WITHIN A FEW DAYS of his message Roosevelt received word that Judge Charles T. Saxton, another "independent organization man of the best type," was willing to accept the post of Superintendent of Insurance, providing Senator Platt and Charles Odell could be persuaded to forsake Payn. Roosevelt was optimistic. "While I did not intend to make an ugly fight unless they forced me to it, yet if they do force me the fight shall be had." of his message Roosevelt received word that Judge Charles T. Saxton, another "independent organization man of the best type," was willing to accept the post of Superintendent of Insurance, providing Senator Platt and Charles Odell could be persuaded to forsake Payn. Roosevelt was optimistic. "While I did not intend to make an ugly fight unless they forced me to it, yet if they do force me the fight shall be had."19

UNEXPECTED AMMUNITION fell into his hands on 11 January 1900, when a stockholder of the State Trust Company of New York, one of Payn's strongest backers, came to Albany with evidence calculated to embarrass the superintendent and liquidate the company. According to the stockholder's figures, Payn had received $435,000 in loans based on "various unsaleable industrial securities of uncertain and doubtful value, together with what purports to be a certified bank check for $100,000." He petitioned for an immediate investigation of State Trust's books by the Superintendent of Banking, Frederick D. Kilburn. fell into his hands on 11 January 1900, when a stockholder of the State Trust Company of New York, one of Payn's strongest backers, came to Albany with evidence calculated to embarrass the superintendent and liquidate the company. According to the stockholder's figures, Payn had received $435,000 in loans based on "various unsaleable industrial securities of uncertain and doubtful value, together with what purports to be a certified bank check for $100,000." He petitioned for an immediate investigation of State Trust's books by the Superintendent of Banking, Frederick D. Kilburn.20 Roosevelt, showing his usual disregard for niceties of protocol in an emergency, ignored Kilburn and ordered Adjutant General Andrews to conduct the investigation within twenty-four hours. "I had to act at once," he explained to a doubtful Supreme Court Justice.21 The unspoken implication was that Kilburn, a holdover from the Black Administration, might be rather less willing than Andrews to involve the Superintendent of Insurance in a major scandal. The unspoken implication was that Kilburn, a holdover from the Black Administration, might be rather less willing than Andrews to involve the Superintendent of Insurance in a major scandal.

Andrews had his report ready the next day, 13 January. Although it betrayed signs of hasty and superficial analysis, there was enough evidence of Laocoon-like entanglements between the directors of State Trust and Louis F. Payn for Roosevelt to proceed well-armed to a "bloody breakfast" with Senator Platt. "When I go to war," the Governor confided to a friend, "I try to arrange it so that all the shooting is not on one side."22

THE BREAKFAST, which was also attended by Chairman Odell (parchment-pale, glowering and watchful, secretly ambitious to supplant Platt as boss of the party), took place on Saturday, 20 January.23 It proved to be less of a war than a series of brief preparatory skirmishes. Roosevelt insisted that Payn must be replaced. Platt insisted that Payn would stay. The Governor was sure that Judge Saxton would be an acceptable substitute. The Boss was equally sure he would not. Retreating slightly, Roosevelt produced his usual list of names, "most of whom are straight organization Republicans...who would administer the office in a perfectly clean and businesslike manner." Platt waved the list aside with loathing, but allowed Odell to pocket it. Then Roosevelt delivered his ultimatum: the organization had until Tuesday, 23 January, to approve one of the names. If no word was received by then, he would pick his own candidate and send the nomination in as soon as the Legislature opened for business on Wednesday morning. It proved to be less of a war than a series of brief preparatory skirmishes. Roosevelt insisted that Payn must be replaced. Platt insisted that Payn would stay. The Governor was sure that Judge Saxton would be an acceptable substitute. The Boss was equally sure he would not. Retreating slightly, Roosevelt produced his usual list of names, "most of whom are straight organization Republicans...who would administer the office in a perfectly clean and businesslike manner." Platt waved the list aside with loathing, but allowed Odell to pocket it. Then Roosevelt delivered his ultimatum: the organization had until Tuesday, 23 January, to approve one of the names. If no word was received by then, he would pick his own candidate and send the nomination in as soon as the Legislature opened for business on Wednesday morning.24 Thanks to the Payn scandal, he felt quite confident there would be enough votes in the Senate to ratify his choice. Thanks to the Payn scandal, he felt quite confident there would be enough votes in the Senate to ratify his choice.

