The weekend in New York was sufficiently recuperative for him to bounce back to Albany on Monday, 9 January, with optimistic energy. There was another Republican caucus that night, and although it dealt with the less than fascinating subject of the appointment of Assembly clerks, Roosevelt conscientiously attended. This time he was in even greater sartorial splendor, having dined out somewhere beforehand. Isaac Hunt, the melancholy member from Jefferson County, was standing by the fireplace in the committee room when "in bolted Teddy...as if ejected from a catapult."30 Deliberately selecting the most prominent position in the room-directly in front of the chairman-Roosevelt sat down and pulled off his ulster. Underneath he was in full evening dress, with gold fob and chain. At the first opportunity he jumped to his feet and addressed the meeting in the affected drawl of Harvard and Fifth Avenue. "We almost shouted with laughter," Hunt remembered, "to think that the most veritable representative of the New York dude had come to the Chamber." But as Roosevelt continued to speak, "our attention was drawn upon what he had to say because there was a force in his remarks...it mollified somewhat his unusual appearance."31 Roosevelt was about to sit down again when he caught sight of Hunt by the fireplace. Instantly he made his way over to him. Hunt, too, as it happened, was overdressed; he was sensitive about his rural background and had invested in a custom-made Prince Albert coat by way of disguise. He might as well have saved his money. "You," shrilled Roosevelt triumphantly, "are from the country!"32 For the rest of that evening he interrogated Hunt on the minutiae of rural politics. His usual practice, after such an interview, was to discard his victim like a well-sucked orange; For the rest of that evening he interrogated Hunt on the minutiae of rural politics. His usual practice, after such an interview, was to discard his victim like a well-sucked orange;33 but something about the young lawyer appealed to him. Hunt, in turn, was charmed. At the end of the caucus the two Assemblymen parted "fast friends." but something about the young lawyer appealed to him. Hunt, in turn, was charmed. At the end of the caucus the two Assemblymen parted "fast friends."34 Roosevelt had recruited his first legislative ally. Roosevelt had recruited his first legislative ally.

FOR THE NEXT FIVE WEEKS there was nothing substantial to be allied against. The deadlock over electing a Speaker seemed unresolvable. Roosevelt continued to vent his impatience with vitriolic diary entries and walks that ranged farther and farther out of Albany. He persuaded his new friend to join him on one of these excursions. The long-legged lawyer came back too tired to speak, and went straight to bed. When Roosevelt suggested another tramp, Hunt begged off. "You will have to get somebody else to walk with you. One dose is sufficient for me." there was nothing substantial to be allied against. The deadlock over electing a Speaker seemed unresolvable. Roosevelt continued to vent his impatience with vitriolic diary entries and walks that ranged farther and farther out of Albany. He persuaded his new friend to join him on one of these excursions. The long-legged lawyer came back too tired to speak, and went straight to bed. When Roosevelt suggested another tramp, Hunt begged off. "You will have to get somebody else to walk with you. One dose is sufficient for me."35 On the second weekend of the session, Roosevelt went to Boston to pick up "the little pink wife," as he was wont to call her.36 They chose rooms together in a residential hotel on the corner of Eagle and State streets, just across the square from the Capitol. Isaac Hunt had rooms there too, and so saw much of both of them. "She was a very charming woman...tall, willowy-looking. I was very much taken with her." They chose rooms together in a residential hotel on the corner of Eagle and State streets, just across the square from the Capitol. Isaac Hunt had rooms there too, and so saw much of both of them. "She was a very charming woman...tall, willowy-looking. I was very much taken with her."37 Some older members of the Legislature were less and less taken with Roosevelt. Time, as the deadlock dragged on, hung heavy on their hands, and they began to plot his humiliation. Chief among the bullies was "Big John" MacManus, the ex-prizefighter and Tammany lieutenant whom Roosevelt had so contemptuously characterized in his diary. One day MacManus proposed to toss "that damned dude" in a blanket, for reasons having vaguely to do with the dude's side-whiskers. Fortunately Roosevelt got advance warning. His feelings, with Alice newly installed in Albany, may well be imagined. Marching straight up to MacManus, who towered over him, he hissed, "I hear you are going to toss me in a blanket. By God! if you try anything like that, I'll kick you, I'll bite you, I'll kick you in the balls, I'll do anything to you-you'd better leave me alone." This speech had the desired effect.38 There was a second ugly incident, which proved conclusively that Roosevelt was not to be trifled with. Sporting a cane, doeskin gloves, and the style of short pea jacket popularly known in England as a "bum-freezer," he went walking along Washington Avenue with Hunt and William O'Neil, another young Republican Assemblyman. They stopped at a saloon for refreshments, and were confronted by the tall, taunting figure of J. J. Costello, a Tammany member. Some insult to do with the pea jacket (legend quotes it as "Won't Mamma's boy catch cold?") caused Roosevelt to flare up. "Teddy knocked him down," Hunt recalled admiringly, "and he got up and he hit him again, and when he got up he hit him again, and he said, 'Now you go over there and wash yourself. When you are in the presence of gentlemen, conduct yourself like a gentleman.'"

"I'm not going to have an Irishman or anybody else insult me," Roosevelt said later, still bristling.39 Now that he and Alice were cozily settled in Albany, his impatience over the deadlock dwindled. It occurred to him that, on the whole, the situation was politically profitable. Since only the infighting of Tammany Hall and regular Democrats prevented the election of a Speaker, nobody could blame the Republicans for holding up legislation. The longer the deadlock persisted, he reasoned, the better his party would look, and the more likely its chances of winning a majority in the next election. On 24 January 1882, he had an opportunity to present this view in the Assembly Chamber. A well-meaning colleague was suggesting that the minority compromise with the majority, and so overwhelm the maverick vote of Tammany Hall. Roosevelt leaped up in silent protest, and the Clerk, acting in lieu of a Speaker, recognized him for the first time.

NO FUTURE P PRESIDENT has made his maiden speech in surroundings as inspiring as those framing Theodore Roosevelt that afternoon. Since its completion only three years before, the New York State Assembly Chamber had been acclaimed as the most magnificent legislative hall in the world. Its splendors surpassed even those of the Golden Corridor. "What a great thing to have done in this country!" John Hay had marveled, gazing up at the fabulous vaulted ceiling, a dizzy canopy of vermilion and blue and gold, cleft by ribs of soaring stone. Fifty feet above Roosevelt's head, as he prepared to speak, hung a three-ton ring of granite, keystone of the largest groined arch ever built. Behind him, on the north wall, loomed a vast allegorical mural by William Morris Hunt, has made his maiden speech in surroundings as inspiring as those framing Theodore Roosevelt that afternoon. Since its completion only three years before, the New York State Assembly Chamber had been acclaimed as the most magnificent legislative hall in the world. Its splendors surpassed even those of the Golden Corridor. "What a great thing to have done in this country!" John Hay had marveled, gazing up at the fabulous vaulted ceiling, a dizzy canopy of vermilion and blue and gold, cleft by ribs of soaring stone. Fifty feet above Roosevelt's head, as he prepared to speak, hung a three-ton ring of granite, keystone of the largest groined arch ever built. Behind him, on the north wall, loomed a vast allegorical mural by William Morris Hunt, The Flight of Evil Before Good The Flight of Evil Before Good. With pleasing symbolism it depicted the Queen of Night on a chariot of dark clouds, being driven away by the radiance of Dawn.40 Roosevelt's words were, in contrast to this majestic auditorium, deliberately informal, even prosaic. He did not forget that his audience consisted largely of farmers, liquor sellers, bricklayers, butchers, tobacconists, pawnbrokers, compositors, and carpenters.41 His voice was thin and squeaky as he struggled against the chamber's notorious acoustics, and a general hum of bored conversation. His voice was thin and squeaky as he struggled against the chamber's notorious acoustics, and a general hum of bored conversation.42 It has been said that if the Democrats do not organize the House speedily the Republicans will interfere and perfect the organization. I should very much doubt the expediency of doing this at present....

