Catherine The Great - Part 3
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Part 3

Paul I, English engraving of the 1790s

Modelling his ill.u.s.trations of Catherine's coronation on those of the French kings at Reims, Jean-Louis de Veilly transformed the intimate interior of the Cathedral of the Dormition into a cavernous temple.

Catherine's coronation: nineteenth-century engraving after J. L. de Veilly

Elaborate allegorical fireworks were one feature of Baroque Court culture that remained central to Russian ceremonials throughout Catherine's reign. This display, performed on the banks of the Moscow River opposite the Kremlin on 29 September 1762, was intended to confer dynastic legitimacy on a newly-crowned usurper.

Coronation fireworks, 1762: A. K. Melnikov from an engraving by E. G. Yinogradov

Elizabeth's coronation in 1742 served as the model for Catherine's twenty years later. In a scene facing north towards the Cathedral of the Dormition, the c.o.c.kaigne for the populace on the Kremlin's Cathedral Square is flanked by the Red Staircase and the Ivan the Great bell-tower. Such feasts were still staged in the 1790s, though by then they had long been dismissed as barbaric by Western visitors to Russia.

Elizabeth's coronation feast in the Kremlin Square, 1742: engraving of 1744

'From Catherine II to Peter I' was the lapidary motto chosen by Falconet for his statue of the empress's most glorious predecessor. On 7 August 1782 she witnessed the unveiling of the first public monument in Russia from the balcony of the former Bestuzhev mansion on the left of the engraving.

The unveiling of Falconet's monument to Peter the Great: engraving by A. K. Lemnikov after A. P. Davydov, 1782

'Apart from seven rooms garnished in jasper, agate, and real and artificial marble, and a garden right at the door of my apartments, I have an immense colonnade which also leads to this garden and which ends in a flight of stairs leading straight to the lake. So, search for me after that, if you can!'

The Cameron Gallery, Tsarskoye Selo: aquatint engraving by J. G. de Mayr, 1793

Though Catherine sought to surpa.s.s rather than merely imitate Peter I, her declared intention to complete what he had begun was part of her spurious claim to legitimacy. Tsar Peter gazes down approvingly from the heavens in Ferdinand de Meys's allegorical representation of the empress's great journey to the South in 1787.

Catherine's journey to the south, 1787: allegorical engraving by Ferdinand de Meys, courtesy of Dr James Cutshall

The first p.o.r.nographic British caricature of the empress appeared less than two months after Caroline Walker's majestic engraving, done at the outset of the Russo-Turkish War in 1787 from the copy of Alexander Roslin's portrait owned by Catherine's amba.s.sador to London, Count s.e.m.e.n Vorontsov.

Catherine II, engraving by Caroline Walker after Roslin, London, 1787

Though Platon Zubov liked to pose as a worthy successor to Potemkin, he was in reality an arrogant upstart who damaged the empress's reputation in her declining years. This version of Lampi's portrait was done by the British engraver, James Walker, resident in Russia between 1784 and 1802.

Prince Platon Zubov, engraving by James Walker after Lampi, St Petersburg, 1798

The caricature in this French version of 'The Imperial Stride', first published in London on 12 April 1791 NS, was the sort of salacious image that corrupted Catherine's reputation among her 19th-century male successors.

'L'Enjambee imperiale', French cartoon of 1791

Under Russia's last tsar, Nicholas II, it was left to the beholder to imagine the relationship between the bronzed youth and the statuesque empress represented by Lampi's portrait of 1794. Pride of place on the 500-rouble note went to Peter the Great.

100 rouble note of 1910

CHAPTER TEN.

THE SEARCH FOR EMOTIONAL STABILITY 17761784.

After her accession to the throne, Catherine spent all too little time at Oranienbaum. But had she ever gazed up from the bed in the Damask Room, she would have seen on the ceiling a painting that perfectly encapsulated the tutelary relationship she strove to establish with each of her favourites. Urania teaching a youth Urania teaching a youth, by the Venetian artist Domenico Maggiotto, portrayed a bare-breasted G.o.ddess looking down at a virile young man who returns her gaze in simple trust.1 Leonine, earnest and not very bright, Grigory Orlov had fitted the mould to perfection. 'The apprehension of the Empress is extremely quick,' Lord Cathcart observed in 1770, 'that of Mr. Orloff rather slow, but very capable of judging well upon a single proposition, though not of combining many different ideas.' Leonine, earnest and not very bright, Grigory Orlov had fitted the mould to perfection. 'The apprehension of the Empress is extremely quick,' Lord Cathcart observed in 1770, 'that of Mr. Orloff rather slow, but very capable of judging well upon a single proposition, though not of combining many different ideas.'2 Horace Walpole was typically franker: 'Orlow talks an infinite deal of nonsense,' he remarked during Grigory's visit to London in 1775, 'but parts are not necessary to a royal favourite or to an a.s.sa.s.sin.' Horace Walpole was typically franker: 'Orlow talks an infinite deal of nonsense,' he remarked during Grigory's visit to London in 1775, 'but parts are not necessary to a royal favourite or to an a.s.sa.s.sin.'3 Potemkin, by contrast, demanded to be treated not as a pupil, but as an equal, and it made for heated arguments between them in the spring of 1776. 'Sometimes,' Catherine complained, 'to listen to you speak one might think that I was a monster with every possible fault, and especially that of being beastly.' It upset her that he resented her other friends, and flounced off in a temper when she refused to listen: 'We quarrel about power, not about love. That's the truth of it.'4 Potemkin, however, had reason to be unnerved. As a sign of Catherine's wavering affections, Rumyantsev's protege Peter Zavadovsky, who had worked with her on the Provincial Reform, had been promoted Adjutant General on 2 January. This was the favourite's office, still indelibly a.s.sociated with Grigory Orlov. Later that month, Orlov himself unexpectedly returned to Russia, where he promptly fell sick, creating a complicated love triangle in which only Catherine herself can have felt fully at ease. A British diplomat reported that 'two visits, which the Empress made to the Prince during his illness, caused a very warm altercation between her and the favourite'. Amidst rumours that he had poisoned Orlov, Potemkin's downfall was widely predicted, although some acknowledged that this arose 'rather from its being universally wished, than from any actual symptoms'. Potemkin, however, had reason to be unnerved. As a sign of Catherine's wavering affections, Rumyantsev's protege Peter Zavadovsky, who had worked with her on the Provincial Reform, had been promoted Adjutant General on 2 January. This was the favourite's office, still indelibly a.s.sociated with Grigory Orlov. Later that month, Orlov himself unexpectedly returned to Russia, where he promptly fell sick, creating a complicated love triangle in which only Catherine herself can have felt fully at ease. A British diplomat reported that 'two visits, which the Empress made to the Prince during his illness, caused a very warm altercation between her and the favourite'. Amidst rumours that he had poisoned Orlov, Potemkin's downfall was widely predicted, although some acknowledged that this arose 'rather from its being universally wished, than from any actual symptoms'.5 Meanwhile, Catherine firmly resisted his attempts to persuade her to remove Zavadovsky. Quite apart from the 'injustice and persecution' the dismissal would inflict on 'an innocent man', there was her own reputation to consider: 'If I fulfil this request, my glory will suffer in every possible way.' Meanwhile, Catherine firmly resisted his attempts to persuade her to remove Zavadovsky. Quite apart from the 'injustice and persecution' the dismissal would inflict on 'an innocent man', there was her own reputation to consider: 'If I fulfil this request, my glory will suffer in every possible way.'6 Instead, her affair with Zavadovsky was publicly confirmed when he was promoted major general and granted 20,000 roubles and 1000 serfs on 28 June, the fourteenth anniversary of the empress's accession. In an attempt to appease Potemkin, she appealed to his vanity by presenting him with the Anichkov Palace and 100,000 roubles to decorate it as he pleased. Most of all, however, she appealed to his conscience, rea.s.suring him that even as her pa.s.sion had cooled, her friendship remained unquestioned: 'I dare say that there is no more faithful friend than me. But what is friendship? Mutual trust, I have always thought. For my part, it is total.' Instead, her affair with Zavadovsky was publicly confirmed when he was promoted major general and granted 20,000 roubles and 1000 serfs on 28 June, the fourteenth anniversary of the empress's accession. In an attempt to appease Potemkin, she appealed to his vanity by presenting him with the Anichkov Palace and 100,000 roubles to decorate it as he pleased. Most of all, however, she appealed to his conscience, rea.s.suring him that even as her pa.s.sion had cooled, her friendship remained unquestioned: 'I dare say that there is no more faithful friend than me. But what is friendship? Mutual trust, I have always thought. For my part, it is total.'7 There is no reason to think this insincere, but she had meant it just as much when she insisted in an earlier note that 'the first sign of loyalty is obedience'. There is no reason to think this insincere, but she had meant it just as much when she insisted in an earlier note that 'the first sign of loyalty is obedience'.8 True equality remained beyond reach in any relationship with an absolute monarch. True equality remained beyond reach in any relationship with an absolute monarch.

