Wending its leisurely way downriver toward the cataracts, the flotilla made frequent stops at picturesque settlements where the empress was greeted by crowds of well-dressed peasants, all carefully stage-managed by Potemkin and his lieutenants. But it would be wrong to suppose that these 'Potemkin villages'a byword ever since for fraudulent attainmentswere cardboard silhouettes, deliberately erected to hoodwink a gullible empress. That was a rumour circulated by the prince's enemies even before her departure from St Petersburg.87 In fact, Catherine was fully complicit in the theatricality of the cruise, conscious of being the star of an elaborate show. Naturally there were signs of haste in many of the new buildings she saw, but most of her companions chose, like Segur, to emphasise the scale of the achievements that had been made in a short time. The empress caught the balance nicely by describing Khersonthen a town of 1200 stone buildings and a population of around 50,000, including 5000 convictsas 'very fine, for a six-year-old adolescent'. In fact, Catherine was fully complicit in the theatricality of the cruise, conscious of being the star of an elaborate show. Naturally there were signs of haste in many of the new buildings she saw, but most of her companions chose, like Segur, to emphasise the scale of the achievements that had been made in a short time. The empress caught the balance nicely by describing Khersonthen a town of 1200 stone buildings and a population of around 50,000, including 5000 convictsas 'very fine, for a six-year-old adolescent'.88 It was certainly a different scene from the one that had greeted Bobrinsky and his tutor in 1783, when there had been 'very few buildings in the town itself'. It was certainly a different scene from the one that had greeted Bobrinsky and his tutor in 1783, when there had been 'very few buildings in the town itself'.89 Catherine reached her princ.i.p.al naval base on the Dnieper estuary on 12 May. There had apparently been no stirring of emotion at her meeting with her former lover, Stanislaw Poniatowski. To the king's evident chagrin, their interview at Kaniev on 25 April was brief indeed. She not only refused the Polish alliance that Potemkin had wanted her to make, but determined to press on with her journey without even attending the ball on which Poniatowski had lavished a small fortune. It was more than twenty-five years since they had seen each other. Now, urged on by Potemkin's most influential critic, Alexander Vorontsov, she had a more important ally to impress.90 While the Caucausus reminded Joseph II of the Alps, Catherine and her image-makers invented complex layers of overlapping symbolism which portrayed the Crimean peninsula simultaneously as an Edenic paradise, an exotic Orient and a new Greece, complete with Greek place names and Greek Orthodox bishops, with Catherine cast in the role of Iphigenia in Tauride.91 At the khan's palace at Bakhchisaray, she heard the imams calling the faithful to prayer five times a day. At Inkerman, overlooking the harbour at Sevastopol, she reviewed the fleet with the emperor. Simferopol and Karazubazar were further exotic destinations on their itinerary. Catherine contributed to the prevailing atmosphere of unreality by collaborating on an 'Authentic relation of a journey overseas that Sir Leon the Grand Equerry would have undertaken in the opinion of some of his friends'. Written before her departure from St Petersburg, this was a fantasy in which Lev Naryshkin, blown ash.o.r.e off Constantinople in the sort of preposterous storm that featured widely in eighteenth-century adventure stories, met the Sultan before sailing back to Kronstadt, where he narrowly escaped drowning and had to be rescued by Admiral Greig's Newfoundland dogs. At the khan's palace at Bakhchisaray, she heard the imams calling the faithful to prayer five times a day. At Inkerman, overlooking the harbour at Sevastopol, she reviewed the fleet with the emperor. Simferopol and Karazubazar were further exotic destinations on their itinerary. Catherine contributed to the prevailing atmosphere of unreality by collaborating on an 'Authentic relation of a journey overseas that Sir Leon the Grand Equerry would have undertaken in the opinion of some of his friends'. Written before her departure from St Petersburg, this was a fantasy in which Lev Naryshkin, blown ash.o.r.e off Constantinople in the sort of preposterous storm that featured widely in eighteenth-century adventure stories, met the Sultan before sailing back to Kronstadt, where he narrowly escaped drowning and had to be rescued by Admiral Greig's Newfoundland dogs.92 Catherine herself returned to St Petersburg by land, making the long trek north in the heat of the summer via Poltava, where Potemkin, who was henceforth allowed to call himself 'Tavrichesky' ('of the Tauride'), staged a re-enactment of Peter the Great's victory over the Swedes in 1709. Then came Kharkov, Kursk, Orel and Tula, where the empress was too exhausted to attend the n.o.bles' ball.93 Having arrived at Kolomenskoye late on 23 June, she made her entry into the old capital on the eve of the twenty-fifth anniversary of her accession. Tuesday 29 June, the feast of SS Peter and Paul, was Archbishop Platon's fiftieth birthday. During the service at the Dormition Cathedral, the empress surprised him by instructing her confessor to address him as 'metropolitan', the most senior office in the Russian Orthodox Church. Platon emerged from the altar to bow to her in acknowledgement of his unexpected promotion. Having arrived at Kolomenskoye late on 23 June, she made her entry into the old capital on the eve of the twenty-fifth anniversary of her accession. Tuesday 29 June, the feast of SS Peter and Paul, was Archbishop Platon's fiftieth birthday. During the service at the Dormition Cathedral, the empress surprised him by instructing her confessor to address him as 'metropolitan', the most senior office in the Russian Orthodox Church. Platon emerged from the altar to bow to her in acknowledgement of his unexpected promotion.94 Next morning, she drove out to Kuskovo to be feted by Count Nikolay Sheremetev, Count Peter's son and heir, who had been planning her reception since the previous autumn. 'The money is flowing like water,' he told his St Petersburg estate manager on 17 May, announcing that he was 'building quite a lot'. Apart from the obligatory triumphal arches, the most elaborate project was a new 150-seat theatre, designed by Charles de Wailly, the architect of the French royal opera at Versailles, in conjunction with Louis XVI's chief theatrical machinist. Catherine sat on a gilded throne in the count's box for a performance of Gretry's neocla.s.sical comic opera Next morning, she drove out to Kuskovo to be feted by Count Nikolay Sheremetev, Count Peter's son and heir, who had been planning her reception since the previous autumn. 'The money is flowing like water,' he told his St Petersburg estate manager on 17 May, announcing that he was 'building quite a lot'. Apart from the obligatory triumphal arches, the most elaborate project was a new 150-seat theatre, designed by Charles de Wailly, the architect of the French royal opera at Versailles, in conjunction with Louis XVI's chief theatrical machinist. Catherine sat on a gilded throne in the count's box for a performance of Gretry's neocla.s.sical comic opera The Marriage of the Samnites The Marriage of the Samnites, a celebration of heroic virtue and loyalty to family and state. The heroine was played by Sheremetev's wife, the former serf Praskovya Kovalyova, who was presented to the empress at the end. Conscious of the effort her host had made, Catherine rea.s.sured the expectant Sheremetev that it was the most magnificent performance she had ever seen.95