A newspaperman was struck by Roosevelt's "novel way of inflating his lungs." Between phrases he would open his mouth in a convulsive gasp, dragging the air in by main force.43 Clearly his asthma was troubling him. At times the slight stammer which friends had noticed at Harvard intruded, and his teeth would knock together as the words fought their way out. Clearly his asthma was troubling him. At times the slight stammer which friends had noticed at Harvard intruded, and his teeth would knock together as the words fought their way out.44 "He spoke as if he had an impediment in his speech," said Hunt. "He would open his mouth and run out his tongue...but what he said was all right." "He spoke as if he had an impediment in his speech," said Hunt. "He would open his mouth and run out his tongue...but what he said was all right."45 As things are today in New York there are two branches of Jeffersonian Democrats...Neither of these alone can carry the State against the Republicans...I do not think they can fairly expect us to join with either section. This is purely a struggle between themselves, and it should be allowed to continue as long as they please. We have no interest in helping one section against the other; combined they have the majority and let them make all they can out of it!

There were some scattered bursts of applause, and Roosevelt began to relax.

While in New York I talked with several gentlemen who have large commercial interests at stake, and they do not seem to care whether the deadlock is broken or not. In fact they seem rather relieved! And if we do no business till February 15th, I think the voters of the State will worry along through without it.

Having said his piece, he abruptly sat down, and was inundated with "many hearty congratulations from the older members."46 Among these, to his intense amusement, were several representatives of Tammany Hall, who apparently thought he had been speaking on their behalf. Among these, to his intense amusement, were several representatives of Tammany Hall, who apparently thought he had been speaking on their behalf.47 That night the That night the New York Evening Post New York Evening Post reported that he had made "a very favorable impression," an opinion which Roosevelt himself modestly shared. reported that he had made "a very favorable impression," an opinion which Roosevelt himself modestly shared.48 He was less flattered with the He was less flattered with the Sun's Sun's characterization of him next morning as "a blond young man with eyeglasses, English side-whiskers, and a Dundreary drawl." The paper noted sarcastically that Roosevelt's "maiden effort as an orator" had been applauded by his political opponents; there was a reference to his "quaint" pronunciation of the words "r-a-w-t-h-e-r r-e-l-i-e-v-e-d." characterization of him next morning as "a blond young man with eyeglasses, English side-whiskers, and a Dundreary drawl." The paper noted sarcastically that Roosevelt's "maiden effort as an orator" had been applauded by his political opponents; there was a reference to his "quaint" pronunciation of the words "r-a-w-t-h-e-r r-e-l-i-e-v-e-d."49 Nevertheless the speech was successful. Roosevelt's advice was accepted by his party, and the deadlock continued.50

EARLY IN F FEBRUARY the Tammany holdouts finally gave in, and Charles Patterson, Democratic candidate for Speaker, was elected. Announcing his committees on 14 February, Patterson gave Roosevelt a position on Cities. "Just where I wished to be," the young Republican exulted. He was not charmed with his mostly Democratic companions on the committee, one of whom was "Big John" MacManus. "Altogether the Committee is just about as bad as it could possibly be," he decided, with the wisdom of his twenty-three years. "Most of the members are positively corrupt, and the others are really singularly incompetent." the Tammany holdouts finally gave in, and Charles Patterson, Democratic candidate for Speaker, was elected. Announcing his committees on 14 February, Patterson gave Roosevelt a position on Cities. "Just where I wished to be," the young Republican exulted. He was not charmed with his mostly Democratic companions on the committee, one of whom was "Big John" MacManus. "Altogether the Committee is just about as bad as it could possibly be," he decided, with the wisdom of his twenty-three years. "Most of the members are positively corrupt, and the others are really singularly incompetent."51 Roosevelt lost no time in making his presence felt on the floor of the House. Within forty-eight hours of his committee appointment he had introduced four bills, one to purify New York's water supply, another to purify its election of aldermen, a third to cancel all stocks and bonds in the city's "sinking fund," and a fourth to lighten the judicial burden on the Court of Appeals.52 The fact that only one of these-the Aldermanic Bill-ever achieved passage, and in a severely modified form, did not discourage him. He wanted quickly to create the image of a knight in shining armor opposing the "black horse cavalry," his term for machine politicians. The fact that only one of these-the Aldermanic Bill-ever achieved passage, and in a severely modified form, did not discourage him. He wanted quickly to create the image of a knight in shining armor opposing the "black horse cavalry," his term for machine politicians.53 As such, he attracted to his banner a tiny group of independent freshman Republicans, like Isaac Hunt and "Billy" O'Neil, who shared his crusading instincts but lacked his flamboyance. The group's efforts were given wide coverage by George Spinney, legislative correspondent of The New York Times The New York Times, the first of many thousands of journalists to discover that Roosevelt made marvelous copy. The young reformers supplied their leader with research into suspicious legislation, advised him on correct parliamentary procedure, and attempted to suppress his more embarrassing displays of righteousness. Roosevelt's ebullience was amusingly recalled forty years later by Hunt and Spinney, in an interview with the worshipful Hermann Hagedorn: HAGEDORN.

He was cool, was he? He was cool, was he?

HUNT.

No, he was just like a Jack coming out of the box; there wasn't anything cool about him. He yelled and pounded his desk, and when they attacked him, he would fire back with all the venom imaginary. In those days he had no discretion at all. He was the most indiscreet guy I ever met...Billy O'Neil and I used to sit on his coat-tails. Billy O'Neil would say to him, "What do you want to do that for, you damn fool, you will ruin yourself and everybody else!" No, he was just like a Jack coming out of the box; there wasn't anything cool about him. He yelled and pounded his desk, and when they attacked him, he would fire back with all the venom imaginary. In those days he had no discretion at all. He was the most indiscreet guy I ever met...Billy O'Neil and I used to sit on his coat-tails. Billy O'Neil would say to him, "What do you want to do that for, you damn fool, you will ruin yourself and everybody else!"

SPINNEY.

You will remember that he was the leader, and he started over the hill and here his army was following him, trying to keep sight of him. You will remember that he was the leader, and he started over the hill and here his army was following him, trying to keep sight of him.

HUNT.

Yes, to keep him from rushing into destruction... Yes, to keep him from rushing into destruction...

HAGEDORN.

He must have been an entertaining person to have around. He must have been an entertaining person to have around.

HUNT.