Platt's response was to make a public announcement shortly afterward that he believed Roosevelt "ought to take the Vice-Presidency both for National and State reasons."25 Judge Saxton gracefully withdrew his conditional acceptance of the nomination, and suggested the Governor again approach Francis J. Hendricks. Roosevelt did so, but had yet to receive a reply when he encountered Platt on the afternoon of the twenty-third. The Senator still refused to consider any other Superintendent of Insurance but Payn, and threatened "war to the knife" if Roosevelt tried to oust him. With only hours to go before his self-imposed deadline expired, the Governor threw caution to the winds. He politely informed Platt that he would send in Hendricks's name in the morning without fail-a massive bluff, considering that Hendricks had not yet given him formal permission to do so.26 A little later in the day Odell asked for a final, prewar conference with the Governor. Roosevelt said he could be found at the Union League Club that evening.

If he hoped that Odell would arrive with conciliatory messages, he was soon disillusioned. Platt, he was told, "would under no circumstances yield." If Roosevelt insisted on opposing him, his "reputation would be destroyed," and there would be "a lamentable smash-up" from which he would never recover politically. At this, the Governor got up to go, saying there was nothing to be gained from further talk.

ODELL.

(impassive and inscrutable) (impassive and inscrutable) You have made up your mind? You have made up your mind?

ROOSEVELT.

I have. I have.

ODELL.

You know it means your ruin? You know it means your ruin?

ROOSEVELT.

(walking to the door) (walking to the door) Well, we will see about that. Well, we will see about that.

ODELL.

You understand, the fight will begin tomorrow and will be carried on to the bitter end. You understand, the fight will begin tomorrow and will be carried on to the bitter end.

ROOSEVELT.

Yes. Yes. (At the door.) (At the door.) Good night. Good night.

ODELL.

(as door opens) (as door opens) Hold on! We accept. Send in Hendricks. The Senator...will make no further opposition. Hold on! We accept. Send in Hendricks. The Senator...will make no further opposition.

Recollecting this dialogue in his Autobiography Autobiography, Roosevelt commented, "I never saw a bluff carried more resolutely to the final limit."27 It is not certain whether by this he meant Odell's or his own. It is not certain whether by this he meant Odell's or his own.

THE FOLLOWING DAY, Wednesday, Hendricks telephoned acceptance, and on Friday afternoon Roosevelt joyfully released news of the nomination to the press. Privately, to his old Assembly colleague Henry L. Sprague, he wrote: "I have always been fond of the West African proverb: 'Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far.'"28

