritual in which only the initiated may take part. In most tribes a certain number are shown to the youths during the early stages of initiation, but at a later period he sees many more[987]."

In several tribes, and probably it was very general, certain magical ceremonies were performed to render the totem abundant or efficacious.

The s.e.x patron ("s.e.x totem"), when the women have one animal, such as the owlet night-jar a.s.sociated with them, and the men another, such as the bat; and the guardian genius (mis-called "individual totem"), acquired by dreaming of some animal, are of rare occurrence.

The individual family has been shown by Malinowski[988] to be "a unit playing an important part in the social life of the natives and well defined by a number of moral, customary and legal norms; it is further determined by the s.e.xual division of labour, the aboriginal mode of living, and especially by the intimate relation between the parents and children. The individual relation between husband and wife (marriage) is rooted in the unity of the family ... and in the well-defined, though not always exclusive, s.e.xual right the husband acquires over his wife."

All s.e.xual licence is regulated by and subject to strict rules. The _Pirrauru_ custom, by which individuals are allocated accessory spouses, "proves that the relationship involved does not possess the character of marriage. For it completely differs from marriage in nearly all the essential points by which marriage in Australia is defined. And above all the Pirrauru relation does not seem to involve the facts of family life in its true sense" (p. 298).

A. R. Brown[989] a.s.serts that so far as our information goes, the only method of regulating marriage is by means of the relationship system. In every tribe there is a law to the effect that a man may only marry women who stand to him in a certain relationship, and there is no evidence that there is any other method of regulating marriage. The so-called cla.s.s rule by which a man of a special division or group is required to marry a woman of another division is merely the law of relationship stated in a less exact form. It is the fact that a man may only marry a relative of a certain kind that necessitates the marrying into a particular relationship division. The rule of totemic exogamy, according to A. R. Brown, is equally seen to have no existence apart from the relationship rule. Where a totemic group is a clan and consists of relations all of one line of descent, a man is prohibited from marrying a woman of his own group by the ordinary rule of relationship. On the other hand, where the totemic group is not a clan, but is a local group (as in the Burduna tribe) or a cult society (as in the Arunta tribe) there is no rule prohibiting a man from marrying a woman of the same totemic group as himself. The so-called rule of local exogamy in some tribes (perhaps in all) is merely a result of the fact that the local group is a clan, _i.e._ a group of persons related in one line of descent only. Only two methods of regulating marriage are known to exist in the greater part of Australia[990]: Type I. A man marries the daughter of one of the men he denotes by the same term as his mother's brother. Type II. A man marries a woman who is the daughter's daughter of some man whom he denotes by the same term as his mother's mother's brother. In either case he may not marry any other kind of relative. The existence of two phratries or moieties or four named divisions ("cla.s.ses") in a tribe conveys no information whatever as to the marriage rule of the tribe. The term "cla.s.s" and "sub-cla.s.s," according to A. R. Brown, had better be discarded as writers use them to denote several totally distinct kinds of divisions.

The tribe has collecting and hunting rights over an area with recognised limits, smaller communities down to the family unit having similar rights within the tribal boundaries. In some cases a tribe which had no stone suitable for making stone implements within its own boundaries was allowed to send tribal messengers to a quarry to procure what was needed without molestation, though Howitt speaks of family ownership of quarries[991]. Implements are personal property. An extensive system of intertribal communication and exchange is carried on, apparently by recognised middlemen, and tribes meet on certain occasions at established trade centres for a regulated barter.

Beneficent and malevolent magic are universally practised and totemism possesses a religious besides a social aspect. An emotional relation often exists between the members of a totem clan and their totem, and the latter are believed at times to warn or protect their human kinsmen. It may be noted that the widely spread and elaborate ceremonies designed to render the totem prolific or to ensure its abundance, though performed solely by members of the totem clan concerned, are less for their own benefit than for that of the community[992]. Owing perhaps to the difficulty of distinguishing between the purely social and the religious inst.i.tutions of primitive peoples great diversity of opinion prevails even amongst the best observers regarding the religious views of the Australian aborigines. The existence of a "tribal All-Father" is perhaps most clearly emphasised by A. W. Howitt[993], who finds this belief widespread in the whole of Victoria and New South Wales, up to the eastern boundaries of the tribes of the Darling River. Amongst those of New South Wales are the Euahlayi, whom K. Langloh Parker describes[994] as having a more advanced theology and a more developed worship (including prayers, pp. 79-80) than any other Australian tribe.

