(1) Drawing water from a well. (2) For a devotee at a well. (3) Collecting flowers for dressing the well. (4) Making a cake for presentation. (5) Gifts to the well [a gold ring, silver pin, and probably a garter]. (6) Command of silence. (7) The presence of devotee at the sacred bush. (8) The reverential att.i.tude (indicated by the bowing and falling on the ground).

I can now add another incident, that of the devotee creeping through a sacred bush or tree (signified by the creeping under or getting enclosed within the arms of the leaders). These are all incidents of primitive well worship.

I have from many different versions pieced together the lines as they might appear in earlier versions (i. p. 107).

This restoration, though it is far from complete, shows clearly enough that the incidents belong to a ceremonial of primitive well worship.

Dressing holy wells with garlands and flowers is very general; cakes were eaten at Rorrington Well, Shropshire, and offerings of pins, b.u.t.tons, and portions of the dress, as well as small articles worn on the person, are very general; silence is enforced in many instances, and sacred trees and bushes are to be found at nearly all holy wells.

Offerings are sometimes hung in the bushes and trees, sometimes thrown into the well. Miss Burne records in _Shropshire Folk-Lore_ (pp. 414, 433, 434) that at Rorrington Green, in the parish of Chirbury, is a holy well, at which a wake was celebrated on Ascension Day. The well was adorned with green bowers, rushes, and flowers, and a maypole was set up. The people used to walk round the hill with fife, drum, and fiddle, dancing and frolicking as they went. They threw pins into the well for good luck, and to prevent them from being bewitched, and they also drank the water. Cakes were eaten. These were round flat buns, from three to four inches across, sweetened, spiced, and marked with a cross, and were supposed to bring good luck if kept.

Instances of similar practices at holy wells could be multiplied, and they are exhaustively examined in my husband's book on _Ethnology in Folk-Lore_. Halliwell records in his nursery rhymes what is perhaps the oldest printed version of the rhyme. He says the children form a long string, hand in hand; one stands in front as leader, two hold up their clasped hands to form an arch, and the children pa.s.s under; the last is taken prisoner. Though this way of playing does not appear to be used now-no version, at least, has reached me-it is clear that the game might be played in this way, probably as a commencement of the ceremonial, and then the other positions might follow. Halliwell may not have recorded it minutely or have heard of it as a whole, or the version sent him may have been in degenerate form. It is, however, clear that the arch form here indicates a ceremonial, and not the taking of a prisoner.

"Oranges and Lemons" (vol. ii. pp. 25-35) is the best-known game of the arch form, followed by the contest or tug-of-war. In this game two players, sometimes chosen by lot, clasp hands and form an arch. They have each a name, which is secret. One is called "Orange," the other is "Lemon." They sing the words of the game-rhyme, and the other players run under the arch in a long line or string. At the close of the verses which ends with the line, "Here comes a chopper to chop off your head,"

one of the string of players is caught and is asked which she prefers, orange or lemon. She chooses, and is told to stand behind that leader who took that name. This is repeated until all the players have been separately caught, have chosen their side, and are standing behind the respective leaders, holding on to each other by clasping each other's waists. A line is then drawn on the ground, and both sides pull; each endeavours to drag the other over the line. The tug is generally continued until one side falls to the ground. Now this is an undoubted contest, but I do not think the contest is quite of the same kind as the line game of contest and fighting. The line form is one of invaders and invaded, and the fight is for territory. In this form it seems to me that the contest is more of a social contest, that is, between people of the same place, perhaps between parishes and wards of parishes, or burghers and apprentices (townspeople) on one side, and the followers of lords or barons (military power) on the other, or of two lords and barons. The leaders are chosen by lot. Each leader has a "cry" or "colour," which he calls out, and the other players run and place themselves under the banner they choose.

In my account of this game I draw particular attention to the following details:-The game indicates contest and a punishment, and although the sequence is not clear, as the execution precedes the contest, that is not of particular importance in view of the power of the old baronial lords to threaten and execute those of their following who did not join their armed retainers when required. All rhymes of this game deal with saints' names and with bell ringing. Now, the only places where it would be probable for bells to be a.s.sociated with different saints' names in one area would be the old parish units of cities and boroughs. The bells were rung on all occasions when it was necessary to call the people together. The "alarm" bell tolling quickly filled the open s.p.a.ces and market-places of the towns, and it is a well-known fact that serious contests and contest games between parishes and wards of parishes were frequent. The names "oranges" and "lemons," given to the leaders in the game, usually considered to be the fruits of these names, are, in my opinion, the names of the "colours" of the two rival factions.