IN THIS CASE, the Big Stick took him as far as the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia. Although the proceedings there did not open until 19 June 1900, Theodore Roosevelt's trajectory toward the vice-presidential nomination began to accelerate from the moment the New York State Senate confirmed Hendricks as Superintendent of Insurance on 31 January. The very next morning a mysteriously planted article appeared in the Sun Sun saying that "representatives of the Republican National Committee" had visited Roosevelt in Albany and urged him to consider acceptance of the nomination. Another mysterious article in the same paper, date-lined from Washington, reported that many of the most influential Republicans in the capital, "including probably a majority of Senators and Representatives," believed him to be "the logical candidate of the party for Vice-President." saying that "representatives of the Republican National Committee" had visited Roosevelt in Albany and urged him to consider acceptance of the nomination. Another mysterious article in the same paper, date-lined from Washington, reported that many of the most influential Republicans in the capital, "including probably a majority of Senators and Representatives," believed him to be "the logical candidate of the party for Vice-President."29 It was not difficult for Roosevelt to guess which persons might have provided the Sun Sun with this information. "I need not speak of the confidence I have in you and Lodge," the Governor wrote plaintively to Platt that morning, "yet I can't help feeling more and more that the Vice-Presidency is not an office in which I could do anything...." with this information. "I need not speak of the confidence I have in you and Lodge," the Governor wrote plaintively to Platt that morning, "yet I can't help feeling more and more that the Vice-Presidency is not an office in which I could do anything...."30 Unfortunately, as he well knew, the newspaper articles were for the most part accurate. He had indeed been visited in Albany by a national committeeman from Wisconsin, who told him that "most of the Western friends of McKinley" thought his name would strengthen the ticket, and that he would be nominated "substantially without opposition" if he agreed to run. The committeeman added that he would be "extremely lucky" to get through 1900 without alienating either the organization men or the Independents forever, and that "it would be tempting Providence to try for two terms." Unfortunately, as he well knew, the newspaper articles were for the most part accurate. He had indeed been visited in Albany by a national committeeman from Wisconsin, who told him that "most of the Western friends of McKinley" thought his name would strengthen the ticket, and that he would be nominated "substantially without opposition" if he agreed to run. The committeeman added that he would be "extremely lucky" to get through 1900 without alienating either the organization men or the Independents forever, and that "it would be tempting Providence to try for two terms."31 It was also true that there was a growing vice-presidential boom for the Governor in Washington. Lodge had intensified his efforts to swing the nomination for Roosevelt, to the extent of going to the White House and asking McKinley point-blank for the chairmanship of the convention. The President, taken aback, agreed at once. Lodge also got the impression that McKinley was "perfectly content" to have Roosevelt on the ticket.32 But then McKinley also seemed to be perfectly content with everything. But then McKinley also seemed to be perfectly content with everything.

Lodge's own correspondence with Roosevelt dangled a tempting bait, conditional on his acceptance of the nomination: the chance to become the first Governor-General of the Philippines. He informed his friend, with what truth one cannot tell, that McKinley would be favorable to the appointment, once the current native insurrection against U.S. rule was crushed.33 That might take another year or two, during which time Roosevelt, as Vice-President, would remain close to McKinley's elbow, and be available for instant nomination whenever the insurgent general, Emilio Aguinaldo, surrendered. That might take another year or two, during which time Roosevelt, as Vice-President, would remain close to McKinley's elbow, and be available for instant nomination whenever the insurgent general, Emilio Aguinaldo, surrendered.

It so happened that no job, short of the Presidency itself, so appealed to Roosevelt. Convinced as he might be that Cuba deserved its freedom from Spanish rule, he was equally convinced that the Philippines needed the benison of an American colonial administration. "I...feel sure that we can ultimately help our brethren so far forward on the path of self-government and orderly liberty that that beautiful archipelago shall become a center of civilization for all eastern Asia and the islands round about...."34 However, this bright vision was, he sensed, altogether too remote to pursue by the devious route Lodge recommended. Pressed to give his friend a decision on the Vice-Presidency, he wrote on 2 February: "With the utmost reluctance I have come to a conclusion that is against your judgment." Then, with recourse to his favorite metaphor: American politics are kaleidoscopic, and long before the next five years are out, the kaleidoscope is certain to have been many times shaken and some new men to have turned up.... Now the thing to decide at the moment is whether I shall try for the Governorship again, or accept the Vice-Presidency, if offered. I have been pretty successful as Governor...There is ample work left for me to do in another term-work that will need all of my energy and capacity-in short, work well worth any man's doing...But in the Vice-Presidency I could do nothing. I am a comparatively young man yet and I like to work. I do not like to be a figurehead. It would not entertain me to preside in the Senate...I could not do do anything; and yet I would be seeing continually things I would like to do...Finally the personal element comes in. Though I am a little better off than the anything; and yet I would be seeing continually things I would like to do...Finally the personal element comes in. Though I am a little better off than the Sun Sun correspondent believes, I have not sufficient means to run the social side of the Vice-Presidency as it ought to be run. I should have to live very simply, and would be always in the position of "poor man at a frolic."...So, old man, I am going to declare decisively that I want to be Governor and do not want to be Vice President. correspondent believes, I have not sufficient means to run the social side of the Vice-Presidency as it ought to be run. I should have to live very simply, and would be always in the position of "poor man at a frolic."...So, old man, I am going to declare decisively that I want to be Governor and do not want to be Vice President.35 Lodge's reaction to this flat refusal was ambiguous, while Senator Platt proved deaf to Roosevelt's heavy hint, "Now, I should like to be Governor for another term...."36 On 3 February, Roosevelt discovered why. The big insurance companies of New York, furious over his ouster of Payn, had "to a man" joined the franchise corporations already prevailing upon Platt to kick the Governor upstairs. This represented a combined lobbying power of approximately one billion dollars. On 3 February, Roosevelt discovered why. The big insurance companies of New York, furious over his ouster of Payn, had "to a man" joined the franchise corporations already prevailing upon Platt to kick the Governor upstairs. This represented a combined lobbying power of approximately one billion dollars.37 After a less-than-reverent meeting in the Amen Corner on 10 February, during which Platt cynically inquired what Roosevelt would do if the convention nominated him by unanimous vote ("I would not accept!" the Governor shot back), Roosevelt made the first public statement of his views two days later. It was both a rejection of the vice-presidential nomination and a plea for renomination as Governor. "And I am happy to say," he concluded, to the puzzlement of many reporters, "that Senator Platt cordially acquiesces in my views in the matter."38 If by that he meant the dry statement of support which Platt issued a little later, the Governor showed surprising ignorance of the fine art of political equivocation.