Such rapid changes of scene in the empress's bedchamber prompted persistent rumours in the autumn of 1776 that she had taken yet another lover. Rumyantsev's name was mentioned. 'The leading actor of the German comedy is also spoken of,' noted the venomous French charge, the chevalier de Corberon: 'It wouldn't be surprising, but I doubt it.'9 In the event, Zavadovsky was to remain in place until May 1777, a month before Orlov finally married his teenage cousin, Elizabeth Zinovyev. While Catherine bombarded 'Petrushinka' with pa.s.sionate billets-doux, the stolid Ukrainian struggled to keep up his working relationship with her, sulking that she had so little time to spend on him. Increasingly conscious that Icarus was an impossible part to play, Zavadovsky discovered that politics was a topic best avoided: 'If you had thought as much about despotism as I have,' Catherine warned him, 'you would not mention it much.' Soon she was urging him to exchange his insecurity for trust and playfulness: 'all this feeds love, which without amus.e.m.e.nt is dead, like faith without kind deeds'. In the event, Zavadovsky was to remain in place until May 1777, a month before Orlov finally married his teenage cousin, Elizabeth Zinovyev. While Catherine bombarded 'Petrushinka' with pa.s.sionate billets-doux, the stolid Ukrainian struggled to keep up his working relationship with her, sulking that she had so little time to spend on him. Increasingly conscious that Icarus was an impossible part to play, Zavadovsky discovered that politics was a topic best avoided: 'If you had thought as much about despotism as I have,' Catherine warned him, 'you would not mention it much.' Soon she was urging him to exchange his insecurity for trust and playfulness: 'all this feeds love, which without amus.e.m.e.nt is dead, like faith without kind deeds'.10 In the end, it was he who tearfully begged the empress to release him from his misery. As Catherine told Potemkin, 'the whole conversation lasted less than five minutes'. In the end, it was he who tearfully begged the empress to release him from his misery. As Catherine told Potemkin, 'the whole conversation lasted less than five minutes'.11 Zavadovsky would soon return to a long career at Court, forgiven and befriended like all her former lovers. For the moment, however, he retired smarting to his Ukrainian estate at Lyalichi (later rechristened Ekaterinindar'Catherine's Gift'). Zavadovsky would soon return to a long career at Court, forgiven and befriended like all her former lovers. For the moment, however, he retired smarting to his Ukrainian estate at Lyalichi (later rechristened Ekaterinindar'Catherine's Gift').12 'Amid hope, amid pa.s.sion full of feelings, my fortunate lot has been broken, like the wind, like a dream which one cannot halt; [her] love for me has vanished.' 'Amid hope, amid pa.s.sion full of feelings, my fortunate lot has been broken, like the wind, like a dream which one cannot halt; [her] love for me has vanished.'13 No sooner had Zavadovsky faded from the scene than a more colourful lover emerged to take his place. This was Potemkin's Serbian-born adjutant, s.e.m.e.n Zorich, a swarthy hussar sixteen years younger than Catherine. 'What a funny creature you have introduced to me!'14 Having been imprisoned by the Turks after distinguishing himself in action, Zorich seemed less likely than Zavadovsky to suffer from hypochondria. Yet it was no easier for him to cope with the mercurial presence of his patron, who remained the guiding influence in the empress's life. Having been imprisoned by the Turks after distinguishing himself in action, Zorich seemed less likely than Zavadovsky to suffer from hypochondria. Yet it was no easier for him to cope with the mercurial presence of his patron, who remained the guiding influence in the empress's life.15 In May 1778, when Potemkin humiliated him by presenting a handsome young officer to Catherine on her way to the theatre at Tsarskoye Selo, Zorich could no longer control himself. 'As soon as Her Imperial Majesty was gone, he fell upon Potemkin in a very violent manner, made use of the strongest expressions of abuse, and insisted on his fighting him.' Irritated by such a 'fuss about nothing', Catherine forced the rivals to shake hands over dinner in St Petersburg, but it was only a temporary rapprochement. 'Potemkin is determined to have him dismissed,' reported the recently arrived British amba.s.sador, James Harris, 'and Zoritz is determined to cut the throat of his successor. Judge of the tenour of the whole Court from this anecdote.' In May 1778, when Potemkin humiliated him by presenting a handsome young officer to Catherine on her way to the theatre at Tsarskoye Selo, Zorich could no longer control himself. 'As soon as Her Imperial Majesty was gone, he fell upon Potemkin in a very violent manner, made use of the strongest expressions of abuse, and insisted on his fighting him.' Irritated by such a 'fuss about nothing', Catherine forced the rivals to shake hands over dinner in St Petersburg, but it was only a temporary rapprochement. 'Potemkin is determined to have him dismissed,' reported the recently arrived British amba.s.sador, James Harris, 'and Zoritz is determined to cut the throat of his successor. Judge of the tenour of the whole Court from this anecdote.'16 Insensitive to the anguish the empress suffered in her search for a stable, loving relationshipshe blamed her recurrent headaches on her recent bout of 'legislomania'Harris regarded the 'scene of dissipation and inattention' presented by the Court of St Petersburg as the inevitable consequence of unnatural female rule. 'Age does not deaden the pa.s.sions, they rather quicken with years: and on a closer approach I find report had magnified the eminent qualities, and diminished the foibles, of one of the greatest ladies in Europe.'17 Two years later, after Catherine had exchanged the favours of Zorich's unfaithful successor, Ivan Rimsky-Korsakov, for those of another strapping young guards officer, Alexander Lanskoy, Corberon came to much the same conclusion: Two years later, after Catherine had exchanged the favours of Zorich's unfaithful successor, Ivan Rimsky-Korsakov, for those of another strapping young guards officer, Alexander Lanskoy, Corberon came to much the same conclusion: If this sovereign were led, as she could be, by a man of genius, the greatest and best things might be achieved: but this man is not to be found, and by deluding each of her favourites, doing away with them and renewing them one by one, this woman's successive weaknesses become innumerable and their consequences appalling. With the greatest of visions and the best of intentions, Catherine is destroying her country through her morals, ruining it by her expenditure, and will end up being judged a weak and romantic woman.18