He was a perfect nuisance in that House, sir! He was a perfect nuisance in that House, sir!54

Roosevelt's behavior on the floor, to say nothing of his high voice and Harvard accent, exasperated the more dignified members of his party. When wishing to obtain the attention of the Chair, he would pipe "Mister Spee-kar! Mister Spee-kar!" and lean so far across his desk as to be in danger of falling over it. Should Patterson affect not to hear, he would march down the aisle and continue yelling "Mister Spee-kar!" for forty minutes, if necessary, until he was recognized.55 By the third week of the session proper-his eighth in Albany-Roosevelt had put on a considerable amount of political weight. Actually this weight was an illusion, caused by the delicate balance of power in the House. But he did not hesitate to throw it around. On 21 February he again rose to protest a suggested deal with the opposite side, confident "that enough Independent Republicans would act with me to insure the defeat of the scheme by 'bolting' if necessary." His senior colleagues were aware of this, and the matter was hastily referred to a party caucus that evening. For the next eight hours Roosevelt was besieged by deputations promising him rich rewards if he would withdraw his objections. He declined.56 At the caucus a machine Republican spoke eloquently on behalf of the deal. It involved an alliance with the Tammany members (breathing vengeance, now, upon the regular Democrats for denying them committee seats) to take away the Speaker's power of appointment. But this Roosevelt considered to be constitutionally irresponsible and politically demeaning. He wrote afterwards that "as no one seemed disposed to take up the cudgels I responded...we had rather a fiery dialogue." His objections were upheld by a narrow vote.

Next morning he woke to find himself, if not famous, at least the hero of some liberal newspapers in New York. "Rarely in the history of legislation here," declared the Herald Herald, "has the moral force of individual honor and political honesty been more forcibly displayed." Privately, Roosevelt took pride in the fact that he had managed to impose his will on his party, without embarrassing it on the floor of the House. "I hate to bolt if I can help it," he informed his diary.57

AS THE TEMPO of legislation picked up, the young reformer became aware of the full extent of corruption in New York State politics. About a third of the entire Legislature was venal, he calculated. He was shocked to see members of the "black horse cavalry" openly trading in the lobbies with corporate backers, and paid particular attention to the bills they were bribed to sponsor-bills worded so ambiguously as to deceive well-meaning legislators. But for every such bill there were at least ten whose corruptive power was all but impossible to monitor in advance. of legislation picked up, the young reformer became aware of the full extent of corruption in New York State politics. About a third of the entire Legislature was venal, he calculated. He was shocked to see members of the "black horse cavalry" openly trading in the lobbies with corporate backers, and paid particular attention to the bills they were bribed to sponsor-bills worded so ambiguously as to deceive well-meaning legislators. But for every such bill there were at least ten whose corruptive power was all but impossible to monitor in advance.58 These "strike" bills were introduced to restrict, not favor corporations. They seemed to be in the public interest, and redounded greatly to the credit of their sponsors-who, as Roosevelt succinctly put it, "had not the slightest intention of passing them, but who wished to be paid not to pass them." These "strike" bills were introduced to restrict, not favor corporations. They seemed to be in the public interest, and redounded greatly to the credit of their sponsors-who, as Roosevelt succinctly put it, "had not the slightest intention of passing them, but who wished to be paid not to pass them."59 In other words blackmail, not bribery, was the principal form of corruption in the Assembly. In other words blackmail, not bribery, was the principal form of corruption in the Assembly.

Roosevelt was confronted with a prime example of such legislation early in March. Representatives of the Manhattan Elevated Railroad asked him to sponsor a bill granting their corporation monopolistic control over the construction of terminal facilities in New York City. Since the sums involved in such construction were huge, the lobbyists said they were "well aware that it was the kind of bill that lent itself to blackmail," and looked to Roosevelt to ensure that it was voted upon honestly. The young Assemblyman scrutinized it carefully. He found that the bill was "an absolute necessity" from the point of view of the city as well as the railroad, and agreed to sponsor it, on condition that "nothing improper" was done on its behalf.60 No sooner had the bill come up before the Cities Committee, of which Roosevelt was then acting chairman, than corrupt members, scenting the spoils of blackmail, combined to delay its progress. Exasperated, he decided to force it through. Since the spoilsmen included Big John MacManus and J. J. Costello, he was aware that something more than parliamentary skill might be required: There was a broken chair in the room, and I got a leg of it loose and put it down beside me where it was not visible, but where I might get at it in a hurry if necessary. I moved that the bill be reported favorably. This was voted down without debate by the "combine," some of whom kept a wooden stolidity of look, while others leered at me with sneering insolence. I then moved that it be reported unfavorably, and again the motion was voted down by the same majority and in the same fashion. I then put the bill in my pocket and announced that I would report it anyhow. This almost precipitated a riot, especially when I explained...that I suspected that the men holding up all report of the bill were holding it up for purposes of blackmail. The riot did not come off; partly, I think, because the opportune production of the chair-leg had a sedative effect, and partly owing to wise counsels from one or two of my opponents.61 Chair-legs were of no use in the larger context of the Assembly. Soon, to quote one newspaper, "all the hungry legislators were clamoring for their share of the pie." Roosevelt found himself wholly unable to push the bill any further. He received an embarrassing second visit from the railroad lobbyists, who suggested that some "older and more experienced" Assemblyman might succeed where he had failed. The bill was accordingly taken out of his hands. Within two weeks it received the unanimous approval of the House, and became law.

Roosevelt was aware that its passage had been bought. There was little he could do but fume against "the supine indifference of the community to legislative wrongdoing."62

THIS BITTER EXPERIENCE made him act with caution when his services as a crusader were next called upon. Late in March, Isaac Hunt, who had been investigating the dubious insolvency of a number of New York insurance companies, approached him with what seemed like evidence of judicial corruption at the highest level. Receivers, said Hunt, were milking the companies of hundreds of thousands of dollars in unwarranted fees and expenses. In every case, the order allowing such payments had been issued by State Supreme Court Justice T. R. Westbrook. Further investigation revealed that Westbrook's son and cousin were employed by one of the receivers, and that at least $15,000 had already been paid to them. made him act with caution when his services as a crusader were next called upon. Late in March, Isaac Hunt, who had been investigating the dubious insolvency of a number of New York insurance companies, approached him with what seemed like evidence of judicial corruption at the highest level. Receivers, said Hunt, were milking the companies of hundreds of thousands of dollars in unwarranted fees and expenses. In every case, the order allowing such payments had been issued by State Supreme Court Justice T. R. Westbrook. Further investigation revealed that Westbrook's son and cousin were employed by one of the receivers, and that at least $15,000 had already been paid to them.

"We ought to pitch into this judge," said Hunt.63 Roosevelt was noncommittal, saying merely that it was "a serious matter" to undertake the impeachment of a Supreme Court Justice. Yet apparently the name Westbrook stirred something in his retentive memory. On 27 December 1881, The New York Times The New York Times had run a story on the acquisition of the giant Manhattan Elevated Railroad by Jay Gould, accusing him of a campaign to depress its stock before purchase. had run a story on the acquisition of the giant Manhattan Elevated Railroad by Jay Gould, accusing him of a campaign to depress its stock before purchase.64 From start to finish, Roosevelt recalled, the transaction had been presided over by this same Judge Westbrook. From start to finish, Roosevelt recalled, the transaction had been presided over by this same Judge Westbrook.

A few days later "a thin, anemic-looking, energetic young man" visited the City Desk of The New York Times The New York Times and subjected the editor there to a barrage of questions about the Gould-Westbrook affair. He asked permission to examine documents in and subjected the editor there to a barrage of questions about the Gould-Westbrook affair. He asked permission to examine documents in The Times's The Times's morgue, and pored over them for hours. Still not satisfied, Roosevelt took the editor and the documents home to 6 West Fifty-seventh Street, and continued his questioning there until three in the morning. morgue, and pored over them for hours. Still not satisfied, Roosevelt took the editor and the documents home to 6 West Fifty-seventh Street, and continued his questioning there until three in the morning.