THE STORY OF THE next two months, culminating in the Governor's election as a delegate-at-large to Philadelphia on 17 April, is best expressed in the incomparable image of Thomas Collier Platt: "Roosevelt might as well stand under Niagara Falls and try to spit water back as to stop his nomination by this convention." next two months, culminating in the Governor's election as a delegate-at-large to Philadelphia on 17 April, is best expressed in the incomparable image of Thomas Collier Platt: "Roosevelt might as well stand under Niagara Falls and try to spit water back as to stop his nomination by this convention."39 President McKinley remained studiously neutral amidst the frantic lobbying for Roosevelt against such minor candidates as Cornelius Bliss, Timothy Woodruff, and John D. Long. Mark Hanna soon emerged as the Governor's principal opponent in Washington, swearing and thumping dramatically on his desk whenever the name Roosevelt was mentioned.40 Friends were puzzled by the violence of Hanna's antipathy: there was something almost of terror in it. The National Chairman still clung to his massive administrative and patronage powers, augmented by the dignity of his Senate seat, but age and ill health were making him increasingly unstable. Fits of roaring, blind anger alternated with childlike querulousness; the famous warmth seemed to have faded along with the light in his eyes. The truth was that Hanna was no longer sure of his influence on McKinley. His adoration for the podgy little President was such that the slightest hint of coolness depressed him. Recently McKinley had found it necessary to withdraw somewhat from Hanna, who had a habit of trying to run the White House, and he would not even say whether or not he would allow him to remain National Chairman through the convention. Hanna promptly suffered a heart attack. Friends were puzzled by the violence of Hanna's antipathy: there was something almost of terror in it. The National Chairman still clung to his massive administrative and patronage powers, augmented by the dignity of his Senate seat, but age and ill health were making him increasingly unstable. Fits of roaring, blind anger alternated with childlike querulousness; the famous warmth seemed to have faded along with the light in his eyes. The truth was that Hanna was no longer sure of his influence on McKinley. His adoration for the podgy little President was such that the slightest hint of coolness depressed him. Recently McKinley had found it necessary to withdraw somewhat from Hanna, who had a habit of trying to run the White House, and he would not even say whether or not he would allow him to remain National Chairman through the convention. Hanna promptly suffered a heart attack.41 Roosevelt was neither involved nor particularly interested in the McKinley-Hanna relationship. But Nicholas Murray Butler's news that neither man appeared to favor him for the Vice-Presidency left him oddly "chagrined."42 He thought the office unsuitable for himself, but did not like to have eminent persons think He thought the office unsuitable for himself, but did not like to have eminent persons think him him unsuitable for the office. unsuitable for the office.