Six months later, the voyage to the South seemed no more than 'a dream'.96 Aggravated by Potemkin's aggressive posturing in the Crimea, the Turks had imprisoned Catherine's amba.s.sador in Constantinople soon after her return to St Petersburg. This was the traditional Ottoman way of declaring war. Fortified by her implacable faith in Potemkin, Catherine expected her troops to make a better start to the campaign than they had in 1768. But her partner was in no fit state to lead the charge. Exhausted by the summer's celebrations and alarmed by a diarrhoea epidemic at Kherson (Catherine ordered him to cure the sick with rice and a tot of fortified wine), he sank into a debilitating bout of hypochondria. 'In truth, I'm not sure I can stand this for long,' he warned on 16 September. 'I can neither sleep nor eat...When can I retire or cut myself off so that the world will hear of me no more?!' Eight days later, when a storm threatened to destroy his precious fleet at Sevastopol, he seemed a broken man: 'My mind and spirit are gone. I have requested that my command be transferred to another.' Catherine initially responded to such wailing with a combination of encouragement and rea.s.surance that prompted the prince to acknowledge that 'you genuinely write to me like my own mother'. By early October, however, tolerance had given way to irritation. Her affairs demanded unshakeable patience, she chided him, whereas he was 'as impatient as a five-year-old'. She was far from serene herself: 'There is one way to lessen my anxiety,' she declared on 9 October: 'write more often and inform me about the state of affairs. I await the promised details with impatience. And don't forget to write to me about Kinburn.' Aggravated by Potemkin's aggressive posturing in the Crimea, the Turks had imprisoned Catherine's amba.s.sador in Constantinople soon after her return to St Petersburg. This was the traditional Ottoman way of declaring war. Fortified by her implacable faith in Potemkin, Catherine expected her troops to make a better start to the campaign than they had in 1768. But her partner was in no fit state to lead the charge. Exhausted by the summer's celebrations and alarmed by a diarrhoea epidemic at Kherson (Catherine ordered him to cure the sick with rice and a tot of fortified wine), he sank into a debilitating bout of hypochondria. 'In truth, I'm not sure I can stand this for long,' he warned on 16 September. 'I can neither sleep nor eat...When can I retire or cut myself off so that the world will hear of me no more?!' Eight days later, when a storm threatened to destroy his precious fleet at Sevastopol, he seemed a broken man: 'My mind and spirit are gone. I have requested that my command be transferred to another.' Catherine initially responded to such wailing with a combination of encouragement and rea.s.surance that prompted the prince to acknowledge that 'you genuinely write to me like my own mother'. By early October, however, tolerance had given way to irritation. Her affairs demanded unshakeable patience, she chided him, whereas he was 'as impatient as a five-year-old'. She was far from serene herself: 'There is one way to lessen my anxiety,' she declared on 9 October: 'write more often and inform me about the state of affairs. I await the promised details with impatience. And don't forget to write to me about Kinburn.'97 In the event, the details were unexpectedly encouraging. Potemkin recovered both his health and his energy; his fleet, though damaged, had escaped destruction; and, thanks to General Suvorov, Kinburn, the Russian fort at the mouth of the Dnieper, successfully resisted the bombardment to which it had been subjected since August. The respite, however, was only temporary. Now it was Catherine's turn to suffer: she complained of sickness and headaches throughout the winter and was so ill in the spring that on 11 April 1788, just before her fifty-ninth birthday, The Times The Times prematurely announced her death. Neither the Russians nor the Austrians, who belatedly came to Catherine's aid in February 1788, made much progress that summer. Joseph II proved a limited general and his troops were stymied by disease. The mercurial Potemkin had to be dissuaded from abandoning the Crimea to the Turks: 'When you are sitting on a horse,' Catherine pointed out, 'there is no point in dismounting and holding on by the tail.' Instead, he committed himself to a lengthy siege of Ochakov, the Turkish fort opposite Kinburn, whose 24,000-strong garrison trapped the Russian fleet in the Dnieper estuary. Thanks to an attack by gunboats armed by Samuel Bentham, the Turks lost fifteen ships in two days in June (Catherine donned naval uniform for the exultant Te Deum at Tsarskoye Selo). Yet attempts in the following month to blockade the fort proved inconclusive and heavy snow in November prevented Potemkin from delivering Ochakov to the empress as a gift on her name day. Not until 6 December did he launch a full-scale attack. Ten days later, Catherine learned of the fall of the fortress, the main aim of her strategy since the beginning of the conflict. 'I grasp you by the ears with both hands and kiss you in my thoughts, dearest friend.' prematurely announced her death. Neither the Russians nor the Austrians, who belatedly came to Catherine's aid in February 1788, made much progress that summer. Joseph II proved a limited general and his troops were stymied by disease. The mercurial Potemkin had to be dissuaded from abandoning the Crimea to the Turks: 'When you are sitting on a horse,' Catherine pointed out, 'there is no point in dismounting and holding on by the tail.' Instead, he committed himself to a lengthy siege of Ochakov, the Turkish fort opposite Kinburn, whose 24,000-strong garrison trapped the Russian fleet in the Dnieper estuary. Thanks to an attack by gunboats armed by Samuel Bentham, the Turks lost fifteen ships in two days in June (Catherine donned naval uniform for the exultant Te Deum at Tsarskoye Selo). Yet attempts in the following month to blockade the fort proved inconclusive and heavy snow in November prevented Potemkin from delivering Ochakov to the empress as a gift on her name day. Not until 6 December did he launch a full-scale attack. Ten days later, Catherine learned of the fall of the fortress, the main aim of her strategy since the beginning of the conflict. 'I grasp you by the ears with both hands and kiss you in my thoughts, dearest friend.'98 Plagued with headaches, she had been sleepless for days. Now she caught a chill at the Te Deum in celebration of the victory, complaining to Khrapovitsky of an unbearable backache that left her tossing and turning until four in the morning.99 It had not been an easy year. That summer, while Catherine was diverted by her campaign against the Turks, Gustav III had grasped the opportunity to limit Russian interference in Swedish politics by bombarding the Russian fort at Nyslott on 22 June. (Since his const.i.tution prevented him from appearing to be the aggressor, the attack was launched in pseudo-retaliation against a raid into Swedish territory by a 'Cossack' band from Russian Finland, alleged at the time to be Swedish troops wearing costumes borrowed from the royal opera in Stockholm.) It had not been an easy year. That summer, while Catherine was diverted by her campaign against the Turks, Gustav III had grasped the opportunity to limit Russian interference in Swedish politics by bombarding the Russian fort at Nyslott on 22 June. (Since his const.i.tution prevented him from appearing to be the aggressor, the attack was launched in pseudo-retaliation against a raid into Swedish territory by a 'Cossack' band from Russian Finland, alleged at the time to be Swedish troops wearing costumes borrowed from the royal opera in Stockholm.)100 Admiral Greig came to the rescue for one last time by holding off the Swedish fleet at a brutal stalemate off the island of Hogland on 6 July. Catherine, who sent Dr Rogerson to minister to her feverish admiral, mourned Greig's death at Reval on 15 October as a 'great loss to the state' and paid for his funeral. By then, she herself had survived one of her nerviest summers under threat of a Swedish descent on her palace. St Petersburg resembled an armed camp as regiment after regiment a.s.sembled for its defence. 