The more he probed the sequence of events, the more suspicious he became of the cast of characters. About a year before, State Attorney General Hamilton Ward had sued the Manhattan Elevated as an illegal, fraudulent corporation, and then, reversing himself, merely accused it of insolvency. Judge Westbrook, while publicly agreeing with the former suit, had privately ruled in favor of the latter. Holding court in a variety of eccentric locales, including Attorney General Ward's suite at the Delavan House, he appointed receivers already on Jay Gould's payroll. Finally, when the stock of the railroad had plummeted by 95 percent, Judge Westbrook suddenly declared the company solvent again, and handed it over to Gould. Most damning of all, in Roosevelt's eyes, was an unpublished letter the judge had written the financier, containing the remarkable sentence, "I am willing to go to the very verge of judicial discretion to protect your vast interests."65 Returning to Albany on 28 March, Roosevelt told Hunt that he had decided on a resolution demanding the investigation, not only of Judge Westbrook, but of Attorney General Ward as well. "I'll offer it tomorrow."66

WHEN THE FAMILIAR, piping call of "Mister Spee-kar!" disturbed the peace of the Assembly Chamber the next day, most of Roosevelt's colleagues assumed that he was rising, as usual, on some exasperating point of order or personal privilege.67 But the first few words of his resolution quickly shocked them into attention: But the first few words of his resolution quickly shocked them into attention: Whereas, charges have been made from time to time by the public press against the late Attorney-General, Hamilton Ward, and T. R. Westbrook, a Justice of the Supreme Court of this State, on account of their official conduct in relation to suits brought against the Manhattan Railway, and Whereas Whereas, these charges have, in the opinion of many persons, never been explained nor fairly refuted...therefore Resolved Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be...empowered and directed to investigate their conduct...and report at the earliest day practicable to this Legislature.68 His words reverberated "like the bursting of a bombshell," Isaac Hunt remembered forty years later, still awed by Roosevelt's courage. But the echoes had scarcely died before a member of the "black horse cavalry" rose to announce he would debate the resolution. This was a ploy for time, since the resolution was automatically tabled under a mass of other pending legislation, and would remain there until somebody remembered to resurrect it. In the meantime, Roosevelt might be bullied or bribed into forgetfulness.69 The young Assemblyman did not lack for "friendly warnings" in the days that followed. His own uncle, James A. Roosevelt, took him to lunch and condescendingly remarked that he had done well at Albany so far. It was a good thing to have dabbled in reform, but "now was the time to leave politics and identify...with the right kind of people." Roosevelt asked if that meant he was to yield to corruptionists. His uncle replied irritably that there would always be an "inner circle" of corporate executives, politicians, lawyers, and judges to "control others and obtain the real rewards."

Roosevelt never forgot those words. "It was the first glimpse I had of that combination between business and politics which I was in after years so often to oppose."70 On Wednesday, 5 April, he surprised the Assembly by demanding that debate on the Westbrook Resolution begin immediately. He made his motion less than half an hour before adjournment, at a time when most of the "black horse cavalry" had gone forth in search of Albany ale. "No! No!" shouted old Tom Alvord, as the House voted in favor.71 Having thus won the floor, Roosevelt launched into the first major speech of his career. Having thus won the floor, Roosevelt launched into the first major speech of his career.

"MR. SPEAKER," he began, "I have introduced these resolutions fully aware that it was an exceedingly important and serious task I was undertaking."72 He was ready, nonetheless, to draw up specific charges against "men whose financial dishonesty is a matter of common notoriety." Just in case anybody wondered whom he meant to accuse of fraud, Roosevelt identified Jay Gould and his associates by name, describing them as "sharks" and "swindlers." The House, aghast at such blasphemy against the gods of capitalism, fell silent. The only sounds in the chamber were Roosevelt's straining voice, and the rhythmic smack of right fist into left palm. He was ready, nonetheless, to draw up specific charges against "men whose financial dishonesty is a matter of common notoriety." Just in case anybody wondered whom he meant to accuse of fraud, Roosevelt identified Jay Gould and his associates by name, describing them as "sharks" and "swindlers." The House, aghast at such blasphemy against the gods of capitalism, fell silent. The only sounds in the chamber were Roosevelt's straining voice, and the rhythmic smack of right fist into left palm.73 "A suit was brought in May last, I think, by the Attorney-General against the Manhattan Elevated Railroad...declaring the corporation to be illegal..." He went on to recount at length the whole shabby story of Ward's and Westbrook's maneuverings in behalf of Jay Gould, and showed how Westbrook, by finally declaring the railroad solvent again, had brought the circle of corruption a full 360 degrees. During his administration of the case, the judge had been so blatant as to hold court in the financier's office-"once even in a private bedroom."

The great clock of the Assembly told Roosevelt that fifteen minutes still remained until adjournment. With luck, those few of his opponents who were present would be unable to fill that time with reasonable debate; if so his resolution might be approved by the stunned and silent majority. Sensing that he had the votes already, he wound up with a rather lame attempt to be humble. He was "greatly astonished" that no investigation had been demanded during the three months since the Times Times expose, and although "I was aware that it ought to have been done by a man of more experience than myself, but as nobody else chose to demand it I certainly would, in the interest of the Commonwealth of New York...I hope my resolution will prevail." expose, and although "I was aware that it ought to have been done by a man of more experience than myself, but as nobody else chose to demand it I certainly would, in the interest of the Commonwealth of New York...I hope my resolution will prevail."74 The effect of this speech, according to Isaac Hunt, was "powerful, wonderful."75 Such direct language, such courageous naming of names, had not been heard in Albany for decades. What was more, Roosevelt's accusations were obviously based on solid research. If a vote had been held then, according to one correspondent, the resolution would have been approved. But Tom Alvord was already on his feet, displaying remarkable agility for a man of seventy years. With gnarled hands knotted on a cane, and his head swaying from side to side, the ex-Speaker suggested that "the young man from New York" needed time to reflect and reconsider. How many bright legislative careers had been ruined, in this very chamber, by just such irresponsible allegations as these! Why, he himself, when young and foolish, had been tempted to do the same. Fortunately, he had refrained. Public reputations were "too precious" to be lightly assailed... Such direct language, such courageous naming of names, had not been heard in Albany for decades. What was more, Roosevelt's accusations were obviously based on solid research. If a vote had been held then, according to one correspondent, the resolution would have been approved. But Tom Alvord was already on his feet, displaying remarkable agility for a man of seventy years. With gnarled hands knotted on a cane, and his head swaying from side to side, the ex-Speaker suggested that "the young man from New York" needed time to reflect and reconsider. How many bright legislative careers had been ruined, in this very chamber, by just such irresponsible allegations as these! Why, he himself, when young and foolish, had been tempted to do the same. Fortunately, he had refrained. Public reputations were "too precious" to be lightly assailed...76 The grandfatherly voice droned on, while the minute hand of the clock crept inexorably toward twelve. At five minutes before the hour Roosevelt asked if the gentleman would "give way for a motion to extend the time."