Another unsettling influence was the flinty resolution of his best friend to nominate him at Philadelphia, whether he liked it or not. "The qualities that make Cabot invaluable...as a public servant also make him quite unchangeable when he has determined that a certain course is right," Roosevelt complained to Bamie. "There is no possible use in trying to make him see the affair as I look at it, because our points of view are different. He regards me as a man with a political career."43 During the last week of April the Governor's intransigence toward the nomination began to show subtle signs of change. "By the way," he wrote suddenly to Lodge, "I did not not say on February 12 that I would not under any circumstances accept the vice-presidency." (Lodge must have been puzzled by this remark, for Roosevelt's exact words to the press had been say on February 12 that I would not under any circumstances accept the vice-presidency." (Lodge must have been puzzled by this remark, for Roosevelt's exact words to the press had been It is proper for me to state that under no circumstances could I or would I accept the nomination for the vice-presidency.) It is proper for me to state that under no circumstances could I or would I accept the nomination for the vice-presidency.) Then, on 26 April, he delivered himself of another public statement, which was markedly looser. "I would rather be in private life than be Vice-President. I believe I can be of more service to my country as Governor of the State of New York." Then, on 26 April, he delivered himself of another public statement, which was markedly looser. "I would rather be in private life than be Vice-President. I believe I can be of more service to my country as Governor of the State of New York."44 He explained somewhat shamefacedly to Paul Dana of the Sun Sun that he must leave certain avenues open "simply because if it were vital for me to help the ticket by going in, I would feel that the situation was changed." that he must leave certain avenues open "simply because if it were vital for me to help the ticket by going in, I would feel that the situation was changed."

Dana's own opinion was "If they want you you had better take it."45

BY THE END of the legislative session on 8 May, the Governor was having such doubts he decided to visit Washington and check the vice-presidential opinions of various eminent men in the capital. These dignitaries included Senators Foraker and Chandler, Secretaries Root and Long, and President McKinley himself, who gave a dinner in Roosevelt's honor on 11 May. of the legislative session on 8 May, the Governor was having such doubts he decided to visit Washington and check the vice-presidential opinions of various eminent men in the capital. These dignitaries included Senators Foraker and Chandler, Secretaries Root and Long, and President McKinley himself, who gave a dinner in Roosevelt's honor on 11 May.46 Accounts vary as to what Roosevelt was told and what he said in reply. Foraker remembered him asking for help in suppressing the nomination at Philadelphia, then returning next day to complain furiously that McKinley and his aides did not want him to run. "There is no reason why they should not want me, and I will not allow them to discredit me. If the Convention wants me, I shall accept."47 On the other hand, John D. Long (whom Roosevelt discovered typically taking a postprandial stroll) got the impression that the Governor of New York wished to remain in Albany. This may well have been wishful thinking, because Long badly wanted the nomination himself.48 By far the best account of Roosevelt's visit was written by Secretary of State John Hay, to Joseph Bucklin Bishop, after Roosevelt had returned north: Teddy has been here: have you heard of it? It was more fun than a goat. He came down with a sombre resolution thrown on his strenuous brow to let McKinley and Hanna know once and for all that he would not be Vice President, and found to his stupefaction that nobody in Washington except Platt had ever dreamed of such a thing. He did not even have a chance to launch his nolo episcopari nolo episcopari at the Major [McKinley]. That statesman said he did not want him on the ticket-that he would be far more valuable in New York-and Root said, with his frank and murderous smile, "Of course not-you're not fit for it." And so he went back quite eased in his mind, but considerably bruised in his at the Major [McKinley]. That statesman said he did not want him on the ticket-that he would be far more valuable in New York-and Root said, with his frank and murderous smile, "Of course not-you're not fit for it." And so he went back quite eased in his mind, but considerably bruised in his amour propre. amour propre.49

