[218] In the Record Office, abstracted (much condensed) in _Henry VIII.

Calendar_, vol. 16. For the purposes of this book I have used the original ma.n.u.scripts.

[219] In the curious and detailed but in many respects unveracious account of the affair given in the _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, edited by the present writer, it is distinctly stated that Culpeper made his confession on the threat of the rack in the Tower. He is made in this account to say that he was deeply in love with Katharine before her marriage, and had fallen ill with grief when she became Henry's wife. She had taken pity upon him, and had arranged a meeting at Richmond, which had been betrayed to Hertford by one of Katharine's servants. The writer of the _Chronicle_ (Guaras), who had good sources of information and was a close observer, did not believe that any guilty act had been committed by Katharine after her marriage.

[220] Record Office, State Papers, 1, 721. The Duke had gone to demand of his stepmother Derham's box of papers. He found that she had already overhauled them and destroyed many of them. In his conversation with her, she admitted that she knew Katharine was immoral before marriage.

[221] The Commissioners included Michael Dormer, Lord Mayor, Lord Chancellor Audley, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with the Lords of the Council and judges. Norfolk, in order to show his zeal and freedom from complicity, jeered and laughed as the examination of the prisoners proceeded. For a similar reason he brought his son, the Earl of Surrey, to the trial: and it was noted that both the Queen's brothers and those of Culpeper rode about the city unconcernedly, in order to prove that they had no sympathy with the accused. As soon as the trial was over, however, Norfolk retired to Kenninghall, some said by the King's orders, and rumours were rife that not only was he in disgrace, but that danger to him portended. We shall see that his fate was deferred for a time, as Henry needed his military aid in the coming wars with Scotland and France, and he was the only soldier of experience and authority in England.

[222] One of Katharine's love letters to Culpeper, written during the progress in the North, is in the Record Office; and although it does not offer direct corroboration of guilt, it would have offered good presumptive evidence, and is, to say the least of it, an extremely indiscreet letter for a married woman and a queen to write to a man who had been her lover before her marriage. The letter is all in Katharine's writing except the first line. "Master Culpeper," it runs, "I heartily recommend me unto you, praying you to send me word how that you do. I did hear that ye were sick and I never longed so much for anything as to see you. It maketh my heart to die when I do think that I cannot always be in your company. Come to me when my Lady Rochford be here, for then I shall be best at leisure to be at your commandment. I do thank you that you have promised to be good to that poor fellow my man; for when he is gone there be none I dare trust to send to you. I pray you to give me a horse for my man, for I have much ado to get one, and therefore I pray you send me one by him, and in so doing I am as I said before: and thus I take my leave of you trusting to see you shortly again; and I would you were with me now that you might see what pain I take in writing to you. Yours as long as life endures, Katheryn. One thing I had forgotten, and that is to speak to my man. Entreat him to tarry here with me still, for he says whatsoever you order he will do it." The letter is extremely illiterate in style and spelling. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.)

[223] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part 1.

[224] Marillac Correspondence, ed. Kaulec. There is a transcript in the Record Office and abstracts in the _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.

[225] They were soon afterwards pardoned.

[226] This difficulty seems to have been met by sending to the unhappy girl a committee of the Council to invite her to appear in person and defend herself if she pleased; but she threw herself entirely upon the King's mercy, and admitted that she deserved death. This facilitated her condemnation, and there was no more difficulty. The Duke of Suffolk in the House of Lords and Wriothesley stated that she had "confessed her great crime" to the deputation of the Council, but exactly what or how much she confessed is not known. She most solemnly a.s.sured the Bishop of Lincoln (White) in her last hours that she had not offended criminally after her marriage; and as has been pointed out in the text, she is not specifically charged with having done so in the indictment. This might be, of course, to save the King's honour as much as possible; but taking all things into consideration, the probability is that no guilty act had been committed since the marriage, though it is clear that Katharine was fluttering perilously close to the flame.

[227] This was Anne Ba.s.sett. Lord Lisle, the illegitimate son of Edward IV., was at this time released from his unjust imprisonment in the Tower, but died immediately.

[228] Chapuys to the Emperor, 29th January 1542.

[229] The accounts of Chapuys, Hall, and Ottewell Johnson say simply that she confessed her faults and made a Christian end. The _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._ gives an account of her speech of which the above is a summary.