Generally the preserve of foreigners, and provoked most often by the failure of a particular amba.s.sador's diplomacy at St Petersburg, such verdicts owed more to stereotypical a.s.sumptions about female rule than to the realities of Catherine's reign. The political impact of her s.e.x was felt less in her relationship with her favourites than in her treatment of her two grandsons. They were not, however, to be born in the way that she had originally antic.i.p.ated when the pregnant Natalia was rushed back from Moscow in the summer of 1775. The grand d.u.c.h.ess went into labour early in the morning of 10 April 1776, at the height of the crisis between Catherine and Potemkin. At first there seemed no reason to panic, but when it emerged that the birth ca.n.a.l was too narrow'four fingers wide,' as the watching empress subsequently described it to Frau Bielke, 'when the baby's shoulders measured eight'the midwife left Natalia to writhe in agony for forty-eight hours before calling a surgeon. The unborn child, a large boy, may already have been dead before forceps were used in a vain attempt to save his mother. The cause of the obstruction, a deformation of her spine, was revealed only at the autopsy. Natalia died on 15 April, leaving Paul inconsolable for three days. Even the annual cannon salute to herald the breaking of the ice on the Neva was cancelled as a mark of respect.19 Dressed 'very richly in white satin', with her dead infant at her feet, the grand d.u.c.h.ess lay in state at the Alexander Nevsky monastery, where mourners 'might go and see them, walk up to the coffin, kiss her hand, and then walk round on the other side, but were not suffered to stop, and were obliged to go out again immediately'. Dressed 'very richly in white satin', with her dead infant at her feet, the grand d.u.c.h.ess lay in state at the Alexander Nevsky monastery, where mourners 'might go and see them, walk up to the coffin, kiss her hand, and then walk round on the other side, but were not suffered to stop, and were obliged to go out again immediately'.20 Corberon, who blamed Catherine for Natalia's negligent treatment, noted that she 'gave the impression of crying' at the funeral. 'But I give no credence to her tears: her heart is too dry.' Corberon, who blamed Catherine for Natalia's negligent treatment, noted that she 'gave the impression of crying' at the funeral. 'But I give no credence to her tears: her heart is too dry.'21 The empress certainly did not linger over her disappointment. As she explained to Voltaire on 25 June: 'We are currently very busy recouping our losses.'22 That meant finding a new wife for Paul and there was only one serious candidate: the sixteen-year-old Princess Sophia Dorothea of Wurttemberg, pa.s.sed over in 1773 only because she was too young. Ruthless in a crisis, Catherine bought off her existing fiance Prince Ludwig of Hesse-Darmstadt'I never want to see him again,' she told Grimmand cunningly soured Paul's memory of Natalia by revealing her dalliance with Andrey Razumovsky. While Field Marshal Rumyantsev and Prince Henry of Prussia, visiting St Petersburg for the second time, escorted Paul to Berlin for an audience with his hero, Frederick the Great, the empress made arrangements to welcome Sophia to Russia. That meant finding a new wife for Paul and there was only one serious candidate: the sixteen-year-old Princess Sophia Dorothea of Wurttemberg, pa.s.sed over in 1773 only because she was too young. Ruthless in a crisis, Catherine bought off her existing fiance Prince Ludwig of Hesse-Darmstadt'I never want to see him again,' she told Grimmand cunningly soured Paul's memory of Natalia by revealing her dalliance with Andrey Razumovsky. While Field Marshal Rumyantsev and Prince Henry of Prussia, visiting St Petersburg for the second time, escorted Paul to Berlin for an audience with his hero, Frederick the Great, the empress made arrangements to welcome Sophia to Russia.23 Having ordered twelve dresses and plenty of Dutch bedlinen, she turned her attentions to the apartments in the Winter Palace, marking out the position of new stoves on the plans and dictating a revised colour scheme for the furnishings: pink and white for the bedroom, with columns of blue gla.s.s; blue and gold for the state bedroom, with a new Having ordered twelve dresses and plenty of Dutch bedlinen, she turned her attentions to the apartments in the Winter Palace, marking out the position of new stoves on the plans and dictating a revised colour scheme for the furnishings: pink and white for the bedroom, with columns of blue gla.s.s; blue and gold for the state bedroom, with a new lit de parade lit de parade and a drawing of Raphael's loggias in the Vatican 'which I will give you'; cushions for the sofa in the sitting room 'in gold fabric which I shall supply'. All the rooms were to be hung with tapestries of a specified colour and type, and 'the second ante-chamber should be decorated in stucco or artificial marble with ornaments as pretty as they are rich'. and a drawing of Raphael's loggias in the Vatican 'which I will give you'; cushions for the sofa in the sitting room 'in gold fabric which I shall supply'. All the rooms were to be hung with tapestries of a specified colour and type, and 'the second ante-chamber should be decorated in stucco or artificial marble with ornaments as pretty as they are rich'.24 When Paul returned with his new consort at the end of August 1776, barely four months after the death of his first wife, Catherine promptly declared herself 'crazy' about a girl who seemed to have everything Natalia had lacked. 'She is exactly what I had hoped for: the figure of a nymph; the colour of lilies and roses; the finest complexion in the world; tall and broad-shouldered, yet slight.'25 Whereas Natalia's progress in the Russian language had been maddeningly slow, Sophia had already begun to master the Cyrillic alphabet in Berlin. Catherine sent a tutor to 'lessen the task of learning' on the journey. Whereas Natalia's progress in the Russian language had been maddeningly slow, Sophia had already begun to master the Cyrillic alphabet in Berlin. Catherine sent a tutor to 'lessen the task of learning' on the journey.26 She need not have worried: re-baptised Grand d.u.c.h.ess Maria Fedorovna on her conversion to Orthodoxy, Sophia was to prove the most dutiful of consorts. When the empress led the couple to the altar on 26 September, Grigory Orlov held a crown above Paul's head after the Orthodox custom. Betskoy, now in his seventies, performed the same service for the bride, his hand trembling with the effort. Why had this honour been granted to such a grizzled courtier? 'Because b.a.s.t.a.r.ds are lucky,' grumbled Corberon, who left the ceremony early finding the crowded chapel uncomfortably warm. Dinner was more agreeable, and much the same in form as Catherine's own wedding feast thirty-one years earlier. Seated between bride and groom, she dined under a canopy with Alexander and Lev Naryshkin in attendance, facing four tables for statesmen of the first four ranks and their wives: She need not have worried: re-baptised Grand d.u.c.h.ess Maria Fedorovna on her conversion to Orthodoxy, Sophia was to prove the most dutiful of consorts. When the empress led the couple to the altar on 26 September, Grigory Orlov held a crown above Paul's head after the Orthodox custom. Betskoy, now in his seventies, performed the same service for the bride, his hand trembling with the effort. Why had this honour been granted to such a grizzled courtier? 