Alvord's reaction was savage. "No," he shouted, "I will not give way! I want this thing over and to give the members time to consider it!"77 He continued to maunder on; the clock chimed; the gavel dropped; Roosevelt's resolution returned to the table. Alvord limped out in triumph. "That dude," he snorted. "The damn fool, he would tread on his own balls just as quick as he would on his neighbor's." He continued to maunder on; the clock chimed; the gavel dropped; Roosevelt's resolution returned to the table. Alvord limped out in triumph. "That dude," he snorted. "The damn fool, he would tread on his own balls just as quick as he would on his neighbor's."78

THAT EVENING THE CAVERNS of the Delavan House hummed with discussion of Roosevelt's speech, while reporters dashed off the news for front-page headlines in the Thursday papers. "Mr. Roosevelt's charges," wrote the of the Delavan House hummed with discussion of Roosevelt's speech, while reporters dashed off the news for front-page headlines in the Thursday papers. "Mr. Roosevelt's charges," wrote the Sun Sun correspondent, "were made with a boldness that was almost startling." George Spinney of correspondent, "were made with a boldness that was almost startling." George Spinney of The New York Times The New York Times complimented him on his "most refreshing habit of calling men and things by their right names," and predicted "a splendid career" for the young reformer. The complimented him on his "most refreshing habit of calling men and things by their right names," and predicted "a splendid career" for the young reformer. The World World correspondent, representing the publishing interests of Jay Gould, was dismissive. "The son of Mr. Theodore Roosevelt ought to have learned, even at this early period of his life, the difference between a call for a legislative committee of investigation and a stump speech." correspondent, representing the publishing interests of Jay Gould, was dismissive. "The son of Mr. Theodore Roosevelt ought to have learned, even at this early period of his life, the difference between a call for a legislative committee of investigation and a stump speech."79 Overnight, both Republican and Democratic machines whirred into silent, efficient action. A secret messenger from Tammany Hall came flying up on the late train, groups of veteran members worked out a strategy to block the "obnoxious resolution," and Gould's representatives in Albany began to lobby behind closed doors.80 Next morning, Thursday, Roosevelt called for a vote to lift his resolution from the table. Again, he was outwitted on the floor. The Speaker took advantage of the fact that he had forgotten to say what kind of vote he wanted, and called for members to stand up and be counted. A sea of anonymous heads bobbed quickly up and down. The deputy clerk pretended to count them, recorded a couple of imaginary figures, and the Speaker announced the result: 54 to 50 against.

"By Godfrey!" Roosevelt seethed. "I'll get them on the record yet!"81 He waited until much later in the day, when the House was drowsing over unimportant business. This time he demanded a name vote. Forced to identify themselves, the members voted 59 to 45 in favor of considering the resolution.82 Roosevelt was still short of the two-thirds majority he needed to launch an investigation of Westbrook and Ward, but time, and public opinion, was on his side. Tomorrow, Good Friday, was the beginning of the Easter recess. During the long weekend, newspapers would continue to discuss his "bombshell" resolution, and by the time the Assembly reconvened on Monday evening, members would have heard from their constituents. Roosevelt was still short of the two-thirds majority he needed to launch an investigation of Westbrook and Ward, but time, and public opinion, was on his side. Tomorrow, Good Friday, was the beginning of the Easter recess. During the long weekend, newspapers would continue to discuss his "bombshell" resolution, and by the time the Assembly reconvened on Monday evening, members would have heard from their constituents.

THE FORCES OF CORRUPTION, meanwhile, were very anxious that Roosevelt's constituents-the wealthiest and most respectable in the state-should hear something about him him. Since the young man was maddeningly immune to coercion and bribery,83 they tried to blackmail him with sex. Walking home to 6 West Fifty-seventh Street one night, he was startled to see a woman slip and fall on the sidewalk in front of him. He summoned a cab, whereupon she tearfully begged him to accompany her home; but he grew suspicious, and refused. As he paid the cabdriver, he took note of the address she gave, and immediately afterward dispatched a police detective to her house. The report came back that there had been "a whole lot of men waiting to spring on him." they tried to blackmail him with sex. Walking home to 6 West Fifty-seventh Street one night, he was startled to see a woman slip and fall on the sidewalk in front of him. He summoned a cab, whereupon she tearfully begged him to accompany her home; but he grew suspicious, and refused. As he paid the cabdriver, he took note of the address she gave, and immediately afterward dispatched a police detective to her house. The report came back that there had been "a whole lot of men waiting to spring on him."84

THAT E EASTER WEEKEND, which saw admiring articles on Roosevelt's Westbrook Resolution appear in newspapers from Montauk to Buffalo, was sufficient to make his name a household word across New York State. At a time of growing disenchantment with the Republican Party (now widely believed to be controlled by men like Jay Gould), he leaped into the headlines, passionate and incorruptible, a defender of the people against the unholy alliance of politics, big business, and the bench. Particularly adoring were wealthy young liberals, such as his former classmates at Harvard and Columbia. "We hailed him as the dawn of a new era," wrote Poultney Bigelow, "the man of good family once more in the political arena; the college-bred tribune superior to the temptations which beset meaner men. 'Teddy,' as we called him, was our ideal."85

BY 12 A APRIL, when Roosevelt again moved to lift his resolution from the table, public demand for an investigation of Westbrook and Ward was such that the Assembly voted 104 to 6 in its favor. Prominent among the holdouts were J. J. Costello and old Tom Alvord, the latter predicting darkly that certain "gentlemen who had gone after wool would come back shorn."86 But Roosevelt, whatever the outcome of the investigation, had already scored a major political triumph. As the Judiciary Committee hearings got under way, his personality visibly expanded. The crudely fermenting energy of his early days in Albany sweetened into a bubbling But Roosevelt, whatever the outcome of the investigation, had already scored a major political triumph. As the Judiciary Committee hearings got under way, his personality visibly expanded. The crudely fermenting energy of his early days in Albany sweetened into a bubbling joie de vivre joie de vivre that vented itself in exuberant slammings of doors, gallopings up stairs, and shouts of laughter audible, George Spinney guessed, at least four miles away. that vented itself in exuberant slammings of doors, gallopings up stairs, and shouts of laughter audible, George Spinney guessed, at least four miles away.87 His hunger for knowledge on all subjects grew to the point that after every Rooseveltian breakfast, hotel waiters had to clear away piles of ravaged newspapers. A reporter who sat nearby recalled that he read these newspapers "at a speed that would have excited the jealousy of the most rapid exchange editor." Roosevelt "saw everything, grasped the sense of everything, and formed an opinion on everything which he was eager to maintain at any risk." His hunger for knowledge on all subjects grew to the point that after every Rooseveltian breakfast, hotel waiters had to clear away piles of ravaged newspapers. A reporter who sat nearby recalled that he read these newspapers "at a speed that would have excited the jealousy of the most rapid exchange editor." Roosevelt "saw everything, grasped the sense of everything, and formed an opinion on everything which he was eager to maintain at any risk."88 Like a child, said Isaac Hunt, the young Assemblyman took on new strength and new ideas. "He would leave Albany Friday afternoon, and he would come back Monday night, and you could see see changes that had happened to him. Such a superabundance of animal life was hardly ever condensed in a human [being]." changes that had happened to him. Such a superabundance of animal life was hardly ever condensed in a human [being]."89 This new vitality warmed everybody who came in contact with Roosevelt-in particular members of his immediate family. It warmed Alice, lonely in their Albany apartment during the long Assembly sessions; it warmed widowed Mittie and the spinsterish Bamie, coexisting irritably amidst the splendors of 6 West Fifty-seventh Street; it warmed plump, weepy Corinne, as he gave her away in marriage to Douglas Robinson, a man who left her cold;90 it even warmed Elliott, just returned from India, drinking heavily, and still undecided about his future. All huddled close to the glowing youth in their midst, while Theodore himself reveled in "the excitement and perpetual conflict" of politics, the feeling that he was "really being of some use in the world." it even warmed Elliott, just returned from India, drinking heavily, and still undecided about his future. All huddled close to the glowing youth in their midst, while Theodore himself reveled in "the excitement and perpetual conflict" of politics, the feeling that he was "really being of some use in the world."91