'This is a difficult time for me,' Catherine admitted to Potemkin on 3 July. Yet even an enervating heatwave failed to blunt her compet.i.tive edge. 'The heat was so great here,' she wrote a fortnight later, 'that the thermometer registered over 39 and a half degrees in the sun. In Portugal they can't remember anything higher than 44.' Admiral Greig came to the rescue for one last time by holding off the Swedish fleet at a brutal stalemate off the island of Hogland on 6 July. Catherine, who sent Dr Rogerson to minister to her feverish admiral, mourned Greig's death at Reval on 15 October as a 'great loss to the state' and paid for his funeral. By then, she herself had survived one of her nerviest summers under threat of a Swedish descent on her palace. St Petersburg resembled an armed camp as regiment after regiment a.s.sembled for its defence. 'This is a difficult time for me,' Catherine admitted to Potemkin on 3 July. Yet even an enervating heatwave failed to blunt her compet.i.tive edge. 'The heat was so great here,' she wrote a fortnight later, 'that the thermometer registered over 39 and a half degrees in the sun. In Portugal they can't remember anything higher than 44.'101 Over the following winter, a tearful empress faced divisions within her own Council, as her determination to maintain the Austrian alliance and to prop up King Stanislaw in Poland (a policy supported by Bezborodko, Zavadovsky and Alexander Vorontsov) came under pressure from those who favoured a compromise with Prussia at the Poles' expense. By far the most important of these was Potemkin himself, who had built up his Polish estates to the point where he owned 112,000 serfs. In the spring of 1789, having sent Catherine a map outlining his plans for the occupation of three Polish provinces (Bratslav, Kiev and Podolia), he travelled to St Petersburg in a vain attempt to persuade Catherine to change her course. While he returned to the South in May, the empress renewed her Austrian alliance in a further exchange of letters with Joseph II.102 She did so against a background of personal crisis when it emerged that 'Redcoat' Mamonov had betrayed her with one of her maids of honour, Princess Darya Shcherbatova. As her courtiers noticed, the cracks had been opening in Catherine's relationship with her favourite for some months, prompting tears and bad temper. She spent her sixtieth birthdayone of the most significant state occasions in the Court calendarcloseted in her rooms.103 Mamonov's request for permission to marry his lover was the ultimate blow. As she confessed in a self-styled 'apophthegm' to Potemkin on 29 June, 'I nearly fell over, so great was my surprise, and had still not recovered when he came into my room, fell at my feet and confessed his whole intrigue.' Mamonov's request for permission to marry his lover was the ultimate blow. As she confessed in a self-styled 'apophthegm' to Potemkin on 29 June, 'I nearly fell over, so great was my surprise, and had still not recovered when he came into my room, fell at my feet and confessed his whole intrigue.'104 Despite copious tears, meticulously recorded by Mamonov's friend Alexander Khrapovitsky, Catherine betrothed the couple herself and sent them to Moscow. This time there was to be no lonely interlude between lovers. On the day of Mamonov's dismissal, her friend Anna Naryshkina introduced her to the young man who was to be her last and youngest favourite. The swarthy Platon Zubov, thirty-eight years Catherine's junior, was promptly dubbed 'the little black one' in the apophthegm to Potemkin, which outlined all the usual virtues of gentleness, eagerness and modesty (a singular misapprehension of the new favourite's nature). Despite copious tears, meticulously recorded by Mamonov's friend Alexander Khrapovitsky, Catherine betrothed the couple herself and sent them to Moscow. This time there was to be no lonely interlude between lovers. On the day of Mamonov's dismissal, her friend Anna Naryshkina introduced her to the young man who was to be her last and youngest favourite. The swarthy Platon Zubov, thirty-eight years Catherine's junior, was promptly dubbed 'the little black one' in the apophthegm to Potemkin, which outlined all the usual virtues of gentleness, eagerness and modesty (a singular misapprehension of the new favourite's nature).

It was in Zubov's company that the empress faced the outbreak of the French Revolution in July 1789. Though no friend of sedition, Catherine initially had little reason to fear events in Paris, and indeed could reasonably hope to profit from French weakness in the international arena. Her subjects could read about the fall of the Bastille in the Russian newspapers (whose circulation increased in response to such exciting developments), and many also had access to the range of French revolutionary pamphlets and news-sheets which circulated freely in St Petersburg and Moscow.105 One reason for the empress's confidence was the good news she received from the Southern front, where Potemkin and General Suvorov were enjoying a triumphant summer on the Bug and the Dniester. After 15,000 Turks were slaughtered on the River Rymnik on 11 September, Suvorov was made a count of both the Russian Empire and the Holy Roman Empire, and allowed to call himself 'Rymniksky' at Potemkin's suggestion. One reason for the empress's confidence was the good news she received from the Southern front, where Potemkin and General Suvorov were enjoying a triumphant summer on the Bug and the Dniester. After 15,000 Turks were slaughtered on the River Rymnik on 11 September, Suvorov was made a count of both the Russian Empire and the Holy Roman Empire, and allowed to call himself 'Rymniksky' at Potemkin's suggestion.106 Wider European developments, however, prevented Catherine from converting military victories into a peaceful settlement on her own terms. British hostility was an increasing hazard for her, and so were Prussia's ambitions in Poland. 'We are stroking the Prussians,' she told Potemkin in October 1789, 'but how our heart can endure their words and deeds which are filled with rudeness and abuse, G.o.d alone knows.' Wider European developments, however, prevented Catherine from converting military victories into a peaceful settlement on her own terms. British hostility was an increasing hazard for her, and so were Prussia's ambitions in Poland. 'We are stroking the Prussians,' she told Potemkin in October 1789, 'but how our heart can endure their words and deeds which are filled with rudeness and abuse, G.o.d alone knows.'107 Russia's international position was still critical when Radishchev's Journey from St Petersburg to Moscow Journey from St Petersburg to Moscow appeared in May 1790. A book that criticised 'the murder called war' was bound to catch Catherine on the raw. 'What do they want?' she asked in a splenetic marginal comment. 'To be left defenceless to fall captive to the Turks and Tatars, or to be conquered by the Swedes?' A n.o.ble writer twenty years her junior, Radishchev had grown up as a page at the empress's Court and had been one of the first Russian students selected to study at Leipzig at her government's expense. appeared in May 1790. A book that criticised 'the murder called war' was bound to catch Catherine on the raw. 'What do they want?' she asked in a splenetic marginal comment. 