[Footnote 179: Boutmy, Studies in Const.i.tutional Law, p. 155.]

[Footnote 180: Principles of Sociology, Vol. III, p. 525.]

[Footnote 181: In the year 1857 over 37 per cent. of the immigrants arriving in the United States were from Germany, and over 39 per cent.

were from Great Britain and Ireland. The bulk of our foreign immigration continued to come from these two countries until about 1886 or 1887. In 1890 these countries together contributed but little more than 47 per cent. of our foreign immigrants, and in 1904 but 17 per cent. Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia, supplied but 6 per cent. of the total number of immigrants in 1886 and 23 per cent. in 1904. The Russian Empire and Finland furnished only 5 per cent. of the total number in 1886 and about 18 per cent. in 1904. In 1886 the immigration from Asiatic countries was insignificant, but in 1904 it had increased to 26,186. See Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1904.]

[Footnote 182: Art. I, sec. 9.]

[Footnote 183: _Federalist_, No. 36.]

[Footnote 184: Considerations, on the Power to Incorporate the Bank of North America, Works, Vol. I.]

[Footnote 185: 6 Cranch, 87.]

[Footnote 186: Const.i.tutional Limitations, 6th ed., pp. 335-336, n.]

[Footnote 187: Money and Banking, p. 327. See also Myers, The History of Tammany Hall, pp. 113-116.]

[Footnote 188: "Over and over again our government has been saved from complete breakdown only by an absolute disregard of the Const.i.tution, and most of the very men who framed the compact would have refused to sign it, could they have foreseen its eventual development." Ford's Federalist, Introduction, p. vii.]

[Footnote 189: This was true of Samuel J. Tilden, the Democratic candidate in 1876.]

[Footnote 190: Supra p. 56.]

[Footnote 191: Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st sess., 30th Cong., p. 94.]

[Footnote 192: Vol. I, p. 520.]

[Footnote 193: _Outlook_, Vol. 79, p. 163.]

[Footnote 194: Popular Government, p. 181.]

[Footnote 195: Politics and Administration, p. 9.]

[Footnote 196: This was one of the objects of the Oregon Direct Primary Law, which was enacted by the people of that state upon initiative pet.i.tion at the general election held June 6, 1904. Under this law the elector seeking nomination for the office of senator or representative in the legislative a.s.sembly is expected to sign and file, as part of his pet.i.tion for nomination, one of the two following statements:

No. 1. "I further state to the people of Oregon as well as to the people of my legislative district, that during my term of office, I will always vote for that candidate for United States Senator in Congress who has received the highest number of the people's votes for that position at the general election next preceding the election of a Senator in Congress, without regard to my individual preference."

No. 2. "During my term of office I shall consider the vote of the people for United States Senator in Congress as nothing more than a recommendation, which I shall be at liberty to wholly disregard if the reason for doing so seems to me to be sufficient."]

[Footnote 197: Pure Sociology, p. 487.]

[Footnote 198: "The art of printing, in the hands of private persons, has, until within a comparatively recent period, been regarded rather as an instrument of mischief, which required the restraining hand of the government, than as a power for good, to be fostered and encouraged....

The government a.s.sumed to itself the right to determine what might or might not be published; and censors were appointed without whose permission it was criminal to publish a book or paper upon any subject.

Through all the changes of government, this censorship was continued until after the Revolution of 1688, and there are no instances in English history of more cruel and relentless persecution than for the publication of books which now would pa.s.s unnoticed by the authorities....

"So late as 1671, Governor Berkeley, of Virginia, expressed his thankfulness that neither free schools nor printing were introduced in the Colony, and his trust that these breeders of disobedience, heresy, and sects, would long be unknown....

"For publishing the laws of one session in Virginia, in 1682, the printer was arrested and put under bonds until the King's pleasure could be known, and the King's pleasure was declared that no printing should be allowed in the Colony. There were not wanting instances of the public burning of books as offenders against good order. Such was the fate of Elliot's book in defense of unmixed principles of popular freedom, and Calef's book against Cotton Mather, which was given to the flames at Cambridge." Cooley, Const.i.tutional Limitations, 6th ed., pp. 513-515.]

[Footnote 199: Aristocracy and Evolution, p. 58.]

[Footnote 200: Ibid. p. 377.]

[Footnote 201: Social Evolution, p. 39.]

[Footnote 202: Aristocracy and Evolution, p. 105.]

[Footnote 203: Ibid p. 218.]

[Footnote 204: Ibid p. 219.]

[Footnote 205: Principles of Biology, Vol. I, p. 469.]

[Footnote 206: Aristocracy and Evolution, p. 105.]

[Footnote 207: Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, Book I, Ch. 2.]

[Footnote 208: Supra, chapters XI and XII.]

[Footnote 209: P. 534.]