The pa.s.sing under the arch in this game is not absolutely necessary in order that the players may exercise their choice of leaders, nor is the "secrecy" which is observed necessary either. Even this may have its origin in custom. It may signify the compulsory attendance of a va.s.sal under pain of punishment to serve one side, or the taking prisoner and condemning to death for serving on the opponents' or losing side. An idea is current that it represents cutting off the last person's head, the last of the string or line of players, and in some places the last one in the line is always caught instead of one whom the leaders choose to enclose in their arms. Of course a "laggard" or late arrival would be liable to suspicion and punishment, and this idea may be suggested in the game; but I do not think that the game originates from the idea of catching a "last" player. The pa.s.sing under the arch can also be attributed to the custom of compelling prisoners to pa.s.s under a yoke to signify servitude, and the threat of execution would follow attempt to escape or disobedience. Again, prisoners were offered life and freedom on condition of joining the army of their opponents.

The other games of this method of play, "Three Days' Holiday," and "Tug of War," are the same game under other names, with only a nominy surviving, and the method of play. Several games entered under the t.i.tle of "Through the Needle Eye," are really the "arch" type with the "tug,"

that is the "Oranges and Lemons" game, instead of belonging to the "Thread the Needle" or first form of arch type, as they are usually considered. The Scottish form, described by Jamieson (ii. p. 290), is an exception which should have been included with "Thread the Needle," to which group it belongs. The other games, "Through the Needle Eye," have lost a portion of their play, which probably accounts for the mixture of name with the "Thread the Needle" games, because of both containing the arch form. "Namers and Guessers," "Fool, Fool, come to School," "Little Dog, I call you," practically versions of one and the same game, which I have cla.s.sed in this type because of the "tug," have an additional element of guessing in them. The leader or namer on one side and the guesser on the other take sides. All the players have names given them, and it is the first business of the guesser to guess which of the players has taken a particular name. If he guesses correctly, he takes that player on his side; if incorrectly, he stays on the namer's side.

After he has "guessed" at all the players, the "tug" follows, and the beaten side has further to run the gauntlet between two lines of the successful side. This game, having all its players chosen by guessing, by what might have been originally choosing by "lot" or by magical powers, may have an entirely different meaning, but it is clearly a contest game, although there is no indication as to the why or wherefore. The punishment of "running the gauntlet" is found in the game, which again indicates military fighting.

This group of games, though small, is perhaps one of the most indicative of early custom, for beyond the custom which is enshrined in each game-foundation sacrifice, well worship, &c.-it will be noticed there is a common custom belonging to all the games of this group; this is the procession under the arch. The fact that this common custom can also be referred to primitive usage, confirms my view that the particular customs in each game owe their origin to primitive usage. Mr. W. Crooke has very kindly supplied me with some notes on this interesting subject, and I gladly avail myself of his research:-

"In Cairo, women walk under the stone on which criminals are decapitated, in the hope of curing ophthalmia and getting children.

They must go in silence, and left foot foremost."-Lane, _Modern Egyptians_, i. p. 325; Hartland, _Perseus_, i. p. 163.

"Rheumatism and lumbago cured by crawling under granitic ma.s.ses in Cornwall."-Hunt, _Popular Romances_, p. 177.

"Pa.s.sing children under bramble to cure rupture."-_Ibid._, pp. 412, 415.

"This cures chincough."-Aubrey, _Remains_, p. 187.

"In Scotland, sick children are pa.s.sed through the great stones of Odin at Stennis, and through a perforated monolith at Burkham, in Yorkshire."-Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, i. p. 13.

"Barren women pa.s.s their hands through the holes of the Bore Stone at Gask in order to obtain children."-_Ibid._, iii. p. 227.

"Similar rites prevail in Cyprus."-Hogarth, _Devia Cypria_, p. 48; Gardner, _New Chapters in Greek History_, p. 172.

"This again gives rise to the use of the gateway through which pilgrims pa.s.s to temples. Such are the Indian Torana, in this shape, which are represented by the Torio, so common in j.a.pan.

"The Greeks had the same, which they called Dokana (d??a?a, from d????, 'a beam'). With them they represented the Dioscuri-Castor and Pollux. They are described by Plutarch."-_De Amor. Fratr._, i. p.

36.

"Similar arches, covered with charms, were seen at Dahomi by Burton."-_Mission to Gelele_, i. pp. 218, 286.

"Women in England creep under a gallows to get children." (I have mislaid the reference.)

"There are many 'creeps' or narrow holes in Irish dolmens certainly used by people, who had to creep in to worship the ghost or bring offerings. Captives intended to be slaughtered had to creep through such places."-Borlase, _Dolmens of Ireland_, ii. p. 554.