'To be left defenceless to fall captive to the Turks and Tatars, or to be conquered by the Swedes?' A n.o.ble writer twenty years her junior, Radishchev had grown up as a page at the empress's Court and had been one of the first Russian students selected to study at Leipzig at her government's expense.108 Now he had betrayed her trust with a fictional travelogue in the mould of Sterne's Now he had betrayed her trust with a fictional travelogue in the mould of Sterne's Sentimental Journey. Sentimental Journey. His book launched a stinging attack on the evils of favouritism and a bitter critique of the inhumanity of slavery, derived from Radishchev's reading of Raynal's His book launched a stinging attack on the evils of favouritism and a bitter critique of the inhumanity of slavery, derived from Radishchev's reading of Raynal's History of the Two Indies History of the Two Indies and now applied to Russian serfdom in particular. The empress was appalled. 'The purpose of this book is clear on every page,' she retorted in notes which subsequently provided the basis for the interrogation conducted by Sheshkovsky, the prosecutor who later investigated Novikov. 'Its author, infected and full of the French madness, is trying in every possible way to break down respect for authority and for the authorities, to stir up in the people indignation against their superiors and against the government.' If Radishchev's views on serfdom made him a rebel worse than Pugachev, then the chapter on corruption, levelled primarily at Potemkin (identifiable by his craving for oysters), revealed the purpose of the whole book: 'It is a safe bet that the author's motive in writing it was this, that and now applied to Russian serfdom in particular. The empress was appalled. 'The purpose of this book is clear on every page,' she retorted in notes which subsequently provided the basis for the interrogation conducted by Sheshkovsky, the prosecutor who later investigated Novikov. 'Its author, infected and full of the French madness, is trying in every possible way to break down respect for authority and for the authorities, to stir up in the people indignation against their superiors and against the government.' If Radishchev's views on serfdom made him a rebel worse than Pugachev, then the chapter on corruption, levelled primarily at Potemkin (identifiable by his craving for oysters), revealed the purpose of the whole book: 'It is a safe bet that the author's motive in writing it was this, that he does not have entree to the palace he does not have entree to the palace. Maybe he had it once and lost it, but since he does not have it now but does have an evil and consequently ungrateful heart, he is struggling for it now with his pen.' As Catherine sensed, the point of Radishchev's book could be derived from the very direction of travel of his fictional narratortowards the heart of old Muscovy and away from the false foreign values of her northern Residenzstadt Residenzstadt. 'Our babbler is timid. If he stood closer to the sovereign, he would pipe a different tune. We have seen a lot of such humbugs, especially among the schismatics.'109 Although Catherine eventually commuted Radishchev's death sentence to exile in Siberia, where his pa.s.sage was smoothed by his embarra.s.sed patron, Alexander Vorontsov, no one could miss the increasing signs of a significant change of heart on the empress's parta mounting hostility to the intellectual independence of the very writers whom she had done so much to encourage in the earlier part of her reign. Its twilight years would be recalled as a period of intellectual repression. Although Catherine eventually commuted Radishchev's death sentence to exile in Siberia, where his pa.s.sage was smoothed by his embarra.s.sed patron, Alexander Vorontsov, no one could miss the increasing signs of a significant change of heart on the empress's parta mounting hostility to the intellectual independence of the very writers whom she had done so much to encourage in the earlier part of her reign. Its twilight years would be recalled as a period of intellectual repression.

CHAPTER TWELVE.

END OF AN ERA 17901796.

The Swedish menace evaporated as suddenly as it had appeared after a period of rising alarm in the spring of 1790. When a courier arrived at Tsarskoye Selo on 4 May to announce the capture of an enemy man-of-war off Reval, Catherine hastily announced thanksgiving prayers: she had scarcely slept in antic.i.p.ation of an adverse result.1 When Admiral Chichagov nevertheless failed to block the Swedish fleet's course toward the Russian capital, her nerves stretched tauter still. From dawn on 23 May, 'a terrible cannonade' echoed all day, rattling windows from St Petersburg to the summer residence. 'Anxiety' was Khrapovitsky's laconic comment. When Admiral Chichagov nevertheless failed to block the Swedish fleet's course toward the Russian capital, her nerves stretched tauter still. From dawn on 23 May, 'a terrible cannonade' echoed all day, rattling windows from St Petersburg to the summer residence. 'Anxiety' was Khrapovitsky's laconic comment.2 While Catherine tried to ease the tension by boating on the lake, the implications for the conflict on the Danube were inescapable. 'Everyone is sick of the war,' Zavadovsky told Field Marshal Rumyantsev on 14 June. 'Any peace would be desirable and useful in our state of complete exhaustion.' While Catherine tried to ease the tension by boating on the lake, the implications for the conflict on the Danube were inescapable. 'Everyone is sick of the war,' Zavadovsky told Field Marshal Rumyantsev on 14 June. 'Any peace would be desirable and useful in our state of complete exhaustion.'3 Subsequent developments were even more disturbing. Although the Russian galley fleet under Prince Na.s.sau Siegen captured seven Swedish ships of the line at Vyborg on 22 June, it proved to be a pyrrhic victory. Even as the empress was boasting about it in a letter to Potemkin on the twenty-eighth anniversary of her coup, a disastrous encounter was taking place off Svensksund in which Na.s.sau Siegen lost a total of sixty-four ships and more than 7300 men, most of them taken prisoner. Magnanimous as ever, Catherine refused to blame her distraught commander. 'It was not the king of Sweden or even his fleet that defeated the prince of Na.s.sau,' she suggested to Grimm. 'It was the high wind and people who thought themselves invincible out of an excess of ardour.' Subsequent developments were even more disturbing. Although the Russian galley fleet under Prince Na.s.sau Siegen captured seven Swedish ships of the line at Vyborg on 22 June, it proved to be a pyrrhic victory. Even as the empress was boasting about it in a letter to Potemkin on the twenty-eighth anniversary of her coup, a disastrous encounter was taking place off Svensksund in which Na.s.sau Siegen lost a total of sixty-four ships and more than 7300 men, most of them taken prisoner. Magnanimous as ever, Catherine refused to blame her distraught commander. 'It was not the king of Sweden or even his fleet that defeated the prince of Na.s.sau,' she suggested to Grimm. 'It was the high wind and people who thought themselves invincible out of an excess of ardour.'4 She was fortunate that Gustav III, deprived of the British subsidies that might have kept him in the war, was as keen as she was to sue for peace. At the price of Russia's tacit abdication from further interference in Swedish politics, a settlement was reached at the small town of Verela on 3 August. 'We have dragged one paw out of the mud,' a relieved empress told Potemkin. 'When we drag the other out, we'll sing Hallelujah.' She was fortunate that Gustav III, deprived of the British subsidies that might have kept him in the war, was as keen as she was to sue for peace. At the price of Russia's tacit abdication from further interference in Swedish politics, a settlement was reached at the small town of Verela on 3 August. 'We have dragged one paw out of the mud,' a relieved empress told Potemkin. 