The Southerners who did not come until the fight was all over, did all the bl.u.s.tering and had the most to say. They did certainly call us anything but gentlemen, and also were very indignant because Brinsmaid had been taken prisoner. "You Yankee ---- ----, get in line there with your n.i.g.g.e.r brother!" was the first order we got. We were taken to the edge of the woods and everything was confiscated, whether of value or not. The enemy wrangled considerably among themselves, with the result that George Brinsmaid was taken to a tree about fifty yards from us, a horse's halter put around his neck, and he was hanged on one of the limbs; then two charges of buckshot were fired into his breast. The poor fellow never spoke a word after leaving the brig. In the fight his left hand had been shot off by buckshot, but not a groan was heard from him.

Some of the Confederates proposed hanging all of us, on account of having a "n.i.g.g.e.r" with us, and, judging from what I had seen of their actions, I almost came to the conclusion that the proposition would be carried out. However, in a little while the excitement pa.s.sed away and they began to be sociable. The wounded were all examined and wads of raw cotton put into the wounds. One man came to me with his left hand bandaged up. He inquired if I was badly hurt.

"Well," says he, "you're in luck to be alive now. I took deliberate aim at you as you stood with your back towards me while loading your rifle.

My ---- shotgun burst and blowed off three of my fingers, and that is what saved you."

In his eagerness to kill a Yankee, he had put too heavy a charge in his gun, and it had burst just where he gripped the barrels with his left hand. My sack coat was cut in several places. One shot struck me in the arm near the shoulder and went about six inches between the muscles towards the elbow. That little piece of lead has been my constant companion for just thirty-four years the 5th of December. I can always tell when wet weather is coming, by feeling a dull pain in my right arm.

During the general conversation, I found out the cause of so many men being ready to receive us on sh.o.r.e. It seems that the first sh.e.l.l we had fired from the brig went very high over the schooner and landed in the camp in the woods. They were enjoying an after-breakfast smoke when it fell in their midst. It was laughable to hear them twitting each other about vacating their quarters. We could not make them believe that it was a chance shot. They insisted that one of the refugees on our vessel had pointed out their camp to us. They also believed that they had killed all the men but one in the boat the day before. Arrants and myself told them that we were the two officers on sh.o.r.e, but they would have it that we were both killed. The continual report of our broadside guns had been heard for quite a distance north and south of Murrell Inlet. All the rebel pickets thought that a blockade-runner had been run ash.o.r.e by the Yankees, so all hastened to the scene of action, especially as there might be a prospect of looting the vessel if ash.o.r.e.

When they arrived and found out the true state of affairs they concluded to remain, in the hope that we would send men ash.o.r.e to burn the schooner. There were present two companies of cavalry--one each from the Fifth and Twenty-first Georgia Regiments and under command of Captains Bowers and Harrison. There was where Captain Gregory made a blunder in sending us ash.o.r.e after cannonading the schooner. Instead of a few men to contend with, we had a force of one hundred and twenty to give us a warm reception, which they did in most orthodox style.

If still living, one of those misguided men is telling his grandchildren how he captured my sword, for which I had paid twenty-five good dollars.

The rifle and the revolver belonged to the Government.

At four o'clock that afternoon we started for Charleston, S. C. Those who were too badly wounded to walk were put in an old wagon. Our boat's c.o.xswain had been hit in the head with a number of buckshot. He must have had a tough skull, as the shot cut furrows in his scalp and removed some of his hair. The blood flowed very freely. He was compelled to walk the whole distance. We had a guard of ten men, under command of the lieutenant that Tobin had tried to kill. Well, that fellow made things as unpleasant as possible for us, in order to have revenge for the killing of his horse. The road was composed of white, dry sand, and at every step we took we would sink to our ankles. The cavalry horses were fast walkers, and we had to keep up with them. We came to a stream of cold water, and we were forced to wade through it. There was a footbridge for pedestrians on one side of the road, but we were not allowed to go over it. The cavalrymen got on their knees on the saddles, and their horses, plunging through the water, splashed it over our heads; consequently, we got a good drenching. Walking was more difficult for us weighted with water; besides, it was night-time, and in the month of December--rather late in the season for a cold-water bath.