THEODORE R ROOSEVELT'S BEHAVIOR at the Republican National Convention in June 1900, while entirely characteristic, was so puzzling as to defy logical analysis. Notwithstanding his genuine repugnance for the Vice-Presidency-it is impossible to read his private letters and not feel it palpably-he seems to have courted the nomination from the moment he stepped off the train in Philadelphia on Saturday the fifteenth. His very presence at the convention was a positive gesture. It would have been easy for him, as Governor, to prevent his nomination as a delegate-at-large, two months before; Lodge had mockingly warned him that to accept delegation was to be nominated; but he had responded that "I would be looked upon as rather a coward if I didn't go." at the Republican National Convention in June 1900, while entirely characteristic, was so puzzling as to defy logical analysis. Notwithstanding his genuine repugnance for the Vice-Presidency-it is impossible to read his private letters and not feel it palpably-he seems to have courted the nomination from the moment he stepped off the train in Philadelphia on Saturday the fifteenth. His very presence at the convention was a positive gesture. It would have been easy for him, as Governor, to prevent his nomination as a delegate-at-large, two months before; Lodge had mockingly warned him that to accept delegation was to be nominated; but he had responded that "I would be looked upon as rather a coward if I didn't go."50 By this reasoning, mere token attendance would have shown courage enough. Roosevelt could have then sought to deflate his boom by remaining as inconspicuous as possible, in order to avoid attracting the attention of delegates and reporters. But he chose to arrive in town wearing a large, soft, black, wide-rimmed hat, which stood out among Philadelphia's countless straw boaters like a tent in a wheat-field. His fellow delegates-at-large, Senator Platt, Chairman Odell, and Chauncey Depew, noted with amusement how en route to the Hotel Walton he coveted the recognition of the crowd, and kept up a running conversation with the inevitable train of reporters.51 Nicholas Murray Butler, who had been sent ahead with express orders to nip any draft-Roosevelt movement in the bud, remembered the galvanic effect of his entrance into the Walton's main lobby. "He walked in...with his quick nervous stride and at once the crowd waked up. T.R.'s name was on every lip and the question as to whether or not he should be forced to take the Vice-Presidency pushed every other question into the background...All Saturday evening the delegations kept coming and it was perfectly evident to me on Sunday morning that only the most drastic steps would prevent T.R.'s nomination."52 The run began with the Kansas delegation, who had been reading William Allen White editorials for a year, and were anxious for the honor of being first to declare in Roosevelt's favor. But the Governor heard they were coming, and ducked out of his suite, leaving word that he would be back "in a few minutes." An hour later the leader of the Kansans, J. R. Burton, traced Roosevelt to Platt's room.

He found the Governor in the act of thumping a table and saying, "I can't do it!" Platt was lying on the sofa, while his son Frank, Benjamin Odell, and "Smooth Ed" Lauterbach sat nearby. Nobody except Roosevelt seemed to mind Burton's intrusion. "Colonel Roosevelt,... the delegation from the Imperial State of Kansas is waiting upstairs for you to keep your promise to see them," said the delegate. His colleagues were prepared to forgive his discourtesy, having "the utmost admiration" for him, and were determined to place him before the convention; but if he did not meet with them at once, and choose his own nominator from among them, Burton would take charge of the nomination himself. At this, reported a bystander, Platt looked "friendly." Odell said, "Well, that settles it." And Roosevelt, with a melodramatic sigh, headed upstairs.53 Next morning a committee of the still more important Pennsylvania delegation called and also expressed unanimous support for Roosevelt. The California delegation followed on; all day long, as the excitement of conscripting a popular candidate spread through the convention hotels, the flattering flood continued.54 Roosevelt greeted all comers with expressions of regret that they had ignored his wishes, but he grinned so widely that his complaints lacked somewhat in force. His "resolve" to stand firm began to weaken during the afternoon, and by nightfall it was all but swept away. At Roosevelt greeted all comers with expressions of regret that they had ignored his wishes, but he grinned so widely that his complaints lacked somewhat in force. His "resolve" to stand firm began to weaken during the afternoon, and by nightfall it was all but swept away. At 10:30 P.M 10:30 P.M. a White House observer telephoned McKinley's private secretary, George B. Cortelyou. "The feeling is that the thing is going pell-mell like a tidal wave. I think up to this moment Roosevelt was against it, but they have turned his head." If Senator Mark Hanna had not been spending the weekend out of town, wrote a Tribune Tribune reporter, the Governor might have withdrawn his statements of non-acceptance there and then. reporter, the Governor might have withdrawn his statements of non-acceptance there and then.55 More calls flashed over the wires-to Haverford, Pennsylvania, where Hanna was dining with a shipping tycoon, and thence to the White House with a plea for McKinley to abandon his neutrality and come out in favor of some other candidate. About midnight a cold reply came back: "The President has no choice for Vice-President. Any of the distinguished names suggested would be satisfactory to him. The choice of the Convention will be his choice; he has no advice to give."56