These now eat their hereditary totem without scruple--a sure sign that the totemic system is dying out, although still outwardly in full force.

Amongst the Arunta, Kaitish, and the other Central and Northern tribes studied by Spencer and Gillen, totemism still survives, and totems are even a.s.signed to the mysterious _Iruntarinia_ ent.i.ties, vague and invisible incarnations of the ghosts of ancestors who lived in the _Alcheringa_ time, the dim remote past at the beginning of everything.

These are far more powerful than living men, because their spirit part is a.s.sociated with the so-called _churinga_, consisting of stones, pieces of wood or any other objects which are deemed sacred as possessing a kind of _mana_ which makes the yams and gra.s.s to grow, enables a man to capture game, and so forth. "That the _churinga_ are simply objects endowed with _mana_ is the happy suggestion of Sidney Hartland[995] whose explanation has dispelled the dense fog of mystification hitherto enveloping the strange beliefs and observances of these Central and Northern tribes[996]." N. W. Thomas[997] reviews the whole question of Australian religion, and after describing Twanjiraka, Malbanga and Ulthaana, of the Arunta, Baiame or Byamee, famous in anthropological controversy[998], Daramulun of the Yuin, Mungan-ngaua (our father) of the Kurnai, Nurrundere of the Narrinyeri, Bunjil or Pundjel, often called Mamingorak (our father) of Victoria, and others, he concludes "These are by no means the only G.o.ds known to Australian tribes; on the contrary it can hardly be definitely a.s.serted that there is or was any tribe which had not some such belief[999]."

FOOTNOTES:

[961] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, 1909.

[962] P. and F. Sarasin, _Ergebnisse Naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Ceylon. Die Steinzeit auf Ceylon_, 1908; H. Parker, _Ancient Ceylon_, 1909. The most complete account is given by C. G. and B. Z.

Seligman, _The Veddas_, 1911.

[963] W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, 1906; R. Martin, _Die Inlandstamme der Malayischen Halbinseln_, 1905.

[964] Fritz Sarasin, _Versuch einer Anthropologie der Insel Celebes_.

_Zweiter Teil: Die Varietaten des Menschen auf Celebes_, 1906.

[965] A. C. Haddon, Appendix to C. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_, II. 1912.

[966] _Federal Handbook, Brit. a.s.s. for Advancement of Science_, 1914, p. 36.

[967] The Tasmanians can scarcely be termed Negritoes. The important point to be noted is that this early population was ulotrichous, cf. p.

159.

[968] _Loc. cit._ p. 34. Or the Strait may then have been very narrow.

[969] _Loc. cit._ p. 34.

[970] _Two Representative Tribes of Queensland_, 1910, p. 30.

[971] _Loc. cit._ p. 34.

[972] _Reports Camb. Exped. to Torres Straits_, III. 1907, p. 528.

[973] _Die Mon-Khmer Volker_, 1906. Schmidt has for many years studied the Australian languages and has published his results in _Anthropos_, Vols, VII., VIII. 1912, 1913, from which, and also from _Man_, No. 8, 1908, the following summarised extracts are taken.

[974] See _Man_, No. 8, 1908, pp. 184-5.

[975] See the map constructed by P. W. Schmidt and P. K. Streit, _Anthropos_, VII. 1912.

[976] See _Globus_, XC. 1906, and "Die sozialen Systeme d. Sudsee,"

_Ztschr. f. Sozialwissenschaft_, XI. 1908. Schmidt's divergence from Graebner's views are dealt with in _Zeitschr. f. Ethnologie_, 1909, pp.

372-5, and _Anthropos_, VII. 1912, p. 246 ff.