WHAT "USE" HE WAS in Albany became a matter of some debate as the months went by. Not for nothing was he known as "the Cyclone Assemblyman," in Albany became a matter of some debate as the months went by. Not for nothing was he known as "the Cyclone Assemblyman,"92 being primarily a destructive force in the House. Indeed, Roosevelt seemed better at scattering the legislation of other men than whipping up any of his own. Although he continued to talk loudly of "moral duty," his scruples were usually economic. Halfway through the session the being primarily a destructive force in the House. Indeed, Roosevelt seemed better at scattering the legislation of other men than whipping up any of his own. Although he continued to talk loudly of "moral duty," his scruples were usually economic. Halfway through the session the Tribune Tribune described him as "a watchdog over New York's treasury." described him as "a watchdog over New York's treasury."93 Two months later, after the Aldermanic Bill finally achieved passage, the same newspaper remarked: "This is the only bill that Mr. Roosevelt has succeeded in passing through the Legislature; but as he has killed four score [other]...bills he is probably satisfied with his record." Two months later, after the Aldermanic Bill finally achieved passage, the same newspaper remarked: "This is the only bill that Mr. Roosevelt has succeeded in passing through the Legislature; but as he has killed four score [other]...bills he is probably satisfied with his record."94 Particularly surprising, in view of Roosevelt's later renown as the most labor-minded of Presidents, was his attitude to social legislation. It was so harsh that even the loyal Hunt and O'Neil voted against him on occasion. For instance, he vigorously protested a proposal to fix the minimum wage for municipal laborers at $2.00 a day. "Why, Mr. Speaker, this bill will impose an expenditure of thousands thousands of dollars upon the City of New York!" of dollars upon the City of New York!"95 He also fought against raising the inadequate salaries of firemen and policemen. When somebody suggested that such people should at least have parity with civil service workers who got more and lived less dangerously, his response was facetious. "Just because we cannot stop all the large leaks, that is no reason why we should open up all the little ones." Only seven other members agreed with this argument, and the bill was passed overwhelmingly. He also fought against raising the inadequate salaries of firemen and policemen. When somebody suggested that such people should at least have parity with civil service workers who got more and lived less dangerously, his response was facetious. "Just because we cannot stop all the large leaks, that is no reason why we should open up all the little ones." Only seven other members agreed with this argument, and the bill was passed overwhelmingly.96 He even opposed a bill which sought to abolish the private manufacture of cigars in immigrant tenements-an abuse which turned slummy apartments into even slummier "factories." But in this case Roosevelt proved he was not inflexible: a tour of some of the tenements involved revealed such horrors of dirt and overcrowding that he promptly came out in favor of the measure. "As a matter of practical common sense," he afterward wrote, "I could not conscientiously vote for the continuation of the conditions which I saw."97 It should be understood that Roosevelt's attitude toward labor in 1882 was not unusual for a man of his class. Enlightened as he may have been on various outdated aspects of the American dream, he adhered to the classic credo that every citizen is master of his fate.98 His own fate had been an opulent one, in contrast to that of the average tenement-dweller, but he did not think this unfair. After all, his ancestors had worked their way up from a pig-farm in Old Manhattan. His own fate had been an opulent one, in contrast to that of the average tenement-dweller, but he did not think this unfair. After all, his ancestors had worked their way up from a pig-farm in Old Manhattan.

THE J JUDICIARY C COMMITTEE did not conclude its investigation of Westbrook and Ward until 30 May, only days before the session of 1882 came to an end. Although the committee's reports were not due to be made public until noon on 31 May, rumors began to circulate in the small hours of the morning that the majority was prepared to recommend impeachment. Roosevelt and Hunt took a straw poll of their colleagues around did not conclude its investigation of Westbrook and Ward until 30 May, only days before the session of 1882 came to an end. Although the committee's reports were not due to be made public until noon on 31 May, rumors began to circulate in the small hours of the morning that the majority was prepared to recommend impeachment. Roosevelt and Hunt took a straw poll of their colleagues around 3:00 A.M. 3:00 A.M., which indicated that the Assembly would accept this recommendation; yet even at so late an hour, "mysterious influences" were working against them. There was a frantic burst of last-minute bribery, and three pivotal members of the committee agreed to withdraw their signatures from the majority report, to the tune of $2,500 each.99 Thus in the nine hours preceding the committee's reports to the House, its majority for impeachment was changed to a majority against. The chairman conceded that Judge Westbrook had occasionally been "indiscreet and unwise," but said that he was merely guilty of "excessive zeal" in trying to save the Manhattan Elevated from destruction. Thus in the nine hours preceding the committee's reports to the House, its majority for impeachment was changed to a majority against. The chairman conceded that Judge Westbrook had occasionally been "indiscreet and unwise," but said that he was merely guilty of "excessive zeal" in trying to save the Manhattan Elevated from destruction.100 During the reading of this report, Roosevelt was seen writhing with impotent rage.101 At the first opportunity he jumped to his feet and urged the House to vote nay. He kept his temper well in check, speaking slowly and clearly in a trembling voice, but his choice of words was vituperative. "You cannot by your votes clear the Judge...you cannot cleanse the leper. Beware lest you taint yourself with his leprosy!" At the first opportunity he jumped to his feet and urged the House to vote nay. He kept his temper well in check, speaking slowly and clearly in a trembling voice, but his choice of words was vituperative. "You cannot by your votes clear the Judge...you cannot cleanse the leper. Beware lest you taint yourself with his leprosy!"102 He lost control of himself only once in the ensuing debate, when a speaker referred to him as "the reputed father" of the Westbrook Resolution. "Does the gentleman mean to say," Roosevelt yelled, "that the resolution is a bastard?"103 His anger was to no avail, and the House accepted the committee's findings by a vote of 77 to 35. His anger was to no avail, and the House accepted the committee's findings by a vote of 77 to 35.104 Two days later, on 2 June, what The New York Times The New York Times called "the most corrupt Assembly since the days of Boss Tweed" called "the most corrupt Assembly since the days of Boss Tweed"105 went out of existence. Roosevelt took a rueful farewell of Isaac Hunt, Billy O'Neil, and his other legislative friends, and caught the went out of existence. Roosevelt took a rueful farewell of Isaac Hunt, Billy O'Neil, and his other legislative friends, and caught the 7:00 P.M 7:00 P.M. train to New York, where Alice had already preceded him. Interviewed at Grand Central, he agreed that the session had been a bad one for the Republican party. "There seem to have been no leaders," leaders," he said thoughtfully. he said thoughtfully.106 Early next morning he and Alice joined the other Roosevelts on the blossoming shores of Oyster Bay.