[230] The book which, although it was largely Gardiner's work, was called "The King's Book," or "The Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of any Christian Man," laid down afresh the doctrines to be accepted. It was authorised by Parliament in May 1543, and greatly straitened the creed prescribed in 1537. Just previously a large number of persecutions were begun against those who questioned Transubstantiation (see Foxe), and printers were newly harried for daring to print books not in accordance with the King's proclamation. Strict inquests were also held through London for any householders who ate meat in Lent, the young, turbulent Earl of Surrey being one of the offenders. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol.

17, part 1.) It is to be noted, however, that, side by side with these anti-Protestant measures, greater efforts than ever were made to emphasise the King's supremacy; the Ma.s.s Books being carefully revised in order to eliminate all reference even indirectly to the Pope, and to saints not mentioned in the Bible.

[231] In his account of these and similar interviews Chapuys dwells much upon Gardiner's anxiety to adopt the best course to induce Henry to enter into the agreement. He begged the imperial amba.s.sador not to rub the King the wrong way by dwelling upon the advantage to accrue to England from the alliance. (_Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part 2.)

[232] The treaty is in the Record Office. Printed in full in Rymer.

[233] At the time of Katharine's marriage, her brother, Lord Parr, was on the Scottish border as Warden of the Marches; and a few days after the wedding the new Queen-Consort wrote to him from Oatlands saying that "it having pleased G.o.d to incline the King to take her as his wife, which is the greatest joy and comfort that could happen to her, she desires to inform her brother of it, as the person who has most cause to rejoice thereat. She requires him to let her hear sometimes of his health as friendly as if she had not been called to this honour." (_Henry VIII.

Calendar_, vol. 18, part 1.)

[234] It depends upon a metrical family history written by Katharine's cousin, Sir Thomas Throckmorton.

[235] The doc.u.ment is in the Record Office. About half way down the margin is written, "For your daughter." At the top is written, "Lady Latimer."

[236] The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ thus portrays Katharine's character: "She was quieter than any of the young wives the King had, and as she knew more of the world she always got on pleasantly with the King and had no caprices. She had much honour to Lady Mary and the wives of the n.o.bles, but she kept her ladies very strictly.... The King was very well satisfied with her."

[237] Many years afterwards when Parr, then Marquis of Northampton and a leading anti-Catholic, was with other n.o.bles urging Queen Elizabeth to drop shilly-shally and get married in earnest, the Queen, who was of course playing a deep game which they did not understand, turned upon Parr in a rage and told him that he was a nice fellow to talk about marriage, considering how he had managed his own matrimonial affairs. (Hume, "Courtships of Queen Elizabeth.")

[238] Record Office. _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 18, part 1.

[239] _Spanish State Papers, Calendar_, vol. 6, part 2. The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (Guaras) says that the King ordered Anne to come to the wedding, but if that be the case there is no record of her presence; though all the other guests and witnesses are enumerated in the notarial deed attesting the marriage. The Spanish chronicler puts into Anne's mouth, as a sign of her indifference, a somewhat ill-natured gibe at the "burden that Madam Katharine hath taken upon herself," explaining that she referred to the King's immense bulk. "The King was so fat that such a man had never been seen. Three of the biggest men that could be found could get inside his doublet." Anne's trouble with regard to her brother was soon at an end. The Emperor's troops crushed him completely, and in September he begged for mercy on his knees, receiving the disputed duchies from Charles as an imperial fief. Anne's mother, who had stoutly resisted the Emperor's claims upon her duchies, died of grief during the campaign.

[240] Strype's "Memorials of Cranmer."

[241] Strype's "Memorials," Foxe's "Acts and Monuments," and Burnet; all of whom followed the account given by Cranmer's secretary Morice as to Cranmer's part.

[242] Morice's anecdotes in "Narratives of the Reformation," Camden Society. See also Strype's "Memorials" and Foxe. The MS. record of the whole investigation is in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. I am indebted for this fact to my friend Dr. James Gairdner, C.B.