'When we drag the other out, we'll sing Hallelujah.'5 While Potemkin contemplated ways to bring the Turkish war to a triumphant conclus...o...b.. no means a predictable outcome to pessimists such as ZavadovskyCatherine prepared to commemorate the peace with Sweden with festivities out of all proportion to Russia's achievements (the peace was announced with a glittering procession to the Kazan Church at the end of the Dormition Fast on 15 August and commemorated with sixteen days of celebrations beginning on the next great feast in the Orthodox calendar, the Feast of the Nativity of the Mother of G.o.d on 8 September). Meanwhile, neither Radishchev's trial nor the exceptionally wet weather could dampen her mood. After an enjoyable summer in the company of Platon Zubov, playing cards in the Arabesque Room and strolling through the park at Tsarskoye Selo, she even managed to express enthusiasm for the annual celebrations at the Alexander Nevsky monastery, where echoes of her imperial ambitions sounded loud and clear. On 30 August, Giuseppe Sarti's Te Deum Te Deum, commissioned by Potemkin to celebrate the fall of Ochakov and incorporating the sound of cannon fire, was sung to full orchestral accompaniment at the banquet following the consecration of Starov's Trinity Cathedral ('it is a pity it cannot be sung in church because of the instruments').6 That morning, Catherine had processed with Grand Duke Paul and his sons as the silver casket containing St Alexander's relics was borne to its ultimate resting place. Metropolitan Gavriil was a.s.sisted at the service by Bishop Innokenty of Pskov and another of the empress's favourite prelates, the seventy-three-year-old Greek, Eugenios Voulgaris, recently retired as the first bishop of Kherson and now in the last stages of his translation of Virgil's That morning, Catherine had processed with Grand Duke Paul and his sons as the silver casket containing St Alexander's relics was borne to its ultimate resting place. Metropolitan Gavriil was a.s.sisted at the service by Bishop Innokenty of Pskov and another of the empress's favourite prelates, the seventy-three-year-old Greek, Eugenios Voulgaris, recently retired as the first bishop of Kherson and now in the last stages of his translation of Virgil's Aeneid Aeneid into Greek (it was published in 17912 by the Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg). into Greek (it was published in 17912 by the Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg).7 The day before, she had presented Gavriil with 'an extremely fine' emerald-studded panageia to wear round his neck alongside his pectoral cross 'as a sign of his contribution to the building of the church'. The day before, she had presented Gavriil with 'an extremely fine' emerald-studded panageia to wear round his neck alongside his pectoral cross 'as a sign of his contribution to the building of the church'.8 As it transpired, these high spirits were only temporary. At the end of September, Baron Stedingk, the new Swedish amba.s.sador, reported that Catherine had not been seen since 'the day of the firework that brought the peace celebrations to an end, thank G.o.d'. Soaked by persistent rain, she had developed 'a bad cold and was exhausted with all these fetes, though that did not prevent her from going into her garden in the evening after the firework, so eager was she to appear at every rejoicing'.9 In fact, her colic had put her in such a bad mood that when told of the costs of the display on the meadow in front of Rastrelli's Summer Palace, she demanded a full account from Colonel Melissino, whose pyrotechnics had 'resembled a comic puppet show'. In this weakened state, it became a ch.o.r.e even to sign a decree ('it was easier for Empress Anna: her name was shorter'), and she was irritated by all manner of setbacks, not least the slow progress of elementary education in Moscow ('I shall have to go and live there for a year'). In fact, her colic had put her in such a bad mood that when told of the costs of the display on the meadow in front of Rastrelli's Summer Palace, she demanded a full account from Colonel Melissino, whose pyrotechnics had 'resembled a comic puppet show'. In this weakened state, it became a ch.o.r.e even to sign a decree ('it was easier for Empress Anna: her name was shorter'), and she was irritated by all manner of setbacks, not least the slow progress of elementary education in Moscow ('I shall have to go and live there for a year').10 The same gallows humour was shared with Grimm once she had retired to bed to cure her cough: 'In six weeks time I hope to read in the papers that I am at death's door.' The same gallows humour was shared with Grimm once she had retired to bed to cure her cough: 'In six weeks time I hope to read in the papers that I am at death's door.'11 Her comedies might have been expected to lift her spirits'tragedies are never given at the Hermitage,' Stedingk remarked later, 'the empress being unable to endure the emotions of a tragedian'but these had been playing to an increasingly select company. 'Often there are only four or five in the audience,' the Swede was told, 'which drives the actors to despair.' At larger gatherings, 'which are very rare', she was content with a hand of boston if there was no theatrical performance. 'It is all over by nine o'clock. The empress goes to bed and a small company of the men dine with Mr Zubov.' Her comedies might have been expected to lift her spirits'tragedies are never given at the Hermitage,' Stedingk remarked later, 'the empress being unable to endure the emotions of a tragedian'but these had been playing to an increasingly select company. 'Often there are only four or five in the audience,' the Swede was told, 'which drives the actors to despair.' At larger gatherings, 'which are very rare', she was content with a hand of boston if there was no theatrical performance. 'It is all over by nine o'clock. The empress goes to bed and a small company of the men dine with Mr Zubov.'12 Early in the New Year, Stedingk reported the creation of a new inst.i.tution'middling-size Hermitages', with a guest list of about sixty. In the first half of October, however, illness kept Catherine out of the public eye. When she appeared at Court on the morning of Maria Fedorovna's birthday, it was the first time she had been seen for three weeks. Early in the New Year, Stedingk reported the creation of a new inst.i.tution'middling-size Hermitages', with a guest list of about sixty. In the first half of October, however, illness kept Catherine out of the public eye. When she appeared at Court on the morning of Maria Fedorovna's birthday, it was the first time she had been seen for three weeks.13 The triumphant premiere of her operatic pageant The Beginning of Oleg's Reign The Beginning of Oleg's Reign on 22 October signalled a change of mood. At the large Hermitage two days later, the empress danced the polonaise and stayed up for the ball and dinner. on 22 October signalled a change of mood. At the large Hermitage two days later, the empress danced the polonaise and stayed up for the ball and dinner.14 For Count Nikolay Saltykov's masked ball at the Vorontsov palace, she wore 'a white satin dress in the Russian style' with a 'c.o.c.ked hat a la Henri IV, decorated with a plume of white feathers and a glittering diamond solitaire'. 'The costume was fine, simple and grand,' reported the secretary of the Swedish emba.s.sy. For Count Nikolay Saltykov's masked ball at the Vorontsov palace, she wore 'a white satin dress in the Russian style' with a 'c.o.c.ked hat a la Henri IV, decorated with a plume of white feathers and a glittering diamond solitaire'. 