At nine o'clock in the evening we arrived at our destination, Georgetown Bay, having walked, or rather been driven, twenty-five miles in five hours' time. It was all we could do to keep up with the horses. A squad was in our rear with orders to run us down if we lagged behind. We were placed in an old log house, the floor being covered to the depth of two inches with sheep-manure. The wounded were laid in the filth, without anything being done towards making them comfortable. Two pailfuls of small, raw sweet potatoes were given us for our supper. That night, December 5, 1863, will never be erased from my memory; tired and sore in every limb, my feet badly swollen, the wounded arm hurting, wet and hungry, I lay down in the manure and tried to sleep, but could not; the cold and the wet clothes kept me chilled through and through. The poor fellows who were wounded were continually moaning, but we were powerless to alleviate their misery.

We had plenty of reason for growling about the quality of our potato supper, but the following morning's breakfast was omitted altogether.

About nine o'clock we were divided into squads and taken across the bay in sailboats. Those who were badly wounded were taken to the hospital; the rest of us were placed in the Georgetown jail, and a dirty room about twelve feet square was kindly placed at our disposal. At three in the afternoon we had breakfast, dinner, and supper combined. The menu consisted only of one dish--a pan of cold boiled rice. With a piece of stick it was cut into equal shares, and each man took his portion in his hand and devoured it at his leisure. We remained there five days. The only event of interest which occurred there was my being taken out to General Tropier's headquarters. He asked a few questions about the gunboat which was blockading the entrance to Georgetown Bay. My answers were rather evasive. Then I did some talking about the treatment we had received after being taken prisoners. He said that in future we would not be abused while under his control.

About four o'clock of the fifth day we were taken from the jail, and, with a cavalry guard, we were started for Charleston, S. C. It was a triangular journey. Straight down the coast Charleston was distant sixty miles, but the Yankees had the water routes, and consequently we had to walk forty-three miles west to King's Tree, the nearest railroad station. Thence, by railroad, we were taken sixty-five miles southeast to Charleston. Lieutenant Burroughs was in charge of the party. He allowed us to walk at an ordinary gait, and was very kind and civil to us.

CHAPTER XXI

IN THE PRISON

At nine o'clock we arrived at the Black River Ferry, where a halt was made for the night. We were then taken into the ferryman's house.

Lieutenant Burroughs ordered supper for four. Arrants, the paymaster, and myself were invited by him to supper. It was the only time I had a civilized meal while in the Confederacy. We all slept on the hard floor, a fire in the room keeping us warm. At daylight we crossed the river on a primitive ferry. A rope was fastened to each bank of the river, and an old-flat boat was held in place by it, and pulled back and forth by hand power. At noon we halted for a rest and to cook the dinner--some more boiled rice. Late at night we arrived at King's Tree. The next day, in the afternoon, we got to Charleston, and were at once given in charge of the provost-marshal. After the taking of our names and rank the party was separated. The sailors were escorted to the jail by a guard, and a young lieutenant very politely informed us that we would go with him by a different route, so as not to attract the attention of the citizens.

He took us through the burnt district.

What a wonderful change there was since I had last been in that city!

All business was suspended. A large area was in ruins from the fire, gra.s.s was growing in the streets, and there was desolation everywhere.

We could plainly hear the guns firing from our batteries on Norris Island. On arriving at the jail, the lieutenant shook hands with us and bade us good-bye. We were taken to the top floor and had an entire corridor to ourselves. There being about sixteen large cells, twelve feet square, we had plenty of room--in fact, each of us could have had an entire suite to himself had he desired it.

Everything looked very familiar to me, as it was the same place in which I was confined before my trial in 1856. The newspapers, giving an account of our capture, stated that I was supposed to be the same George Thompson who had been tried in the United States District Court for murder a few years previously. On account of the notice in the newspapers in regard to my being a prisoner of war and confined in the jail, a number of citizens visited me, but, having no permit from the commandant, they had their trouble for nothing. Major John Ryan, chief of subsistence on General Beauregard's staff, and an old friend of my father, was the only person allowed to see me. Our interview was quite sociable at first, then we gradually became belligerent, while conversing about the war and its issues. He had questioned me about my rank and the amount of pay I received in the Federal navy. Then the proposition was made that I join the rebel navy with the rank of lieutenant. When I refused, he became exceedingly wrathy. Finally he cooled down a little, and said that General Beauregard would send for me very soon, as he wished to have an interview with me. I replied that it would only be waste of time for him to do so. Now, from the questions that had been asked me, I knew exactly what the rebs wanted to know.

They had sent out a torpedo boat to sink the Ironsides, but it was a failure. An ensign was killed by a rifle-bullet from the torpedo boat, but no damage was done to the ship when the torpedo exploded. Admiral Dahlgren had ordered a raft of timber to be placed all around the Ironsides in order to prevent any more torpedo boats getting near enough to do any damage. The rebs could see with telescopes from Sumter that the Yankee sailors were hard at work around the ship, but could not find out what was being done. The Charleston papers stated that the Ironsides was in a sinking condition, and could only be kept above water by the use of heavy timbers. That same torpedo boat afterward destroyed the Housatonic, but the boat and crew were never seen afterward. In all probability they blew themselves up at the same time.