[243] How necessary this was is seen by the strenuous efforts, even thus late, of the Pope to effect a reconciliation between Charles and Francis rather than acquiesce in a combination between the former and the excommunicated King of England. Paul III. sent his grandson, Cardinal Farnese, in November 1543 to Flanders and to the Emperor with this object; but Charles was determined, and told the Cardinal in no gentle terms that the Pope's dallying with the infidel Turks, and Francis' intrigues with the Lutherans, were a hundred times worse than his own alliance with the schismatic King of England. (_Spanish Calendar_, vol. 7.)

[244] Hertford had sacked Edinburgh and Leith and completely cowed the Scots before the letter was written. His presence in London at a crisis was therefore more necessary than on the Border.

[245] _Hatfield Papers_, Hist. MSS. Commission, part 1.

[246] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 7. This reparation to Mary had been urged very strongly by the Emperor, ever since the negotiations began. Mary, however, was not legitimated, and not only came after Edward, but also after any children Katharine might bear. The Queen undoubtedly urged Mary's cause.

[247] It was constantly noted by foreign visitors that English ladies were kissed on the lips by men. It appears to have been quite an English custom, and greatly surprised Spaniards, who kept their women in almost oriental seclusion.

[248] MSS. British Museum, Add. 8219, fol. 114.

[249] A full account of his visit and service will be found in my _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ In the _Spanish Calendar_ and in the _Chronicle_ it is a.s.serted that the Duke stayed with Henry very unwillingly and at the Emperor's request.

[250] We are told that even the sails of his ship were of cloth of silver, and probably no King of England ever took the field under such splendid conditions before or since.

[251] Hearne's _Sylloge_.

[252] "Prayers and Meditations," London, 1545. The prayer is printed at length by Miss Strickland, as well as several extracts from Katharine's "Lamentations of a Sinner," which show that she had studied Vives and Guevara.

[253] Although this letter is always a.s.signed to the period when Henry was at Boulogne, I have very considerable doubt as to its having been written then. I should be inclined to ascribe it to the following year.

[254] The following is his letter to Katharine informing her of this: "At the closing up of these our letters this day the castle aforesaid with the d.y.k.e is at our commandment, and not like to be recovered by the Frenchmen again, as we trust, not doubting with G.o.d's grace but that the castle and town shall shortly follow the same trade, for as this day, which is the 8th September, we began three batteries and have three mines going, besides one which hath done its execution, shaking and tearing off one of their greatest bulwarks. No more to you at this time, sweetheart, but for lack of time and great occupations of business, saving we pray you to give in our name our hearty blessings to all our children, and recommendations to our cousin Margaret, and the rest of the ladies and gentlewomen, and to our Council also. Written with the hand of your loving husband--HENRY R."--"Royal Letters."

[255] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.

[256] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.

[257] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.

[258] _Ibid._ The d.u.c.h.ess of Suffolk, a great friend of Katharine Parr's, and widow of Charles Brandon, who had recently died, was the daughter of a Spanish lady and of Lord Willoughby D'Eresby, which t.i.tle she inherited.

She soon after married one of her esquires, Francis Bertie, and became a strong Protestant.

[259] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume. September 1546.

[260] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume. September 1546.

[261] Surrey prompted his sister on this occasion to appeal to the King for permission to marry Seymour, and to act in such a way that the King might fall in love with her, and make her his mistress, "so that she might have as much power as the d.u.c.h.ess d'Etampes in France." The suggestion was specially atrocious, as she was the widow of Henry's son.

[262] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.

[263] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ Hume.

[264] The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ makes Paget and his wife the first promoters of the match between Seymour and Katharine, though I can find no confirmation of his story. He says that the Queen being in the great hall with her ladies and Princess Mary, Lord Seymour came in as had been arranged, looking very handsome. Lady Paget whispered to the Queen an inquiry as to what she thought of the Lord Admiral's looks, to which Katharine replied that she liked his looks very much. "All the ill I wish you, Madam," whispered Lady Paget, "is that he should become your husband." "I could wish that it had been my fate to have him for a husband," replied Katharine; "but G.o.d hath so placed me that any lowering of my condition would be a reproach to me." The arguments used to both lovers by Lady Paget are then detailed, and the final consent of Katharine to accept Seymour. There may have been a small germ of truth in this account, but it can hardly have happened as described, in view of the correspondence of the lovers now before us.

[265] This use of the words brother and sister as referring to the Herberts, who were no relations of Seymour's, indicates that the latter and the Queen were already betrothed.