REVIEWING THE SESSION AT LEISURE that summer (if a schedule including ninety-one games of tennis in a single day can be described as leisurely), that summer (if a schedule including ninety-one games of tennis in a single day can be described as leisurely),107 Roosevelt had little to regret, and much to look forward to. True, Westbrook and Ward had slipped through his fingers at the last moment, but their venality had been exposed, and his political reputation made. Republican newspapers were loud in his praise, and the one national magazine, Roosevelt had little to regret, and much to look forward to. True, Westbrook and Ward had slipped through his fingers at the last moment, but their venality had been exposed, and his political reputation made. Republican newspapers were loud in his praise, and the one national magazine, Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly, had congratulated him on "public service worthy of high commendation."108 Less than two years out of college, still five months shy of his twenty-fourth birthday, he was already a powerful man, knowing more about New York State politics, in expert opinion, than 90 percent of his fellow Assemblymen. A testimonial dinner in his honor was scheduled at Delmonico's; his renomination in the fall was certain, and his reelection probable. Already there were rumors that his name might be put up for party leader. Less than two years out of college, still five months shy of his twenty-fourth birthday, he was already a powerful man, knowing more about New York State politics, in expert opinion, than 90 percent of his fellow Assemblymen. A testimonial dinner in his honor was scheduled at Delmonico's; his renomination in the fall was certain, and his reelection probable. Already there were rumors that his name might be put up for party leader.109 Should the Republicans win a clear majority in the House, that would automatically put him in line for Speaker. Should the Republicans win a clear majority in the House, that would automatically put him in line for Speaker.

These were pleasant thoughts for a young man to dwell on in hot, lazy weather, as the sun burned his body hickory-brown, and Alice, a vision of white lace and ribbons, snoozed gracefully in the stern of his rowboat, a volume of Swinburne in her lap.

"All huddled close to the glowing youth in their midst."

Alice, Corinne, and Bamie Roosevelt, about 1882. (Illustration 6.2)

CHAPTER 7.

The Fighting Cock He was quarrelsome and loud,And impatient of control.

ON N NEW Y YEAR'S D DAY, 1883, Isaac Hunt stood up at the Republican Assembly caucus in Albany and offered the name of Theodore Roosevelt for Speaker.1 The nomination was approved by acclamation, and Roosevelt could congratulate himself on a political ascent without parallel in American history. The nomination was approved by acclamation, and Roosevelt could congratulate himself on a political ascent without parallel in American history.2 To use his own phrase, "I rose like a rocket." To use his own phrase, "I rose like a rocket."3 A year ago he had been "that damn dude"; now, reelected by a record two-to-one majority, he was his party's choice for the most prestigious office in New York State, other than that of Governor. Yet he was still the youngest man in the Legislature. A year ago he had been "that damn dude"; now, reelected by a record two-to-one majority, he was his party's choice for the most prestigious office in New York State, other than that of Governor. Yet he was still the youngest man in the Legislature.4 Already, in scattered corners of the country, his name was being dropped by political prophets. In Brooklyn, the columnist William C. Hudson reportedly wrote that he was destined for "the upper regions of politics." In Iowa, Roosevelt was hailed as "the rising hope and chosen leader of a new generation." At Cornell University, the eminent Dr. Andrew D. White stopped a history lecture to remark, "Young gentlemen, some of you will enter public life. I call your attention to Theodore Roosevelt, now in our Legislature. He is on the right road to success...If any man of his age was ever pointed straight at the Presidency, that man is Theodore Roosevelt." Already, in scattered corners of the country, his name was being dropped by political prophets. In Brooklyn, the columnist William C. Hudson reportedly wrote that he was destined for "the upper regions of politics." In Iowa, Roosevelt was hailed as "the rising hope and chosen leader of a new generation." At Cornell University, the eminent Dr. Andrew D. White stopped a history lecture to remark, "Young gentlemen, some of you will enter public life. I call your attention to Theodore Roosevelt, now in our Legislature. He is on the right road to success...If any man of his age was ever pointed straight at the Presidency, that man is Theodore Roosevelt."5

"If Teddy says it's all right, it is is all right." all right."

(Clockwise) Theodore Roosevelt, Walter Howe, George Spinney, Isaac Hunt, and William O'Neil. (Illustration 7.1) Such predictions were, of course, as farfetched as they were far-flung. Roosevelt dismissed even his nomination for Speaker as "complimentary."6 He knew he had no chance of winning. The last state election had been a general disaster for his party. Democrats had captured not only the Assembly, but the Senate and Governorship too. This landslide, in the nation's most powerful legislature, was seen as an omen that the White House, occupied by Republicans since the Civil War, might fall to the opposition in 1884. He knew he had no chance of winning. The last state election had been a general disaster for his party. Democrats had captured not only the Assembly, but the Senate and Governorship too. This landslide, in the nation's most powerful legislature, was seen as an omen that the White House, occupied by Republicans since the Civil War, might fall to the opposition in 1884.

The result of the Speakership contest on 2 January emphasized just how much Republican strength in the Assembly had eroded. Voting along party lines, members gave Chapin (D) 84 votes, Roosevelt (R) 41. "I do not see clearly what we can accomplish, even in checking bad legislation," Roosevelt told Billy O'Neil. Still, he had to admit that the title of party leader was preferable to some of the names he had been called in the last session.7 There was another future President in Albany that January, and a more likely one, in serious opinion, than the foppish young New Yorker. Two years before, Grover Cleveland had been an obscure upstate lawyer, fortyish, unmarried, Democratic, remarkable only for his ability to work thirty-six hours at a stretch without fatigue. Then, in quick succession, he had served eighteen scandal-free months as Mayor of Buffalo, been nominated for Governor, and been elected to that office with the biggest plurality in the history of New York State. The message of the vote was clear: people wanted clean politicians in Albany, irrespective of party. All this made Roosevelt anxious to see "the Big One," as he was known,8 in the flesh. in the flesh.

There was plenty of flesh to see. Cleveland, at forty-five, was a man of formidable size, weighing well over three hundred pounds.9 Although he moved with surprising grace, his bulk, once wheezily settled on a chair, seemed as unlikely to budge as a sack of cement. Interviewers were reassured by the stillness of the massive head, the steady gaze, the spread of immaculate suiting. The Governor was invariably patient and courteous; his first official announcement had been that his door was open to all comers. Yet the slightest appeal to favor, as opposed to justice, would cause the dark eyes to narrow, and evoke a menacing rumble from somewhere behind the walrus mustache: "I don't know that I understand you." Although he moved with surprising grace, his bulk, once wheezily settled on a chair, seemed as unlikely to budge as a sack of cement. Interviewers were reassured by the stillness of the massive head, the steady gaze, the spread of immaculate suiting. The Governor was invariably patient and courteous; his first official announcement had been that his door was open to all comers. Yet the slightest appeal to favor, as opposed to justice, would cause the dark eyes to narrow, and evoke a menacing rumble from somewhere behind the walrus mustache: "I don't know that I understand you."10 Should a foolhardy petitioner blunder on, the sack of cement would suddenly heave and sway, and a ponderous fist crash down on the nearest surface, signifying that the interview was over. Often as not, the nearest surface happened to be Cleveland's arthritic knee. On such occasions everybody in his vicinity scattered. Should a foolhardy petitioner blunder on, the sack of cement would suddenly heave and sway, and a ponderous fist crash down on the nearest surface, signifying that the interview was over. Often as not, the nearest surface happened to be Cleveland's arthritic knee. On such occasions everybody in his vicinity scattered.11 Few of the Governor's visitors could imagine that Cleveland, behind the closed doors of a tavern, was a jovial beer-drinker, a roarer of songs, a teller of hilarious stories. This "other" Cleveland was known only to his friends in Buffalo, and to a quiet-living widow, whose child he had fathered some six years previously.12 Roosevelt would find out about the widow one day, and make political hay of her. In the meantime he liked what he saw of Cleveland, and decided to take advantage of that open door as soon as an opportunity presented itself. Roosevelt would find out about the widow one day, and make political hay of her. In the meantime he liked what he saw of Cleveland, and decided to take advantage of that open door as soon as an opportunity presented itself.