General Beauregard retained all officers captured by his troops in case he should need them as hostages. Consequently, Columbia, S. C, was to be our place of abode, instead of Libby Prison at Richmond, where the officers were generally confined. While in the Charleston jail we heard from our friends quite frequently. Gilmore's guns would send sh.e.l.ls into the city. They sounded like a heavy wagon-wheel going over a rough pavement. Next would be a heavy thud, and, in a few seconds more, a terrible explosion. At first, percussion sh.e.l.ls were used, but quite a large percentage of them would turn in their flight through the air, and as they would not strike fuse first, no explosion would take place. A lot of men were always watching for such sh.e.l.ls to strike. With shovels and pickaxes they would dig them out of the ground. The rebel ordnance department paid one hundred dollars in Confederate currency for every unexploded sh.e.l.l delivered. The next move was for the Yankees to change from percussion to time fuses. The first sh.e.l.l did not explode on striking, so a crowd, as usual, started to unearth it. Quite a number of spectators were watching the fun. Suddenly the operations were suspended. The time fuse exploded the sh.e.l.l, killing several persons and wounding a number more. Of course the Yankees were loudly cursed for playing such a mean trick, but the ordnance department got no more of our sh.e.l.ls. The second day after our arrival a sh.e.l.l pa.s.sed over the jail and landed in a frame building only a block distant. When it exploded, timbers and boards flew in all directions. We could see the dust and splinters in the air quite plainly from our window. Somehow, I felt pleased whenever one of those missiles came along, although we were liable to be killed at any time by one of them.

Much to my surprise, a single mattress and blanket were sent up to me by some of my former acquaintances. I considered it only proper that such good fortune should be shared with Arrants and the paymaster, so we used the mattress for a pillow, and, by sleeping "spoon fashion," we made the blanket cover us all. I may state now that it was the only time that we had a blanket during our entire imprisonment. In all of that part of the building there was no furniture of any description. We had to utilize the floor for all purposes. Our food consisted of cold boiled rice, and was brought to us twice a day in a tin pan. Table etiquette was dispensed with for the time being, and our fingers had to be used for disposing of the food. The evening of the seventh day some of the provost guard took us to the railroad depot en route for Columbia. While waiting for the train to start, a couple of women got into conversation with us. They bade us "Good luck" and handed us each a quart bottle of corn whisky. The provost guard drank the most of it. At any rate, it helped to pa.s.s away the night in a cheerful manner. In the morning we arrived at the Richland County jail, Columbia, S. C. That was to be our resting-place for several months.

The following is the substance of the official report of our capture, etc., made to the Secretary of the Navy by Admiral Dahlgren:

"Two boys who had been sent on sh.o.r.e in the dingey at Murrell Inlet for a barrel of sand for holystoning decks had been killed by the rebels. A few weeks later Acting Ensign Myron W. Tillson, with thirteen men, were captured at the same place while trying to burn a blockade-runner.

Believing Acting Master Gregory to be a discreet and experienced officer, I sent his vessel to blockade the Inlet, also instructing him not to send any men on sh.o.r.e. Three officers and sixteen men were also captured from his vessel. I inclose his report. On a personal interview he claimed that his orders were not obeyed by Acting Ensign Arrants, and that the latter was responsible for the capture of the men. Having had so much trouble at Murrell Inlet, I decided to send a strong force of marines and sailors to that place to destroy the schooner and other property, as well as to remove any disposition to exult on the part of the rebels for capturing so many of our men."

Then followed the report of the expedition as made by Acting Master Gregory, detailing the amount of damage done. The Secretary of the Navy then issued the following general order, which was read at general muster on each vessel in the squadron:

"GENERAL ORDERS, NO. ----.

"For flagrant disobedience of orders from his commanding officer and being responsible for a number of men having been captured by the rebels, Acting Ensign William B. Arrants is dismissed from the United States Navy. While the Department does not wish to discourage acts of gallantry or enterprise, strict obedience of orders must be insisted on.

"GIDEON WELLES, "_Secretary of the Navy_."