"Barren women pa.s.s their hands through such holes."-_Ibid._, ii. p.

650.

"A good picture of such a stone from France."-_Ibid._, ii. pp. 626, 700, 702, 707.

Mr. Albany F. Major has also kindly drawn my attention to the following interesting pa.s.sages from the sagas, which Dr. Jon Stefansson has kindly translated as follows:-

"In old times this had been the custom of brave men, who made an agreement (pact) that the one who lived the longest should revenge the other's death. They were to go under three earth-sods, and that was their oath (eir). This ceremony (leikr) of theirs was in this wise, that three long earth-sods (turfs) should be cut loose. All the ends were to be fast in the ground (adhere to it), but the coils (bends) were to be pulled upward, so that a man might go under them. This play Thorgeir and Thormod went through."-_Fostbraedra Saga_, ed. 1822, ch. i. p. 7.

"Now is spread about this report of Thorkell and his men, but Gudmund had before told [the story] somewhat otherwise. Now that tale seemed to those kinsmen of Thorarins somewhat doubtful, and they said they would not put trust in it without proof, and they claimed for themselves [to share] half the property with Thorkell, but Thorkell thought to own it himself alone, and bade go to ordeal after their custom. This was then the [form of] ordeal at that time, that they should go under an earth-belt, that is, a sod [which] was ripped up from the field. The ends of the sod must be fast in the field, but the man who was to perform the ordeal must go thereunder.

Thorkell of the Scarf somewhat suspects whether the death of those men can have happened in the way that Gudmund and his men had said the latter time. Now, heathen men thought that they had no less at stake, when they had to play such a part, than Christian men think nowadays when ordeals are held. Then the man who went under the earth-belt was clear if the sod fell not on him. Thorkell took counsel with two men that they should let themselves fall out about something or other, and be there standing near at hand when the ordeal was being performed, and should touch the sod so hard that all might see that they brought it down. After this the man who was to perform the ordeal starts, and as soon as he was come under the earth-belt those men who were set to do it sprang to meet each other under arms, and they encounter near the bend of the sod and lie fallen there, and the earth-belt fell down, as was to be expected.

At once men spring between them and separate them; that was easy, because they were fighting with no risk to life. Thorkell of the Scarf asked what people thought of the ordeal; now all his men say that it would have done well if no one had spoilt it. Then Thorkell took all the loose property, but the land is joined on to Hrappstead."-_Laxdaela Saga_, ch. xviii.

"Berg gave notice of the blow for the Hunawaterthing and began the lawsuit there. As soon as men came to the thing they tried to arrange a settlement. Berg said that he would not take payment in atonement, and would only be reconciled under these terms, that Jokull should go under three earth-belts, as was then the custom after great transgressions, 'and thus show humility towards me.'

Jokull said the trolls should take him before he thus bowed himself.

Thorstein said it was a matter for consideration, 'and I will go under the earth-belts.' Berg said then would the matter be paid for.

The first earth-belt reached to the shoulder, the next to the waist-belt, the third to mid-thigh. Then Thorstein went under the first. Then said Berg: 'Now I make thee stoop like a swine, who wast the loftiest of the Vatnsdale men.' Thorstein answers, 'That hadst thou no need to say, but this will be the first return for those words, that I will not go under any more.' Finnbogi said, 'That is clearly not well said, but then not much comes in repayment for Berg's wrong, that he gat from Jokull, if the matter shall here come to a standstill, and everything seems to you lowly by the side of you Vatnsdale men, and I will challenge thee, Thorstein, to holm-gang a week hence by the stackyard which stands on the island down before my farm at Borg.'"-_Vatnsdaela Saga_, ch. x.x.xiii.

These significant customs, I think, bear out my theory as to the origin of the games played in the two methods of the arch form.

Lastly, I come to the "winding up" games. "Eller Tree" (i. p. 119) and "Wind up the Bush f.a.ggot" (ii. pp. 384-387), show a game in which a tree or bush is represented, and is probably indicative of tree worship. The tallest player represents the tree, and all the other players walk round and round in line form, getting closer and closer each time, until all are wound round the centre player. They call out when winding round "The old tree gets thicker and thicker," and then jump all together, calling out "A bunch of rags," and try and tread on each other's toes. This last action is evidently performed from not understanding the action of stamping, which is, without doubt, the object of the players. It is probable that this game descends from the custom of encircling the tree (Mr. Addy suggests the alder-tree) as an act of worship, and the allusion to the "rags" bears at least a curious relationship to hanging rags on sacred trees. A ceremonial of this kind would probably take place each spring, and the stamping on the ground would be, as in "Oats and Beans and Barley," a part of the ceremony to awake and arouse the earth spirit to the necessity of his care for the trees under his charge. The connection of all the players, by means of the clasped hands, with the central figure or tree, may also be considered a means of communicating life and action to it; the tree requiring contact with living and moving creatures to enable it to put forth its leaves. In a version of this game from Lincoln, called the "Old Oak Tree" (ii. p.