'Because b.a.s.t.a.r.ds are lucky,' grumbled Corberon, who left the ceremony early finding the crowded chapel uncomfortably warm. Dinner was more agreeable, and much the same in form as Catherine's own wedding feast thirty-one years earlier. Seated between bride and groom, she dined under a canopy with Alexander and Lev Naryshkin in attendance, facing four tables for statesmen of the first four ranks and their wives: The gallery above was packed with people and occupied by the orchestra, to whom no one listened. The famous Nolly [the violinist, Antonio Lolli, who had given four public concerts to great acclaim in the spring] played well to no purpose amidst this brouhaha and the fanfare that followed the toast to Her Imperial Majesty. The tables were narrow and served en filet en filet; they were placed underneath the orange trees, which poked their rounded heads out over the guests and made a very fine effect.27 In the tradition established by Peter the Great, there followed ten days of celebrations, including the obligatory firework display and a reprise of the opera Armida Armida ('I saw and heard little because I was talking,' Corberon confessed, 'but the music was feeble, so they say, and only one duet gave me pleasure'). ('I saw and heard little because I was talking,' Corberon confessed, 'but the music was feeble, so they say, and only one duet gave me pleasure').28 For once, such public festivities were not the prelude to personal disaster. Only mildly offended by the tone of Paul's written instructions urging thrift, regularity and obedience, his spouse devoted herself to the difficult task of pleasing both her husband and the empress. For once, such public festivities were not the prelude to personal disaster. Only mildly offended by the tone of Paul's written instructions urging thrift, regularity and obedience, his spouse devoted herself to the difficult task of pleasing both her husband and the empress.29 In time, the couple would irritate Catherine with their profligacy and her son's eye would begin to wander. In the short term, however, his personal life proved noticeably less volatile than hers. As a waspish Harris noted in February 1778, 'The great duke and d.u.c.h.ess live indeed on the best terms, and offer an example they neither receive, nor can get imitated.' In time, the couple would irritate Catherine with their profligacy and her son's eye would begin to wander. In the short term, however, his personal life proved noticeably less volatile than hers. As a waspish Harris noted in February 1778, 'The great duke and d.u.c.h.ess live indeed on the best terms, and offer an example they neither receive, nor can get imitated.'30 By then the Court had launched into another round of lavish celebrations following the birth of the couple's first son on 12 December 1777. Potemkin hosted a dinner reputed to have cost 50,000 roubles and the amba.s.sadors were invited to inspect the table decorations for Catherine's banquet for top-ranking Russians, 'set out with jewels to the amount of upwards of two millions sterling'.31 There was more to this than mere magnificence. In christening her grandson Alexander, the empress a.s.sociated him with both Alexander of Macedon and St Alexander Nevsky, the medieval warrior saint adopted by Peter the Great as the protector of his new capital. As Catherine explained to Grimm, Nevsky 'was respected by the Tatars, the republic of Novgorod submitted to him out of respect for his virtues, he gave the Swedes a good thrashing, and the t.i.tle of grand duke was conferred upon him thanks to his reputation'. There was more to this than mere magnificence. In christening her grandson Alexander, the empress a.s.sociated him with both Alexander of Macedon and St Alexander Nevsky, the medieval warrior saint adopted by Peter the Great as the protector of his new capital. As Catherine explained to Grimm, Nevsky 'was respected by the Tatars, the republic of Novgorod submitted to him out of respect for his virtues, he gave the Swedes a good thrashing, and the t.i.tle of grand duke was conferred upon him thanks to his reputation'.32 At 8 a.m. on 30 August 1778, the empress solemnly initiated the infant as a knight of the Order of St Alexander and processed in her carriage to the monastery for the annual liturgy. It was not a ritual dear to Catherine's heart'You stand there like a dog,' she had once complained to Potemkin, 'and no one thanks you for it' At 8 a.m. on 30 August 1778, the empress solemnly initiated the infant as a knight of the Order of St Alexander and processed in her carriage to the monastery for the annual liturgy. It was not a ritual dear to Catherine's heart'You stand there like a dog,' she had once complained to Potemkin, 'and no one thanks you for it'33but this year she had the consolation of laying the foundation stone for the ma.s.sive neocla.s.sical Trinity Cathedral commissioned from Ivan Starov in November 1774. He had set to work while the Court was in Moscow and in February 1776 Catherine had confirmed his designs with a budget of half a million roubles. For the foundation ceremony, a yellow canvas awning, emblazoned with the warrior saint's monogram, had been stretched out above a wooden gallery, decorated by Corinthian columns, built out over the foundations. To the accompaniment of cannon and choristers, Catherine ceremonially lowered into the ground a silver shrine containing the remains of Peter the Great's patron saint, St Andrew the First-Called, and a silver salver engraved in commemoration of the event.34 Despite such symbol-laden spectacle, it was in private that the empress's maternal instincts were finally allowed to blossom at the age of forty-eight. 'The infant instinctively likes me,' she boasted to Grimm, and indeed to anyone else who would listen. Gustav III, whose heir had been born not long before, was a natural target for her ideas about child rearing and soon received a detailed description of Alexander's nursery, evidently designed to provide the cool, natural environment denied to her own son in 1754: The bal.u.s.trade prevents too many people from approaching the child at once. Care is taken to ensure that only a few of his entourage are allowed in the room at the same time, and only a couple of candles are lit in the evening so that the air around him doesn't get stuffy. Monsieur Alexander's bed, for he knows neither rocker nor cradle, is made of iron and has no curtains; he sleeps on a leather-covered mattress covered with a sheet. He has a pillow and his English bedspread is very light. He is not roused by ear-splitting alarms, but by the same token neither are voices lowered in his room, even when he is asleep. No sort of noise is prohibited in the corridors above and below his room. Cannon are fired from the bastions of the Admiralty, opposite his window, which has made him afraid of nothing [legend had it that this was the cause of his subsequent deafness]. Great care has been taken to ensure that the thermometers in his room do not rise above fourteen or fifteen degrees. Every morning, while his room is swept, whether it be winter or summer, he is taken to another apartment while his own windows are opened to let in fresh air.35 A second grandson, Constantine, born eighteen months later, was similarly taken over, though he could never compare with Alexander in Catherine's eyes. Dr Dimsdale was re-called to Russia to inoculate both boys at seven o'clock on the evening of 27 August 1781. She was surprised that Gustav should be so reluctant to offer his own son the same treatment: 'If you yourself were in any danger, then it was a.s.suredly the fault of the method by which you were inoculated.' The king should send a doctor to St Petersburg to learn Dimsdale's method, 'without contradiction, the best'.36 As Catherine later explained to Paul and Maria Fedorovna, 'your children belong to you, to me, and to the state. From their earliest childhood I have made it a duty and a pleasure to take the most tender care of them.'37 She aimed to nurture not only healthy boys, but also rational children of the Enlightenment. While tears were forbidden, as a sign of stubbornness or undue sensitivity, inquisitiveness was encouraged. She aimed to nurture not only healthy boys, but also rational children of the Enlightenment. While tears were forbidden, as a sign of stubbornness or undue sensitivity, inquisitiveness was encouraged.38 By the time of his fourth birthday, Alexander was already said to be 'a determined questioner', just like his grandmother. By the time of his fourth birthday, Alexander was already said to be 'a determined questioner', just like his grandmother.39 He could point out Vienna, Kiev and St Petersburg on the globe and willingly devoted two or three hours a day to his ABC. 'If he continues like this,' Catherine boasted to his mother, 'there is no doubt that he will be reading by the spring.' He could point out Vienna, Kiev and St Petersburg on the globe and willingly devoted two or three hours a day to his ABC. 'If he continues like this,' Catherine boasted to his mother, 'there is no doubt that he will be reading by the spring.'40 Antic.i.p.ating the need, she had prepared her own Antic.i.p.ating the need, she had prepared her own Russian primer to teach young people to read Russian primer to teach young people to read, a series of maxims written 'even while legislating' in the spring of 1780.41 'No child is born learned,' the empress declared at the outset: 'the parent's duty is to give learning to the child.' Then she moved on to a series of moral injunctions based on her own brand of secularised Protestantism'the law requires a man to love his neighbour as himself'; 'do as you would be done by'before concluding with a definition of citizenship highlighting her favourite virtues: obedience and exact.i.tude. 