HANNA WAS IN A rage when he returned to the Hotel Walton on Monday, 17 June. McKinley's refusal to advise him on the choice of a running mate was a blow to his prestige, and the first deliberately hostile act of their twenty-four-year-old friendship. All things considered, this was not a good morning for Professor Nicholas Murray Butler to approach the Chairman with what can only be described as an academic piece of advice. The only way to stop the nomination going to Roosevelt, Butler lectured, was to present the convention with another candidate of equally compelling personality. "You cannot beat somebody with nobody." Hanna responded to this epigram with an outburst of profanity, and assured Butler that his precious Governor would not be nominated. He, Hanna, simply would not permit it. When Butler asked whom the Chairman might prefer, Hanna growled something about John D. Long. rage when he returned to the Hotel Walton on Monday, 17 June. McKinley's refusal to advise him on the choice of a running mate was a blow to his prestige, and the first deliberately hostile act of their twenty-four-year-old friendship. All things considered, this was not a good morning for Professor Nicholas Murray Butler to approach the Chairman with what can only be described as an academic piece of advice. The only way to stop the nomination going to Roosevelt, Butler lectured, was to present the convention with another candidate of equally compelling personality. "You cannot beat somebody with nobody." Hanna responded to this epigram with an outburst of profanity, and assured Butler that his precious Governor would not be nominated. He, Hanna, simply would not permit it. When Butler asked whom the Chairman might prefer, Hanna growled something about John D. Long.57 The Chairman's mood worsened all morning. "Do whatever you damn please!" he bellowed in response to a routine question. "I'm through! I won't have anything more to do with the Convention! I won't take charge of the campaign!" Somebody tried to soothe him by pointing out that he still controlled the party. "I am not in control! McKinley won't let me use the power of the Administration to defeat Roosevelt. He is blind, or afraid, or something!"58 Observers wondered again at the Chairman's strange fear of Roosevelt. Hanna had never liked the man, and his dislike had deepened into something like hatred after the fist-shaking incident at the Gridiron Club in the spring of 1898. But this terror, this premonition of a national disaster should Roosevelt be allowed to stand at McKinley's side, was entirely new. At last Hanna, losing all self-control, blurted it out.

"Don't any of you realize that there's only one life between this madman and the Presidency?"59

MAD OR NOT, Roosevelt now posed such a serious threat to all the declared vice-presidential candidates that Hanna was forced to limp into his suite shortly before lunch and ask, once and for all, if he intended to run or not. The Governor would not say. He wondered how he could risk his political future by refusing a popular call. Hanna contemptuously replied that the Roosevelt boom had little to do with popularity. Senator Platt was simply using him as a tool. If Roosevelt really wished to show his so-called independence, he should withdraw promptly, publicly, and finally. That would effectively block any attempt to draft him.

Roosevelt hesitated, then agreed to write a statement of withdrawal at once.60

AN HOUR OR SO LATER, while Hanna was alerting the leaders of state delegations to the imminent announcement, Roosevelt sat at lunch with his wife, aides, and a few close friends. Henry Cabot Lodge was there, silent and embarrassed behind an enormous blue silk badge reading "FOR VICE PRESIDENT JOHN D. LONG."61 It was his duty to wear the emblem, as a member of the Massachusetts delegation, but the irony of the slogan must have grated on the sensibilities of all present. It was his duty to wear the emblem, as a member of the Massachusetts delegation, but the irony of the slogan must have grated on the sensibilities of all present.