HE DID NOT EVEN have to make the first move. Early in the session a summons came for him to visit the Governor and discuss a subject of great mutual interest. have to make the first move. Early in the session a summons came for him to visit the Governor and discuss a subject of great mutual interest.13 Neither man realized, at the time, just how much effect it would have on their future careers. Neither man realized, at the time, just how much effect it would have on their future careers.

The matter Cleveland wished to discuss was Civil Service Reform, an explosive political issue. Simply described, it was a nationwide movement aimed at abolishing the traditional system of political appointments, whereby the party in power distributed public offices in exchange for favors-or cash-received. In place of this "spoils system," reformers proposed to institute competitive, written examinations for all civil service posts, making merit, rather than corruption, the basis for selection, and ensuring that a good man, once in office, would remain there, independent of the ins and outs of government.

The movement was fiercely opposed by machine politicians, who maintained that they could not govern without the judicious handing out of political plums. President Garfield's murder by a frustrated office-seeker had caused thousands of idealistic young men, including Theodore Roosevelt, to flock to the reform banner.14 Reform candidates had been conspicuously successful in the elections of 1882. Congress, paying heed, had passed a bill making 10 percent of all federal jobs subject to written examinations. Governor Cleveland now sought to push similar legislation at Albany. Reform candidates had been conspicuously successful in the elections of 1882. Congress, paying heed, had passed a bill making 10 percent of all federal jobs subject to written examinations. Governor Cleveland now sought to push similar legislation at Albany.15 News that Assemblyman Roosevelt had already introduced a Civil Service Reform Bill in the House caused Cleveland to send for him and his faithful aide Isaac Hunt.16 The Governor expressed strong support for the Roosevelt bill, and asked how it was doing. Hunt, whose responsibility was to guide the paperwork through the Judiciary Committee, reported that it was hopelessly stalled. Machine politicians in the House had no wish to consider such legislation, and had arranged with their colleagues on the committee to let it die of sheer neglect. The Governor expressed strong support for the Roosevelt bill, and asked how it was doing. Hunt, whose responsibility was to guide the paperwork through the Judiciary Committee, reported that it was hopelessly stalled. Machine politicians in the House had no wish to consider such legislation, and had arranged with their colleagues on the committee to let it die of sheer neglect.

For an hour the three men discussed possibilities of getting the bill reported out, favorably or unfavorably, so that an independent, bipartisan vote could be organized on the floor of the House. Roosevelt left the Executive Office encouraged. It was good to know he had won such powerful support-even if Cleveland did belong to the wrong party.17

ALICE DUTIFULLY CAME UPRIVER at the beginning of January to look for another set of rooms with her husband. at the beginning of January to look for another set of rooms with her husband.18 She seems to have decided-or been persuaded-that she would be better off in New York. With few female friends to visit locally, and, as yet, no child to look after, she indeed had little to detain her. Theodore's duties as Minority Leader, not to mention four very demanding committee jobs, She seems to have decided-or been persuaded-that she would be better off in New York. With few female friends to visit locally, and, as yet, no child to look after, she indeed had little to detain her. Theodore's duties as Minority Leader, not to mention four very demanding committee jobs,19 meant that he would be even busier than last year. But every Friday night he would join her in the big city, and stay on through Monday morning. Alice, during her days alone, could enjoy the simple things that gave her pleasure-tennis at Drina Potter's Club, shopping and gossip with Corinne, tea-parties with Mittie and Bamie, concerts and Bible classes with Aunt Annie. meant that he would be even busier than last year. But every Friday night he would join her in the big city, and stay on through Monday morning. Alice, during her days alone, could enjoy the simple things that gave her pleasure-tennis at Drina Potter's Club, shopping and gossip with Corinne, tea-parties with Mittie and Bamie, concerts and Bible classes with Aunt Annie.20 Alice had a house of her own to run now. In October 1882, she and Theodore had moved into a brownstone at 55 West Forty-fifth Street. Fanny Smith, a frequent visitor, found it small but pleasant and full of "fun and talk."21 The preoccupied Assemblyman, on his weekends in town, admitted there was no place like home. Early in the session he wrote in his diary: The preoccupied Assemblyman, on his weekends in town, admitted there was no place like home. Early in the session he wrote in his diary: Back again in my own lovely little home, with the sweetest and prettiest of all little wives-my own sunny darling. I can imagine nothing more happy in life than an evening spent in my cosy little sitting room, before a bright fire of soft coal, my books all around me, and playing backgammon with my own dainty mistress.22 For all these blissful interludes, he was never reluctant to return to the more Spartan comforts of a bachelor life in Albany. "He stops at the Kenmore," reported the New York Herald New York Herald solemnly, "and is said to be very fond of fishballs for breakfast." solemnly, "and is said to be very fond of fishballs for breakfast."23 There is some evidence that Roosevelt, while remaining strictly faithful to his wife, had developed a taste for the "stag" activities enjoyed by Albany legislators, most of whom also left their wives at home in the constituency. "There wasn't anything vicious vicious about him," George Spinney hastened to say, "...he did not visit any bad houses, but anything and everything else." about him," George Spinney hastened to say, "...he did not visit any bad houses, but anything and everything else."24 Roosevelt's best friends in the capital were still Isaac Hunt and Billy O'Neil, plus a new young Republican from Brooklyn, Walter Howe. Together they formed what their leader called "a pleasant quartette." With George Spinney acting as a non-legislative fifth member, they would occasionally play hookey from the Assembly for a night on the town. By modern standards, these spells of wild abandon were laughably sedate; Roosevelt's disdain for "low drinking and dancing saloons" was marked even in 1883.25 Since discovering at Harvard that wine made him truculent, he had begun a lifetime policy of near-total abstinence. However an extract from the Hunt/Spinney interviews suggests that a little could go a long way: Since discovering at Harvard that wine made him truculent, he had begun a lifetime policy of near-total abstinence. However an extract from the Hunt/Spinney interviews suggests that a little could go a long way: SPINNEY.

They concluded that I was worthy of a dinner, and we had...a damned good dinner. Of course we talked and we sang. They concluded that I was worthy of a dinner, and we had...a damned good dinner. Of course we talked and we sang.

HAGEDORN.

He He did? did?

SPINNEY.

You never heard Theodore sing? You never heard Theodore sing?

HAGEDORN.

No, I never did. No, I never did.

HUNT.

Well, he sang that night. Well, he sang that night.

SPINNEY.

On top of the table, too. On top of the table, too.

HUNT.

With the water bottle, do you remember that? With the water bottle, do you remember that?26

Here Spinney changes the subject. But he moves on to another anecdote, which indicates that the forces of corruption were still out to besmirch Roosevelt's public image.

SPINNEY.

What was that story about the cockfight?...They put up a job on Roosevelt. Roosevelt liked all sort of athletic sports, and cockfighting was something new to him.... Some of them had arranged for a cockfight in Troy, and I think the place was to be pulled by the police. Well...the place What was that story about the cockfight?...They put up a job on Roosevelt. Roosevelt liked all sort of athletic sports, and cockfighting was something new to him.... Some of them had arranged for a cockfight in Troy, and I think the place was to be pulled by the police. Well...the place was was pulled, but Roosevelt beat it for Albany, and came in puffing and panting into the Delavan House, and telling that he had escaped being pulled in up there... pulled, but Roosevelt beat it for Albany, and came in puffing and panting into the Delavan House, and telling that he had escaped being pulled in up there...

HUNT.

Next morning some of the fellows had feathers on their coats. Next morning some of the fellows had feathers on their coats.27