'Question: what is a good citizen? Answer: A good citizen is he who fulfils precisely all the duties of a citizen.' 'No child is born learned,' the empress declared at the outset: 'the parent's duty is to give learning to the child.' Then she moved on to a series of moral injunctions based on her own brand of secularised Protestantism'the law requires a man to love his neighbour as himself'; 'do as you would be done by'before concluding with a definition of citizenship highlighting her favourite virtues: obedience and exact.i.tude. 'Question: what is a good citizen? Answer: A good citizen is he who fulfils precisely all the duties of a citizen.'42 Such ideas were soon to be given wider application in the empire thanks to the efforts of an advisory commission on education, set up in 1782 under the aegis of Paul's old science tutor, Professor Aepinus. It was partly on his advice that Catherine adopted the Austrian model of village, urban and provincial schools, using a teaching system initially introduced in Prussian Silesia by the Augustinian abbot Johann Ignaz von Felbiger. Though Felbiger's emphasis on rote learning was a far cry from the permissive methods advocated by Betskoy in the 1760s, it seemed better suited to the needs of a diverse multinational empire. F. I. Jankovich de Mirjevo, who had been responsible for introducing the Habsburg reforms to the predominantly Orthodox population of his native Serbia, arrived in St Petersburg on 4 September 1782. Three days later Zavadovsky was appointed to head a new Commission of National Schools. In the following year, the empress sponsored the publication of The Book On the Duties of a Man and Citizen The Book On the Duties of a Man and Citizen, a textbook based on a work by Felbiger which emphasised society's duty to obey an appropriately enlightened monarch. Pupils were to be taught to believe that 'those who give orders know what is useful to the state, their subjects and all civil society in general, that they do not wish for anything but that which is generally recognised as useful to society'.43 Not until August 1786 was a statute promulgated to put these maxims into action in schools at provincial and district level (rural schools, mentioned in earlier drafts were dropped from the final legislation). Meanwhile, although the Russian primer Russian primer was also intended for a wider readershipCatherine improbably claimed that the published version sold 20,000 copies in barely a fortnightshe had eyes only for Alexander, whose progress continued to delight her. By January 1782, she claimed that he could divide the map of Russia into provinces and count to a thousand, 'beginning with two times two'. was also intended for a wider readershipCatherine improbably claimed that the published version sold 20,000 copies in barely a fortnightshe had eyes only for Alexander, whose progress continued to delight her. By January 1782, she claimed that he could divide the map of Russia into provinces and count to a thousand, 'beginning with two times two'.44 A month later, she revealed that she was compiling a suitable reader for a child who 'seizes every [book] he finds'. A month later, she revealed that she was compiling a suitable reader for a child who 'seizes every [book] he finds'.45 Catherine's Catherine's Tale of Tsarevich Khlor Tale of Tsarevich Khlor was the first children's story to be written in the Russian language. Sure enough, these 'dozen tales, wise and not so wise' were soon judged to have had 'an excellent effect: he reads and re-reads them and follows them afterwards; he is polite, obedient, and jolly, like Constantine; this one imitates his brother and has a very pleasant personality'. was the first children's story to be written in the Russian language. Sure enough, these 'dozen tales, wise and not so wise' were soon judged to have had 'an excellent effect: he reads and re-reads them and follows them afterwards; he is polite, obedient, and jolly, like Constantine; this one imitates his brother and has a very pleasant personality'.46 Whether the grand dukes were really the paragons that their proud grandmother described, we cannot tell. Yet there is no doubt about the purpose of their education. While Alexander was being groomed to inherit the Russian throne, Constantine (as his name proclaimed) was destined for Constantinople. That was why Catherine's Russian primer Russian primer incorporated a section on the Greek alphabet and why Richard Brompton's saccharine portrait of the two boys, completed in July 1781, depicts Alexander cutting the Gordian knot on the altar of Zeus while Constantine holds a flag topped with a victory cross ('With this sign you will conquer'). incorporated a section on the Greek alphabet and why Richard Brompton's saccharine portrait of the two boys, completed in July 1781, depicts Alexander cutting the Gordian knot on the altar of Zeus while Constantine holds a flag topped with a victory cross ('With this sign you will conquer').47 Potemkin, who had celebrated Constantine's birth with a stylised Greek festival at his country estate at Ozerki, wanted both boys to concentrate on Greek as the foundation of all other languages: 'One can scarcely credit what learning and delicacy of style it has given to so many writers who are distorted in translation, not so much by the translators as by the weakness of other languages.' Potemkin, who had celebrated Constantine's birth with a stylised Greek festival at his country estate at Ozerki, wanted both boys to concentrate on Greek as the foundation of all other languages: 'One can scarcely credit what learning and delicacy of style it has given to so many writers who are distorted in translation, not so much by the translators as by the weakness of other languages.'48 Reporting Potemkin's obsession 'with the idea of raising an Empire in the east', Harris noted that 'he has so far infected the Empress with these sentiments, that she has been chimerical enough to christen the new born Grand Duke, Constantine; to give him a Greek nurse, whose name was Helen, and to talk in her private society, of placing him on the throne of the Eastern Empire. In the meanwhile, she is building a town at Czarsco Zelo, to be called Constantingorod.'49 The new town was in fact named, no less emblematically, Sofia, with a cathedral resembling Hagia Sophia visible across the great pond in an echo of the Bosphorus. The new town was in fact named, no less emblematically, Sofia, with a cathedral resembling Hagia Sophia visible across the great pond in an echo of the Bosphorus.50 Though Catherine denied any expansionist ambitions, she spoke at length to Harris 'on the ancient Greeks, of their alacrity and the superiority of their genius, and the same character being still extant in the modern ones, and of the possibility of their again becoming the first people, if properly a.s.sisted and seconded. She told me she talked this language to me as she knew my father was an admirer of the Greeks, and that she hoped I inherited his predilection.' Though Catherine denied any expansionist ambitions, she spoke at length to Harris 'on the ancient Greeks, of their alacrity and the superiority of their genius, and the same character being still extant in the modern ones, and of the possibility of their again becoming the first people, if properly a.s.sisted and seconded. She told me she talked this language to me as she knew my father was an admirer of the Greeks, and that she hoped I inherited his predilection.'51 James Harris senior, who had presented Catherine with a copy of his celebrated universal grammar, James Harris senior, who had presented Catherine with a copy of his celebrated universal grammar, Hermes Hermes (1751), was indeed delighted. When his daughter-in-law sent him the Greek chorus, sung at Peterhof at the end of June 1779 to celebrate Constantine's birth, he spent the next two years badgering his son for a copy of the score by Paisiello, one of his favourite composers. (1751), was indeed delighted. When his daughter-in-law sent him the Greek chorus, sung at Peterhof at the end of June 1779 to celebrate Constantine's birth, he spent the next two years badgering his son for a copy of the score by Paisiello, one of his favourite composers.52