'The costume was fine, simple and grand,' reported the secretary of the Swedish emba.s.sy.15 In November, the knights of the orders of St George and St Andrew were able to celebrate with due ceremony in Catherine's company; Princess Dashkova sat beside her at the banquet on her name day. In November, the knights of the orders of St George and St Andrew were able to celebrate with due ceremony in Catherine's company; Princess Dashkova sat beside her at the banquet on her name day.16 Meanwhile she had resumed her efforts to charm the foreign diplomats. Invited to inspect Voltaire's library, Stedingk and the Prussian amba.s.sador 'spent a part of the day, as one might say, with Voltaire himself. The remarks he scribbled in the margins of his books while he was reading perhaps paint a better picture of this extraordinary man than his works themselves. His spirit, his gaiety, his humour and his caprices appear in their true light.' Meanwhile she had resumed her efforts to charm the foreign diplomats. Invited to inspect Voltaire's library, Stedingk and the Prussian amba.s.sador 'spent a part of the day, as one might say, with Voltaire himself. The remarks he scribbled in the margins of his books while he was reading perhaps paint a better picture of this extraordinary man than his works themselves. His spirit, his gaiety, his humour and his caprices appear in their true light.'17 Something of the empress's own capacity for whimsy was revealed when she surprised her courtiers at a masquerade on 10 November. The event was a mixture between Elizabeth's cross-dressing b.a.l.l.s and the entertainment staged for Grand Duke Peter at Oranienbaum in 1757. Ordered in advance not to wear hooped underskirts, her guests at the Hermitage found themselves steered towards stalls manned by actors from the French theatre, who sold them (on credit) the costumes she had chosena mixture of Turkish, Persian and Egyptian dress, all designed for a quick change. 'Everyone was very happy,' Khrapovitsky commented.18 Flushed with success, Catherine became noticeably more relaxed as winter set in. 'Her Majesty gladly speaks of education in general,' Stedingk noted, 'and those of her grandsons in particular.' The voyage to the South was another favoured subject: '"I have never felt better than I did on that journey," the empress said to me, "and what amused me greatly was that all the newspapers announced that I was dying." "Fortunately, madame, the newspapers almost never tell the truth."' Flushed with success, Catherine became noticeably more relaxed as winter set in. 'Her Majesty gladly speaks of education in general,' Stedingk noted, 'and those of her grandsons in particular.' The voyage to the South was another favoured subject: '"I have never felt better than I did on that journey," the empress said to me, "and what amused me greatly was that all the newspapers announced that I was dying." "Fortunately, madame, the newspapers almost never tell the truth."'19

By the end of the year, she had a new topic of conversation, widely reported in the European press. Potemkin's autumn advances along the Danube had been thwarted at Ismail, a 265-gun fortress on the northern bank of the river defended by an exceptionally large garrison of 35,000 Turks. But on 29 December, the favourite's younger brother Valerian Zubov arrived in St Petersburg with news that even this seemingly impregnable stronghold had fallen. Summoned expressly for the task, Suvorov had stormed the ramparts in swirling mists in the early hours of the morning of 11 December. While six columns of men attacked the wallsbuilt with the a.s.sistance of French military engineers, four miles in circ.u.mference and protected by moats fifty feet wide and twenty feet deepa galley flotilla invaded from the river under the command of the Neapolitan adventurer Jose de Ribas.20 'The most horrible carnage followed,' recalled the Comte de Damas, 'the most unequalled butchery. It is no exaggeration to say that the gutters of the town were dyed with blood.' Immortalised by Byron in 'The most horrible carnage followed,' recalled the Comte de Damas, 'the most unequalled butchery. It is no exaggeration to say that the gutters of the town were dyed with blood.' Immortalised by Byron in Don Juan Don Juan, the fighting took on a romantic hue from the start. 'The walls and people of Ismail fell at the foot of Her Imperial Majesty's throne,' Suvorov announced to Potemkin at the end of the day. 'The a.s.sault was prolonged and b.l.o.o.d.y. Ismail is taken, thank G.o.d!'21 'We are a.s.sured that 20,000 Turks perished in this affair,' Stedingk reported, 'and 11,000 were taken prisoner, though the a.s.sailants numbered no more than 18,000 so they say. The Russians lost 2000 men and a further 4000 injured.' That was almost certainly an understatement. Though the precise casualties may never be known, the Turks are thought to have lost 26,000 men and the Russians somewhere between 4000 and 8000. 'We are a.s.sured that 20,000 Turks perished in this affair,' Stedingk reported, 'and 11,000 were taken prisoner, though the a.s.sailants numbered no more than 18,000 so they say. The Russians lost 2000 men and a further 4000 injured.' That was almost certainly an understatement. Though the precise casualties may never be known, the Turks are thought to have lost 26,000 men and the Russians somewhere between 4000 and 8000.22 While Potemkin had been plotting the defeat of the Sultan, Catherine had been faced with a crisis in the Court theatre. It erupted at the Hermitage on 11 February 1791 when the leading lady threw herself at the empress's feet at the end of a performance of her latest comic opera, Fedul and his children Fedul and his children. Once interpreted as a young lover's struggle against the arbitrary tsarist regime, Yelizaveta Uranova's plea to be released from the attentions of the debauched Count Bezborodko seems more likely to have been staged by the empress as a way of embarra.s.sing Khrapovitsky and the count. a.s.suming that she would be distracted by the pressures of international events, Bezborodko had defied Catherine's earlier decision to permit Uranova to marry her fiance, the actor Silu Sandunov, who had been dismissed after demanding more money. Now it was the count's turn to be humiliated when the empress not only granted Uranova's pet.i.tion, but reinstated Sandunov at a higher salary than before (though not quite the rate he had himself requested). The seemingly vacuous plot of Fedul and his children Fedul and his children has been revealed by Andrey Zorin as an allegory of the transfer of the direction of the Court theatre to the sovereign from Khrapovitsky, who was removed from his position immediately after the performance. Part of Catherine's concern lay with the lax behaviour of his voluptuous young actresses, many of whom were drawn into covert prost.i.tution. But her earlier warning to her secretary that France had been undone by a decline in morals pointed to a significantly wider anxiety. has been revealed by Andrey Zorin as an allegory of the transfer of the direction of the Court theatre to the sovereign from Khrapovitsky, who was removed from his position immediately after the performance. Part of Catherine's concern lay with the lax behaviour of his voluptuous young actresses, many of whom were drawn into covert prost.i.tution. But her earlier warning to her secretary that France had been undone by a decline in morals pointed to a significantly wider anxiety.23 Beyond the walls of her own palace, few regarded the empress as a plausible guardian of morality of any kind. Now that the storming of Ismail had reinforced the European stereotype of the Russians as a primitive people led by bloodthirsty savages, Catherine's international rivals drew increasingly explicit parallels between her apparently insatiable appet.i.te for imperial expansion and her notorious s.e.xual rapaciousness. In the age of Gillray and Rowlandson, English caricaturists were in their element. The first semi-p.o.r.nographic engraving to feature the empress had appeared on 24 October 1787 NS, two months after the beginning of the Turkish war. Backed by a cowering Joseph II complete with dunce's cap, Catherine appears as 'The Christian Amazon' as a simian Louis XVI lobs towards her two grenades that form t.e.s.t.i.c.l.es to the phallic symbol of the Turk's bayonet.24 The great majority of such satirical prints, however, date from the spring of 