The whole blame had been put upon Arrants. Upon my arrival in Washington, I reported to the Secretary of the Navy in person, giving him a full report of the whole affair in writing. He asked me a number of questions in regard to Captain Gregory. As the naval records showed that my commission antedated that of Arrants by about three months, it proved conclusively that Captain Gregory had misrepresented when he stated that the expedition had been commanded by Arrants. A great injustice had been done. An order was at once issued restoring Acting Ensign William B. Arrants to the naval service from the date of dismissal.

Captain Gregory, in order to screen himself, had put all the blame on Arrants, supposing him to be dead. When he found out we were about to be exchanged he concluded that it was about time for him to resign from the service. By that means he escaped from serious consequences which would have resulted from his conduct. The punishment meted out by court-martial was generally severe during the time of the Rebellion.

CHAPTER XXII

PRISON LIFE AND PRISON FARE

Eleven naval officers gave us a most cordial reception when the captain in charge of the prison introduced us as fresh fish. All were eager to learn the latest news of the war, and especially about the prospects of exchanging prisoners of war in the near future. Now it happened that we were well posted on the "exchange" question--namely, that the authorities at Washington had notified the rebels that the cartel was ended, and no more exchanges would be made. Our men, when received, were disabled from duty on account of sickness caused by lack of proper food and clothing, as well as inhuman treatment. On the other hand, the rebels were returned in better health and more comfortably clothed than at the time of capture. The advantage to the rebel army, under the circ.u.mstances, would be too great to permit of any further exchanges. It was policy to let the Union men remain as prisoners, as they would be useless for a long time for active duty. Keeping the rebels in prison would deprive the rebel army of a large number of able men, who, released, would be immediately available for active duty.

Our fellow-prisoners were down-hearted at first, when told the dictum; but soon their cheerful remarks showed that they believed our Government was pursuing a wise course under the circ.u.mstances. The jail was a three-story building, the two lower floors being used exclusively for the confinement of debtors. The third story was fitted up with cells for the criminals. At that time there was no State prison in South Carolina.

The longest sentence a prisoner could receive was two and one half years in jail. Murder, robbery, burglary, arson, and rape were punishable by death. A man whose punishment was commuted from death could only be confined for the maximum jail sentence. We fourteen naval officers were confined in one room on the first floor. The size of the apartment was sixteen by twenty feet. When we lay on the floor at night there was but little vacant s.p.a.ce. Sixteen army officers were confined in a room on the other side of the main hall. One half-hour in the morning and in the afternoon was allowed us to go into the yard, in order to wash and attend to our toilet, and only four were permitted to go at one time.

For that reason we had to be in a hurry, so as to give all an opportunity. When the half-hour had expired, we were counted and the door locked. The army officers were then let out for the same length of time. We received our rations every ten days, in an uncooked condition.

Unbolted corn-meal was the staple food. Two ounces of old, mouldy bacon was allowed each person for the ten days, that being the only animal food we received. Sometimes a small quant.i.ty of rice was also allowed.

In the yard was a small brick building used as a kitchen, where the cooking was done. Opposite, and extending the whole length of the yard, was an old wooden barracks in which were confined about sixty privates.

One private was detailed for the navy and one for the army officers. Not much skill was required for the cooking, but considerable ingenuity was needed to devise ways and means. In our mess the officers had managed to get a table, two long benches, ten pie-plates, and some knives and forks. Two meals a day was all that our rations would stand. This was our regular menu for about nine months for every meal: Corn-meal, slapjacks, corn-bread, corn-meal gravy, and corn-meal coffee. Our bacon was used for making the gravy and greasing the old tin pan which we utilized as a griddle. Corn-meal was burned nearly black for making the coffee. At one time our rations missed connections for nearly two days, and there was woe and agony. We divided the time about equally in d.a.m.ning the Confederacy and praying for something to eat. There were two iron-barred windows in our room which overlooked the yard of our next-door neighbour. A man, wife, and little boy lived there. A pa.s.sage way about twelve feet wide separated the jail and a one-story cottage.

One of our windows was exactly opposite their bedroom window, but both too high from the ground for the rebel sentry on guard in the pa.s.sage way to see into either of them. Our neighbour's name was Crane. The family were strong Unionists, and we carried on a daily conversation by slate-writing. All the latest news was given to us, as well as any information which we desired.

Mr. Crane was a young man about thirty years of age, and he had a special permit from the rebel government exempting him from military service, on account of being a wagon-maker and needed by the citizens in Columbia to do their work. A girl about eighteen years old finally came to reside with the family. We immediately christened her "Union Mary,"

and kept that girl busy receiving and throwing kisses at us. She seemed to have nothing else to do but to watch our window. As we had plenty of leisure time, some one of the party was continually making distant love to her. At last she let us know that she wanted to go North and live with the Yankees. Nearly all of us wrote a letter telling her how to get a pa.s.s through the lines and recommending her to our relatives. She succeeded all right. The father of one of the officers got her a good situation and gave her a fine start in life, out of grat.i.tude for the news which she brought him from his son.