Catherine's so-called Greek projecta visionary plan to recreate the Byzantine empire under Russian domination, first formulated in detail between 1780 and 1782was the logical culmination of a foreign policy whose intellectual foundations had been laid more than a decade earlier during Russia's war against the Ottomans. Whereas the Prussian alliance (still formally in existence) had been the linchpin of Panin's Northern System, this reorientation towards the south dictated the need for a rapprochement with Austria, a policy firmly supported by Potemkin. So when Joseph II suggested a meeting in 1780 as an extension of his tour of Galicia, Catherine readily accepted. Her journey to Mogilev in Belorussia would not only build bridges with her southern neighbour, but also give her the opportunity to test the impact of her Provincial Reform in lands acquired in the first part.i.tion of Poland and governed since 1775 by her old friend Zakhar Chernyshev.53 Accompanied by Alexander Lanskoy, she set off from Tsarskoye Selo supported by an entourage including her secretary, Alexander Bezborodko, the rising star of her administration, and Alexander Stroganov, who had returned from France in December 1779 talking about nothing but Paris.54 Even such a small suite was expensive. As Elizabeth Dimsdale learned from Catherine's apothecary, 'at every stage they had four hundred and forty horses and twenty coaches besides other carriages'. There were fifty-two of those, drawn by animals requisitioned from some 177 provincial towns. More than 60,000 roubles had been spent on sprucing up the wooden 'palaces' along the route. Even such a small suite was expensive. As Elizabeth Dimsdale learned from Catherine's apothecary, 'at every stage they had four hundred and forty horses and twenty coaches besides other carriages'. There were fifty-two of those, drawn by animals requisitioned from some 177 provincial towns. More than 60,000 roubles had been spent on sprucing up the wooden 'palaces' along the route.55 The expedition got off to a bad start at Pskov, a medieval stronghold now in terminal decline. 'Inoculate someone with your talent for development and send him here,' Catherine appealed to Grimm: 'Perhaps he will be able to bring on its industry.'56 'Tomorrow we move on,' Bezborodko noted on 15 May, 'having seen much that is not good among the n.o.bles, merchants and others.' 'Tomorrow we move on,' Bezborodko noted on 15 May, 'having seen much that is not good among the n.o.bles, merchants and others.'57 As they advanced south-westward towards Poland, another disconcerting phenomenon was revealed at Polotsk: 'Jesuits and Dominicans etc., and Jews all lined up on parade.' To Catherine, the Jews looked 'horribly filthy' while the others made 'an august masquerade' to greet her ceremonial entry to the town. As they advanced south-westward towards Poland, another disconcerting phenomenon was revealed at Polotsk: 'Jesuits and Dominicans etc., and Jews all lined up on parade.' To Catherine, the Jews looked 'horribly filthy' while the others made 'an august masquerade' to greet her ceremonial entry to the town.58 'Everyone lives jumbled together here,' she observed, unwittingly encapsulating one of the most awkward problems facing her administrators' attempts to standardise the government of the empire: 'Orthodox, Catholics, Uniates, Jews etc., Russians, Poles, Finns, Germans, Courlandersthere are not two people dressed the same who speak the same language correctly.' 'Everyone lives jumbled together here,' she observed, unwittingly encapsulating one of the most awkward problems facing her administrators' attempts to standardise the government of the empire: 'Orthodox, Catholics, Uniates, Jews etc., Russians, Poles, Finns, Germans, Courlandersthere are not two people dressed the same who speak the same language correctly.'59 Stroganov, who had started out with a terrible cold, improved after being purged in Polotsk. His 'main task in each town', as he explained to his son's tutor on 20 May, was to discover from the local authorities 'and even the simple citizens' what their needs were, how justice was administered and about 'the unfortunates who languish in prison': Stroganov, who had started out with a terrible cold, improved after being purged in Polotsk. His 'main task in each town', as he explained to his son's tutor on 20 May, was to discover from the local authorities 'and even the simple citizens' what their needs were, how justice was administered and about 'the unfortunates who languish in prison': As soon as I have informed the empress, if the crimes are not capital, the prison doors open and her largesse is distributed to all those in genuine need. Apart from here, where the schools are on a fairly good footing thanks to the Jesuits, education is everywhere badly neglected. The empress wants to take effective measures to repair this deficiency which requires a prompt remedy.60 At lunch on 21 May, Zakhar Chernyshev brought out the treasured silver service presented to him as Governor General after the Provincial Reform. That evening he threw a ball for 500 guests: 'I should never finish if I named them all,' Catherine boasted to Paul and Maria Fedorovna.61 Next morning, she was up early for the sixty-mile drive to Sennoye, where she realised that the emperor had already beaten her in the mock race for Mogilev: 'When he learned that I had lopped off four days from my schedule to overtake him, he ran night and day and overtook me by two days.' Next morning, she was up early for the sixty-mile drive to Sennoye, where she realised that the emperor had already beaten her in the mock race for Mogilev: 'When he learned that I had lopped off four days from my schedule to overtake him, he ran night and day and overtook me by two days.'62 Suppressing the urge to join him immediately, Catherine stuck to her schedule. On 23 May she drove through a landscape resembling one of her favourite English gardens to meet Field Marshal Rumyantsev at Shklov, the estate to which Zorich had retired to dispense hospitality on a heroic scale. Guests came from as far away as the two capitals to act in his theatre and there was always a place at his table for 'Frenchmen, Italians, Germans, Serbs, Greeks, Moldavians, Turksin a word, every kind of riff-raff and tramp'. Suppressing the urge to join him immediately, Catherine stuck to her schedule. On 23 May she drove through a landscape resembling one of her favourite English gardens to meet Field Marshal Rumyantsev at Shklov, the estate to which Zorich had retired to dispense hospitality on a heroic scale. Guests came from as far away as the two capitals to act in his theatre and there was always a place at his table for 'Frenchmen, Italians, Germans, Serbs, Greeks, Moldavians, Turksin a word, every kind of riff-raff and tramp'.63 To greet this exceptional vagrant, he had built his own triumphal arch, where he formally welcomed the empress at 6 p.m. But Zorich's day had pa.s.sed. Catherine may never even have set eyes on the Saxon dinner service on which he was said to have spent 50,000 roubles since she retired early to write to her 'loving friend', Potemkin. Leaving her entourage to indulge themselves (and their host) at Zorich's ball and banquet, she drifted off to sleep to the sound of fireworks exploding on an obelisk inside the house and music from a Jewish band dressed in Turkish costume. To greet this exceptional vagrant, he had built his own triumphal arch, where he formally welcomed the empress at 6 p.m. But Zorich's day had pa.s.sed. Catherine may never even have set eyes on the Saxon dinner service on which he was said to have spent 50,000 roubles since she retired early to write to her 'loving friend', Potemkin. Leaving her entourage to indulge themselves (and their host) at Zorich's ball and banquet, she drifted off to sleep to the sound of fireworks exploding on an obelisk inside the house and music from a Jewish band dressed in Turkish costume.64 Next morning, leaving her deflated former lover clutching at nothing more than the promise of a return visit, Catherine set off to face a potentially tricky week at Mogilev. Joseph had as always insisted on travelling without ceremony, and his eccentric incognito posed troubling problems of etiquette: I don't know how best to arrange a meeting without others present because, when I get back from ma.s.s, people will be milling all around me. To postpone it again until after dinner would be discourteous. Perhaps he could come when everyone is at ma.s.s with me, so that when I get back to my inner apartmentsthose before my bedroom, that isI shall find him already there. Tell me if you find a better way, though this one seems clever enough. Since Count Rumyantsev writes that our guest doesn't wish to dine anywhere, I can only conclude that he doesn't even want to eat with me at the high table; I shall wait to be informed about this.65 In the event, though disconcerted to find that Joseph looked nothing like his portraits, she found him as determined to please her as she was to admire him. In spite of the weatherthere had been thunder in the air since she left Polotsk and the fireworks had to be cancelled because of the rainChernyshev had spared no expense to impress his guests, fetching Caterina Bonafini from St Petersburg to sing in the new theatre.66 Disappointed to find that Joseph did not know the abbe Galiani, Catherine nevertheless recognised that he was 'clever' and liked to talk. Disappointed to find that Joseph did not know the abbe Galiani, Catherine nevertheless recognised that he was 'clever' and liked to talk.67 Conscious that all Europe was hanging on their every word, she teased Grimm that the emperor had said many things worth publishing that would have to remain confidential. One topic for serious discussion was elementary schooling (it was Joseph, acting on the recommendation of Abbot Felbiger, who sent Jankovich to Russia in 1782). During ma.s.s at the Catholic cathedral, however, the two monarchs behaved with characteristic irreverence, 'laughing and talking more than we listened, with him as the cicerone and me as the gaping tourist'. Conscious that all Europe was hanging on their every word, she teased Grimm that the emperor had said many things worth publishing that would have to remain confidential. One topic for serious discussion was elementary schooling (it was Joseph, acting on the recommendation of Abbot Felbiger, who sent Jankovich to Russia in 1782). During ma.s.s at the Catholic cathedral, however, the two monarchs behaved with characteristic irreverence, 'laughing and talking more than we listened, with him as the cicerone and me as the gaping tourist'.68 'You will find him less boring than the king of Sweden, mark my words,' Catherine a.s.sured her son. 'You will find him less boring than the king of Sweden, mark my words,' Catherine a.s.sured her son.69 Though she became less respectful towards 'Caesar' when he proved to be a feeble general, it suited her to cast herself in a supporting role in 1780. As Harris reported from St Petersburg, 'the amiable qualities of the emperor seem particularly calculated to suit a sovereign, who possesses the art of pleasing in so eminent a degree'.70 Alarmed by the progress of events, the Prussians redoubled their efforts to discredit Joseph in Catherine's eyes. She was not to be taken in. 'You would do very little justice to the character of the empress of Russia,' Harris commented, 'if you supposed she admitted all this trash to dwell upon her mind, or that she was not enlightened enough to see the motives of such a language.' Alarmed by the progress of events, the Prussians redoubled their efforts to discredit Joseph in Catherine's eyes. She was not to be taken in. 'You would do very little justice to the character of the empress of Russia,' Harris commented, 'if you supposed she admitted all this trash to dwell upon her mind, or that she was not enlightened enough to see the motives of such a language.'71 The visit of the Prussian Crown Prince also backfired. Though he provided Catherine with a welcome excuse to absent herself from the Alexander Nevsky liturgy for the first time in her reign, Frederick William was otherwise a resounding flopcold, awkward and hard to like, even when he lost 500 roubles at a single game of cards. 'If his uncle ever went wrong in his political speculations,' Bezborodko remarked, 'then he should count this visit among his greatest mistakes.' The visit of the Prussian Crown Prince also backfired. Though he provided Catherine with a welcome excuse to absent herself from the Alexander Nevsky liturgy for the first time in her reign, Frederick William was otherwise a resounding flopcold, awkward and hard to like, even when he lost 500 roubles at a single game of cards. 'If his uncle ever went wrong in his political speculations,' Bezborodko remarked, 'then he should count this visit among his greatest mistakes.'72 By contrast, Count Cobenzl had found a perfect advocate for the Habsburg cause in the forty-five-year-old Prince de Ligne, a rakish cosmopolitan charmer with a penchant for the sorts of contrived witticism that Catherine loved best. Ligne, she duly reported to Grimm, was 'one of the easiest and most agreeable beings I have ever met; he is truly original, thinks profoundly and performs follies like a child'. By contrast, Count Cobenzl had found a perfect advocate for the Habsburg cause in the forty-five-year-old Prince de Ligne, a rakish cosmopolitan charmer with a penchant for the sorts of contrived witticism that Catherine loved best. Ligne, she duly reported to Grimm, was 'one of the easiest and most agreeable beings I have ever met; he is truly original, thinks profoundly and performs follies like a child'.73 Once the death of Maria Theresa in November 1780 had removed the last major obstacle to a formal alliance between Austria and Russia, it was delayed only by a dispute over protocol. Joseph, as Holy Roman Emperor, was unable to accept Catherine's status-conscious demand to sign first. She resolved the impa.s.se by proposing an exchange of private letters in place of a conventional treaty. In a secret exchange in May and June 1781, each vowed to support the other in the event of a Turkish attack. As soon as the little grand dukes had recovered from their inoculation, Paul and his wife were packed off to Vienna on 19 September in an attempt to bring them round to Catherine's way of thinking. In such a political climate, there was no further room for the disappointed advocate of the Northern System. Panin had not been taken to Mogilev and had failed in his attempts to prevent Paul's Grand Tour: three days after the departure of his former pupil, he was unceremoniously sacked.74