1791. One of the most explicit'The Imperial Stride', published anonymously on 12 April NSfeatures a colossal figure of the empress with one foot in Russia and the other stretched out to Constantinople. Beneath her, ten diminished European rulers gaze up into her skirts in awe: 'By Saint Jago,' declares the king of Spain, 'I'll strip her of her fur!' George III splutters his trademark 'What! What! What! What a prodigious expansion!', and the Sultan reluctantly admits that 'The whole Turkish army wouldn't satisfy her.' The great majority of such satirical prints, however, date from the spring of 1791. One of the most explicit'The Imperial Stride', published anonymously on 12 April NSfeatures a colossal figure of the empress with one foot in Russia and the other stretched out to Constantinople. Beneath her, ten diminished European rulers gaze up into her skirts in awe: 'By Saint Jago,' declares the king of Spain, 'I'll strip her of her fur!' George III splutters his trademark 'What! What! What! What a prodigious expansion!', and the Sultan reluctantly admits that 'The whole Turkish army wouldn't satisfy her.'25 This sudden rash of derogatory images signalled that Anglo-Russian relations had reached an all-time low. Irritated by the Franco-Russian commercial treaty of 1787 that undermined Britain's longstanding domination of the Russia trade, William Pitt had been further alarmed by the empress's gains at the Turks' expense. In January 1791, spurred on by his amba.s.sador in Berlin, the prime minister demanded an end to the war and a return to the status quo ante by which Russia would have been forced to relinquish Ochakov, whose capture had been interpreted as a harbinger of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire.26 In March, when Catherine refused to capitulate, Pitt threatened to send a fleet to the Baltic with Prussian support. As King Frederick William II mobilised 88,000 troops in preparation for an attack on his eastern neighbour, both Bezborodko and Potemkin urged concessions. Catherine was clearly disturbed: 'Anxiety about Prussia,' Khrapovitsky recorded in his diary on 15 March. 'It has gone on a long time. She cried.' In March, when Catherine refused to capitulate, Pitt threatened to send a fleet to the Baltic with Prussian support. As King Frederick William II mobilised 88,000 troops in preparation for an attack on his eastern neighbour, both Bezborodko and Potemkin urged concessions. Catherine was clearly disturbed: 'Anxiety about Prussia,' Khrapovitsky recorded in his diary on 15 March. 'It has gone on a long time. She cried.'27 As so often in her declining years, nervousness led to exhaustion and lapses in concentration. 'The empress is not what she was,' Stedingk reported privately to Gustav III at the end of the month. 'Age and the inconveniences it brings render her less capable of doing business.'28 But there was never anything pathetic about Catherine. 'Angry,' her secretary noted on 7 April, 'obstinacy will lead to a new war.' Since it is not always clear whose words Khrapovitsky is recording, it is hard to be sure whether this was the voice of Potemkin, irritated by her refusal to appease the Prussians, or an expression of the empress's own exasperation at the sabre-rattling in Whitehall and Potsdam. But there was never anything pathetic about Catherine. 'Angry,' her secretary noted on 7 April, 'obstinacy will lead to a new war.' Since it is not always clear whose words Khrapovitsky is recording, it is hard to be sure whether this was the voice of Potemkin, irritated by her refusal to appease the Prussians, or an expression of the empress's own exasperation at the sabre-rattling in Whitehall and Potsdam.29 Whichever it was, Catherine held her nerve and was vindicated when British public opinion, encouraged by her amba.s.sador, s.e.m.e.n Vorontsov, and her admirer, Pitt's rival Charles James Fox, helped to force the prime minister to back down. Whichever it was, Catherine held her nerve and was vindicated when British public opinion, encouraged by her amba.s.sador, s.e.m.e.n Vorontsov, and her admirer, Pitt's rival Charles James Fox, helped to force the prime minister to back down.30 On 14 September NS, William Dent's cartoon 'Black Carlo's White Bust, or The Party's Plenipo in Catherine's Closet' portrayed the playwright Sheridan urging Fox to visit Russia: 'your fortune is madeshe has certainly heard of your fine parts.' Indeed she had, though not in the way the cartoonist's innuendo implied. When the Hermitage had taken delivery of a marble bust of Fox by Joseph Nollekens, a bronze copy was placed between Demosthenes and Cicero in the Cameron Gallery at Tsarskoye Selo. There it stayed until 1793, when Fox doubly disgraced himself in the empress's eyes by supporting the Poles and expressing sympathy for the revolution in France. At that stage, the visiting English tutor John Parkinson was told that she was prepared to sell the bust, 'but that it was not worth while, for that she could not get thirty roubles for it'. On 14 September NS, William Dent's cartoon 'Black Carlo's White Bust, or The Party's Plenipo in Catherine's Closet' portrayed the playwright Sheridan urging Fox to visit Russia: 'your fortune is madeshe has certainly heard of your fine parts.' Indeed she had, though not in the way the cartoonist's innuendo implied. When the Hermitage had taken delivery of a marble bust of Fox by Joseph Nollekens, a bronze copy was placed between Demosthenes and Cicero in the Cameron Gallery at Tsarskoye Selo. There it stayed until 1793, when Fox doubly disgraced himself in the empress's eyes by supporting the Poles and expressing sympathy for the revolution in France. At that stage, the visiting English tutor John Parkinson was told that she was prepared to sell the bust, 'but that it was not worth while, for that she could not get thirty roubles for it'.31 According to a leading historian of international relations, the 'Ochakov crisis' of spring 1791 was 'not just a clash over peace terms with Turkey or a contest of wills between Pitt and Catherine, but a wider contest between the two relatively invulnerable flank powers over which of them would lead Europe and control the balance of power'.32 For the moment, it was the Russians who were in the ascendant and they saw no reason to conceal their glee. 'General Suvorov has been here for a fortnight,' Stedingk reported on 14 March. '480 flags and regimental colours, along with several Pashas' tails and other tokens of dignity, carried off from the Turks at Ismail and solemnly paraded on Sunday to the church in the fortress [the Peter-Paul Cathedral], const.i.tute a eulogy to this general far more eloquent than any panegyric.' Catherine watched the parade from the windows of the Winter Palace. For the moment, it was the Russians who were in the ascendant and they saw no reason to conceal their glee. 'General Suvorov has been here for a fortnight,' Stedingk reported on 14 March. '480 flags and regimental colours, along with several Pashas' tails and other tokens of dignity, carried off from the Turks at Ismail and solemnly paraded on Sunday to the church in the fortress [the Peter-Paul Cathedral], const.i.tute a eulogy to this general far more eloquent than any panegyric.' Catherine watched the parade from the windows of the Winter Palace.33 The whole city had come to a standstill in antic.i.p.ation of Potemkin's arrival at the end of February. On 28 April he staged his own glorification of the fall of Ismail at his new residence, later christened the Tauride Palace in his memory, complete with choruses by Derzhavin: 'Thunder of victory, resound!' The whole city had come to a standstill in antic.i.p.ation of Potemkin's arrival at the end of February. On 28 April he staged his own glorification of the fall of Ismail at his new residence, later christened the Tauride Palace in his memory, complete with choruses by Derzhavin: 'Thunder of victory, resound!'