A few weeks afterward Mr. Crane was ordered to report for military duty at Richmond. He and several companions got off the cars at the nearest point to our lines and were successful in getting through. The next we heard of him was through his wife, who said that he had reached New York city and was earning very high wages at his trade.

A company of home guards, composed of fifty men under command of a captain, first, second, and third lieutenants, were our guardian angels.

The guard-room adjoined ours on the first floor. Their camp was outside the city limits. Every morning, at eight o'clock, the relief would come in and remain on duty for twenty-four hours. We became well acquainted with all, and were quite sociable. Three of the privates let us know that they were Union sympathizers. Many a favour they did for us, by a.s.sisting us to communicate with Union people in the city. In the month of March, 1864, all hopes of being exchanged before the ending of the war were given up. Every one of us was in favour of making an attempt to escape from prison, if possible. Lieutenant Preston and myself were to do the engineering part; the others agreed to work under our instructions. Preston was a regular officer, and myself being a volunteer removed any cause for believing that any favouritism would be shown during the progress of building a tunnel. After eight in the evening the guards never opened our door. Then we commenced operations.

A large brick fire-place was situated between the two windows. The bricks on one end were taken up and a hole was made that allowed us to get under the floor. Preston and myself worked nearly all night. First, we stopped up several ventilating holes with pieces of clay and brick.

All the brickbats were piled in a corner to be out of our way. We found there would be plenty of s.p.a.ce to pile up the dirt that would be taken from the tunnel, the height of the floor from the ground being about three feet. Directly under the window facing Crane's house we started a shaft three feet square. The dirt, as we removed it, was piled over the ventilating hole; there being no danger of any noise being heard by the sentry in the alley or a light seen, we ceased operations for the night.

The bricks in the fire-place were replaced, and we retired for the night to our luxurious couches--the bare floor--for much-needed rest. The entrance to our lower regions must be attended to first, as the bricks had a very insecure foundation. One of the guards very kindly consented to carry our compliments and a request to Mrs. Crane for the loan of a saw, hammer, nails, and a piece of board, as we wished to make a shelf.

During the afternoon we had everything in readiness. The bricks were removed and put in a soap box, cleats were hastily nailed to the floor timbers, pieces of board laid across, and the bricks replaced. Ashes were then filled into the cracks. It was a first-cla.s.s job when finished, and we could defy detection. One of us went into the kitchen in the yard and stole our own poker from the cook. It was a piece of flat iron, and the only instrument procurable for excavating purposes.

The officers were divided into working parties, two in each squad, each to work two hours at a time. Preston would direct and a.s.sist in the work, from eight until twelve midnight, and I from twelve to four in the morning.

It was necessary to be careful about the construction of the tunnel, as it was to be run under a sentry's feet. If there should happen to be a cave-in and a reb drop down among the toilers, it would be rather embarra.s.sing. Crane's house was built in the Southern style for all wooden buildings, resting on supports about two feet in height. Our objective point was about the centre of his habitation. We could crawl to the other side, and by getting over a board fence would practically become "prisoners-at-large."

The ground was favourable for our work, being composed of stiff red clay. All felt happy and cheerful as the work progressed, and the monotony of being so closely confined was somewhat relieved. On the corner of the square in which the jail was located was the city hall. We could hear the hours and half hours as they were struck, quite plainly, so we had no trouble about the time of quitting work. It was necessary for us to have a point to start our measurements from, and after much discussion, we selected a window-sill in our room directly over the tunnel-shaft. It was a strange place to locate it, but from that point every part of the work was measured to an inch. By fastening a wad of wet paper to a thread we ascertained the exact distance between Crane's house and the inside of the jail wall. One of us held the thread on the window-sill while the other kept throwing the wad until it struck the clapboard. When the sentry walked past our window he gave us the opportunity, and, by lowering the wad to the ground, we got the height of the pa.s.sage-way which the sentry patroled. The shaft was sunk nine feet, and was considerably lower than the foundation of the building.

Then the tunnel was started, being two feet wide and three feet in height, the top being arched. For a distance of fourteen feet it was perfectly level, then it was started on an angle towards the surface of the ground.

About that time we had to stop operations for a few days. Orders had been sent by General Beauregard to put Lieutenant-Commander E. P.