'The big noise has arrived,' Mozart reported to his father when Paul reached Vienna in November. 'I have been looking about for Russian popular songs, so as to be able to play variations on them.'75 Though at first the grand duke made a poor impression, scarcely troubling to conceal his preference for Berlin, Joseph brought his visitor round by balancing a series of magnificent Court b.a.l.l.s with a tantalising glimpse of his own working methods. He even showed the grand duke his secret correspondence with Catherine. Though at first the grand duke made a poor impression, scarcely troubling to conceal his preference for Berlin, Joseph brought his visitor round by balancing a series of magnificent Court b.a.l.l.s with a tantalising glimpse of his own working methods. He even showed the grand duke his secret correspondence with Catherine.76 After six weeks as his guests, Paul and Maria Fedorovna moved on to Italy, travelling semi-incognito as the count and countess of the North. After visiting Venice, Rome and Naples, they reached Florence as guests of Joseph's brother. Having been irritated by Paul's enthusiasm for the Venetian republicit was easy enough for such a tiny state to put its affairs in order, she told himCatherine was relieved to learn of his admiration for Archduke Leopold's enlightened regime in Tuscany. After six weeks as his guests, Paul and Maria Fedorovna moved on to Italy, travelling semi-incognito as the count and countess of the North. After visiting Venice, Rome and Naples, they reached Florence as guests of Joseph's brother. Having been irritated by Paul's enthusiasm for the Venetian republicit was easy enough for such a tiny state to put its affairs in order, she told himCatherine was relieved to learn of his admiration for Archduke Leopold's enlightened regime in Tuscany.77 Throughout their tour, which reached its climax with an adulatory reception in Paris at the beginning of May 1782, she kept in regular touch with her children, regaling them with news of their sons' progress in her care. No less revealing are the letters sent to a member of Paul's entourage, Prince Kurakin, by his former tutor, which tell us much about the rhythms of life at Court over the winter of 17812. Throughout their tour, which reached its climax with an adulatory reception in Paris at the beginning of May 1782, she kept in regular touch with her children, regaling them with news of their sons' progress in her care. No less revealing are the letters sent to a member of Paul's entourage, Prince Kurakin, by his former tutor, which tell us much about the rhythms of life at Court over the winter of 17812.78 In political terms, the autumn was uneventful. Despite public expectations of changes in the wake of Panin's dismissal, there were no civic or military promotions either on Catherine's name day or on St Andrew's Day. For once the empress had resisted what Bezborodko called 'her habit of making alterations'.79 He himself proved the only exception to the rule, continuing his inexorable rise by being placed in charge of the postal service on 1 December. He himself proved the only exception to the rule, continuing his inexorable rise by being placed in charge of the postal service on 1 December.