386), we find practically the same words and same actions, the dancing round and jumping up and down are constant features of this game. It remains in some degenerate versions from Scotland (_ibid._), where the game has a.s.sumed the modern name of "Rolling Tobacco." In "Wind up the Bush f.a.ggot" we have again the tree or bush suggested, and the dancing and jumping, or stamping up and down. In Shropshire it is the closing game of any playtime, and was played before "breaking-up" at a boys'

school in Shrewsbury in 1850-1856. This tends to show that the game had originally been played at a special time or season.

For an example of this custom I may repeat (from ii. p. 386) that in mid-Cornwall, in the second week in June, at St. Roche and one or two adjacent parishes, a curious dance, like a serpent's coil, is performed at the annual "feasts." The young people are a.s.sembled in a meadow, and the band plays a lively tune. The band leads, and all the people follow hand in hand. The band or head keeps marching in an ever-narrowing circle, while its train of dancing followers becomes coiled round it in circle after circle. Then the band, taking a sharp turn about, begins to retrace the circle, still followed as before, and a number of young men, with long leafy branches in their hands as standards, direct this counter-movement. Although there is no mention of a tree in the account round which this ceremony is performed, the custom is so striking as to leave very little doubt of their connection. Lady Wilde (_Ancient Cures, Charms, and Usages of Ireland_, p. 106) says, "On May-Day in Ireland all the young men and maidens hold hands, and dance in a circle round a tree hung with ribbons or garlands, or round a bonfire, moving in curves from left to right, as if imitating the windings of a serpent." This is a closer parallel to the game still, and leaves no doubt as to its connection with custom. There may be, too, some connection between these winding-up or serpentine dances and the Maypole dances on May-Day in England.

The detail into which I have gone in the case of these games makes it, I think, unnecessary that I should enter into equal detail in other customs mentioned in the cla.s.sification. Thus, with regard to the funeral customs indicated in "Jenny Jones," we have not only a ceremony of burial, but the courting of a maiden or maidens by a band of suitors, the opposition of the mother or guardians to their suit, the putting forward of domestic occupations as pretexts for refusal; there is also the illness, dying and death of the maiden, the manner of her funeral indicated by the colour selected for her burial, followed by the burial itself, the singing of the lament or funeral dirge, and, in some versions, the rising of the ghost or spirit of the departed. This game in its best versions is played in line form. But in those versions where two children only play the parts of "mother" and "Jenny Jones," there is also evidence of the tendency of the game to develop into the individual form.

Again, those games in which "guessing" occurs remind us of the important part that guessing or chance plays in the beliefs of the savage and uncivilised. A person who, by a guess, discovers a special person out of a number, or the exact number of articles concealed in a hand or under a foot, has something of the supernatural or witch-element about him. This is largely the foundation of the belief in witchcraft and the sorcerer.

It is not surprising to find, therefore, the guessing-element largely extant in the dramatic game. The "guesser" is usually chosen by lot by means of the counting-out rhyme; the leader then proceeds to confuse the guesser's or witch's mind by re-naming secretly the rest of the players.

He calls the "guesser," and in a doggerel rhyme (the remains or imitation probably of an incantation), tells him to pick out or name a certain person or thing. If the guess is correct, the "guesser" takes that person to his side, indicating power over that individual or thing.

If the "guesser" is unsuccessful, he is scouted, mocked, and ill-used.

I now proceed with the second cla.s.sification referred to on p. 461. Of the games cla.s.sified on pp. 461-470, _ante_, it will be found on examination that nearly all of them are dramatic in form. This leads me at once to suggest that so important a phase of their character needs separate investigation, and this I proceed to do.

In the first place, it will be found that certain of the games are wholly dramatic whatever may be the customs or rites they imitate. These games are of two cla.s.ses-first, where dramatic action is complete throughout the whole game, that is where singing, action, and words are represented; secondly, where singing has dropped out, action and words only remaining.

These two cla.s.ses are as follows:-

DRAMATIC GAMES.

(1) SINGING (_containing words, tune, action_).

All the Boys.

Babbity Bowster.

Booman.