'Like all his other plans,' remarked Catherine's first Western biographer, this entertainment 'was extraordinary and great. A whole month was consumed in preparations: artists of all kinds were employed; whole shops and warehouses were emptied to supply the necessaries of the occasion; several hundred persons were daily a.s.sembled in making previous rehearsals for the final execution; and each of these days was of itself a grand spectacle.'34 On the appointed evening, Catherine found herself serenaded by Potemkin's private orchestra as Alexander and Constantinetheir very names redolent of Russia's imperial ambitions in the Southopened the dancing with a stylish quadrille. Then the company moved to the Gobelins Room, where, amidst the tapestries, their host had prepared a typical conceit: a life-size mechanical elephant studded with emeralds and rubies. 'The Persian who conducted him struck upon a bell, and this was the signal for another change: A curtain flew up as if by magic, and opened to view a magnificently decorated theatre, where two ballets and a dramatical piece afforded entertainment to the spectators with their extraordinary excellence.' One of the pieces performed was a version of Nicolas Chamfort's On the appointed evening, Catherine found herself serenaded by Potemkin's private orchestra as Alexander and Constantinetheir very names redolent of Russia's imperial ambitions in the Southopened the dancing with a stylish quadrille. Then the company moved to the Gobelins Room, where, amidst the tapestries, their host had prepared a typical conceit: a life-size mechanical elephant studded with emeralds and rubies. 'The Persian who conducted him struck upon a bell, and this was the signal for another change: A curtain flew up as if by magic, and opened to view a magnificently decorated theatre, where two ballets and a dramatical piece afforded entertainment to the spectators with their extraordinary excellence.' One of the pieces performed was a version of Nicolas Chamfort's The Merchant of Smyrna The Merchant of Smyrna, staged in celebration of the deliverance of Russia's southern provinces from Turkish rule. Indeed, though the pouring rain obliged them to suspend their disbelief, Potemkin's guests found themselves transported throughout the evening to an exotic southern paradise, complete with luscious fruits in the brilliantly lit Winter Garden designed by his English gardener, William Gould.35 'Whichever way the spectator turned his eye, the magnificent illumination struck him with amazement. The walls and columns all seemed to glow with various-coloured fire: large mirrors, here and there judiciously fixed to the sides of the apartments, or made to form pyramids and grottos, multiplied the effect of this singular exhibition, and even made the whole enclosure from top to bottom, seem to be composed of sparkling stones.' 'Whichever way the spectator turned his eye, the magnificent illumination struck him with amazement. The walls and columns all seemed to glow with various-coloured fire: large mirrors, here and there judiciously fixed to the sides of the apartments, or made to form pyramids and grottos, multiplied the effect of this singular exhibition, and even made the whole enclosure from top to bottom, seem to be composed of sparkling stones.'36 At the centre of the entertainment, both physically and rhetorically, was Catherine herself. 'Before her,' Derzhavin proclaimed in a celebrated description of the event, 'everything becomes more alive, everything takes on greater radiance...Her bright face encourages smiles, dances, charades, games. This is the image of a mother, this is a monarch surrounded by glory, love, magnificence.'37 Intended for her sixty-second birthday on Easter Monday, the entertainment was delayed only by the scale of its host's ambition. Once he had persuaded the empress to send Suvorov to Finland on 25 April, as a way of putting pressure on the Swedes, Potemkin could pose as the sole victor of Ismail. By the time he was ready to greet her, resplendent in his new crimson velvet tailcoat, his private party resembled a state occasion in almost every detail, down to the c.o.c.kaigne for the populace in the square outside. Intended for her sixty-second birthday on Easter Monday, the entertainment was delayed only by the scale of its host's ambition. Once he had persuaded the empress to send Suvorov to Finland on 25 April, as a way of putting pressure on the Swedes, Potemkin could pose as the sole victor of Ismail. By the time he was ready to greet her, resplendent in his new crimson velvet tailcoat, his private party resembled a state occasion in almost every detail, down to the c.o.c.kaigne for the populace in the square outside.38 For Catherine, the event brought to an end an exceptionally stressful week, in which her pleasure at the news of Pitt's growing difficulties in Parliament was balanced by the need for preparations at Kronstadt in case the threatened British squadron materialised. She was later to pay for her excitement with an attack of the colic, but for now she celebrated her relief by staying at the Tauride Palace until two in the morning. 'There you are, monsieur,' she boasted to Grimm on her return to her apartments: 'That is how we conduct ourselves in Petersburg in the midst of trouble and war and the threats of dictators.' For Catherine, the event brought to an end an exceptionally stressful week, in which her pleasure at the news of Pitt's growing difficulties in Parliament was balanced by the need for preparations at Kronstadt in case the threatened British squadron materialised. She was later to pay for her excitement with an attack of the colic, but for now she celebrated her relief by staying at the Tauride Palace until two in the morning. 'There you are, monsieur,' she boasted to Grimm on her return to her apartments: 'That is how we conduct ourselves in Petersburg in the midst of trouble and war and the threats of dictators.'39 In one crucial respect, Potemkin's entertainment missed its mark. It failed to dislodge Platon Zubov and his relations, the only prominent Russians left off the 3000-strong guest list. Diplomats heard that the empress was privately critical of the prince's extravagance and irritated by his machinations against her favourite. Certainly his appearances at Court were few in May and June. Since Radishchev had reminded Catherine of the damage that Potemkin's reputation for corruption could do, a measure of hesitation was understandable. But it was never enough to rupture the trust between them. As Isabel de Madariaga puts it, 'there was a solidity in the link between the two which could be ruffled, but not broken by a Zubov'.40 That was just as well, since before Potemkin left for the South on 24 July, he and Catherine had to agree on their response to the latest developments in Warsaw. The Poles had already taken advantage of the Russo-Turkish war to operate free from Russian influence through the sovereign Diet that began its four-year term in 1788.41 On 3 May 1791 NS, the week before the entertainment at the Tauride Palace, King Stanislaw August and a group of royalist conspirators, acting in temporary alliance with Ignacy Potocki and the Patriot Party, forced through the Diet a new const.i.tution promising a major overhaul of the Polish political system. By abolishing the On 3 May 1791 NS, the week before the entertainment at the Tauride Palace, King Stanislaw August and a group of royalist conspirators, acting in temporary alliance with Ignacy Potocki and the Patriot Party, forced through the Diet a new const.i.tution promising a major overhaul of the Polish political system. By abolishing the liberum veto liberum veto, by which a single objection could de-rail proposed legislation, they sought to replace Poland's anarchic 'republic of n.o.bles' with a more orderly bi-cameral legislature backed by executive royal authority ('Experience has taught us that the neglect of this essential part of government has overwhelmed Poland with disasters').42 The Const.i.tution of 3 May was doubly offensive to Catherine: not only did it threaten the prospect of a permanently stronger Western neighbour, but to a sovereign unable to distinguish between electoral reform and revolutionary Jacobinism, it seemed to signal the advance of the French contagion towards the borders of her own empire. For as long as the Turkish war continued, there could be no question of direct intervention against the Poles. So the empress satisfied herself by signalling her determination to overthrow the new const.i.tution in the name of the old order. 'This,' Paul Schroeder has suggested, 'was a serious, middle-of-the-road kind of programme for dealing with the Polish problem, stabilising Central and Eastern Europe, and making the European system workabout as good a one as the eighteenth century could offer.' And it had the further advantage of leaving open two more radical options for the future: once the new const.i.tution had been pushed aside, Poland could either be preserved as a Russian satellite or part.i.tioned once more by a Russian-dominated coalition. The Const.i.tution of 3 May was doubly offensive to Catherine: not only did it threaten the prospect of a permanently stronger Western neighbour, but to a sovereign unable to distinguish between electoral reform and revolutionary Jacobinism, it seemed to signal the advance of the French contagion towards the borders of her own empire. For as long as the Turkish war continued, there could be no question of direct intervention against the Poles. So the empress satisfied herself by signalling her determination to overthrow the new const.i.tution in the name of the old order. 'This,' Paul Schroeder has suggested, 'was a serious, middle-of-the-road kind of programme for dealing