Meanwhile, the empress's 'hermitages' continued on Thursdays and Sundays, despite a scare in late October when a lackey discovered three intruders under some matting in a vacant room. One turned out to be a deserter from the army, another a fugitive serf from Moscow. While the third escaped the guards, Catherine ordered her two prisoners to be handed over to the police to face the criminal courts. Her concern with justice remained undimmed. In an attempt to evade the delays about which delegates to the Legislative Commission had complained, the Provincial Reform had created 'conscience courts'. The empress boasted to Grimm in 1776 that they were already 'working wonders' and would prove 'the tomb of chicanery'.80 If that was a triumph of hope over expectation, new courts were soon hard at work as far away as Bashkiria, more in the manner of modern arbitration tribunals than of the English equity courts on which they may have been based. 'Only those with no conscience would refuse to serve in a conscience court,' Catherine insisted to her secretary in April 1782. And again in July: 'The conscience court is the pulse showing the morals of each province.' If that was a triumph of hope over expectation, new courts were soon hard at work as far away as Bashkiria, more in the manner of modern arbitration tribunals than of the English equity courts on which they may have been based. 'Only those with no conscience would refuse to serve in a conscience court,' Catherine insisted to her secretary in April 1782. And again in July: 'The conscience court is the pulse showing the morals of each province.'81 To reinforce those morals, she had promulgated a lengthy Police Ordinance on 8 Aprilliterally a 'statute of good order'which not only determined the procedures and punitive powers of urban police boards, but also embodied the Cameralist conception of 'police' as a rational, creative force for shaping her subjects' behaviour. To that end, police boards were provided with a characteristic instruction, 'The Mirror of the Police', incorporating moral injunctions reminiscent of the empress's To reinforce those morals, she had promulgated a lengthy Police Ordinance on 8 Aprilliterally a 'statute of good order'which not only determined the procedures and punitive powers of urban police boards, but also embodied the Cameralist conception of 'police' as a rational, creative force for shaping her subjects' behaviour. To that end, police boards were provided with a characteristic instruction, 'The Mirror of the Police', incorporating moral injunctions reminiscent of the empress's Russian primer Russian primer: 'do not unto others what you would not wish to be done unto you'.82 While Catherine was at work on this new statute, the Court had embarked on its usual round of formal entertainments. Panin's dismissal had cleared the way for Potemkin to arrange suitable marriages for his nieces in the autumn of 1781. Not that he ever released his hold over them. Count Skavronsky soon discovered that his wedding on 5 September to Catherine Engelhardt had not ended her incestuous relationship with her uncle. Alexandra, who had replaced Praskovya Bruce in the empress's affections, was married off to the forty-nine-year-old Count Branicki as a way of staking Potemkin's claims in Poland.83 No banquets followed these weddings, much to the irritation of the more elderly relatives, who were displeased to find old customs ignored. As a further sign of the pa.s.sing of the generations, the ageing Hofmeisterin Countess Maria Rumyantseva, who had once danced with Peter the Great, was chosen to partner little Alexander at the ball on Catherine's name day. Rumours that the Engelhardts' eleven-year-old sister would be made a maid of honour turned out to be false. The St George's Day ceremony was notable mainly for Catherine's anger when Princess Repnin was the sole Court lady to appear in chapel. Already irritated by the low turnout earlier in the monthwhen her maids of honour had been happy to watch the banquet for the s.e.m.e.novsky officers from the gallery, but not to attend ma.s.sCatherine instructed the Hofmarshal to fine future absentees ten roubles. In that respect, she was no different from the Empress Elizabeth. No banquets followed these weddings, much to the irritation of the more elderly relatives, who were displeased to find old customs ignored. As a further sign of the pa.s.sing of the generations, the ageing Hofmeisterin Countess Maria Rumyantseva, who had once danced with Peter the Great, was chosen to partner little Alexander at the ball on Catherine's name day. Rumours that the Engelhardts' eleven-year-old sister would be made a maid of honour turned out to be false. The St George's Day ceremony was notable mainly for Catherine's anger when Princess Repnin was the sole Court lad