Butler's account of the luncheon implies that Roosevelt said nothing about his recent decision to issue a final statement of denial. He merely sat and listened while everybody except Lodge pressed him to do just that. Edith Roosevelt was outspoken in her insistence that the Vice-Presidency was wrong for him. Not until after Lodge had left, with a bitter "I must go back and be loyal to Long," did the Governor allow Butler to draft a statement.

The draft was appropriately terse and uncompromising. Edith approved it, and Butler handed it to Roosevelt. "If you will sign that paper and give it out this afternoon, you will not be nominated."

Roosevelt stared at the document, contorting his face, as was his habit in moments of perplexity. He thought he could "improve its phrasing," and crossed over to the desk. Somehow the draft became a new statement entirely in his own handwriting. "Theodore, if that is all you will say, you will certainly be nominated," said Butler, aggrieved. "You have taken out of the statement all the finality and definiteness that was in mine."

At four o'clock Roosevelt's statement obstinately went forth.62 Thousands of eyes scrutinized it to the last conditional clause, and found nowhere the least hint of a refusal to accept the will of the convention. As far as staving off a draft was concerned, he might as effectively have written the single word "Yes." Thousands of eyes scrutinized it to the last conditional clause, and found nowhere the least hint of a refusal to accept the will of the convention. As far as staving off a draft was concerned, he might as effectively have written the single word "Yes."

In view of the revival of the talk of myself as a Vice-Presidential candidate, I have this to say. It is impossible too deeply to express how touched I am by the attitude of those delegates, who have wished me to take the nomination.... I understand the high honor and dignity of the office, an office so high and so honorable that it is well worthy of the ambition of any man in the United States. But while appreciating all this to the full, I nevertheless feel most deeply that the field of my best usefulness to the public and to the party is in New York State; and that, if the party should see fit to renominate me for Governor, I can in that position help the National ticket as in no other way. I very earnestly hope and ask that every friend of mine in this Convention respect my wish and my judgment in this matter.63 "It's a cinch," chuckled one delegate. "All we have to do is go ahead and nominate him."

"And then four years from now-" said another delegate.

"Quite so," said a third.64

CHAIRMAN H HANNA GAVELED the convention to order in Exposition Hall shortly after noon on Tuesday, 19 June. As the thwacking echoes died away and the band prepared to strike up "The Star-Spangled Banner," Theodore Roosevelt made the most famous of all his delayed entrances. Marching with military purposefulness, but not too quickly, he advanced down the aisle toward the New York delegation, his jaw clenched firm against floating spectacle-ribbons, looking neither to right nor left. Fifteen thousand pairs of eyes admired his broad black hat, so irresistibly reminiscent of Cuba ("that's an Acceptance Hat," somebody quipped), the convention to order in Exposition Hall shortly after noon on Tuesday, 19 June. As the thwacking echoes died away and the band prepared to strike up "The Star-Spangled Banner," Theodore Roosevelt made the most famous of all his delayed entrances. Marching with military purposefulness, but not too quickly, he advanced down the aisle toward the New York delegation, his jaw clenched firm against floating spectacle-ribbons, looking neither to right nor left. Fifteen thousand pairs of eyes admired his broad black hat, so irresistibly reminiscent of Cuba ("that's an Acceptance Hat," somebody quipped),65 and at least ten thousand pairs of hands applauded him as yells of "We Want Teddy!" swept around the auditorium. Roosevelt took fully two minutes to reach his seat; only then did he stand to attention for the beginning of the anthem. From the podium, Mark Hanna, a temporarily forgotten man, gazed down with disgust. Roosevelt was holding the Acceptance Hat over his heart. and at least ten thousand pairs of hands applauded him as yells of "We Want Teddy!" swept around the auditorium. Roosevelt took fully two minutes to reach his seat; only then did he stand to attention for the beginning of the anthem. From the podium, Mark Hanna, a temporarily forgotten man, gazed down with disgust. Roosevelt was holding the Acceptance Hat over his heart.66 For the rest of the day the convention was anticlimactic and boring. A blight of listlessness, to quote Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly, hung over the proceedings, intensified by steamy, cabbage-smelling heat wafting from the slums of West Philadelphia. Yet much aggressive activity was going on behind the scenes. Hanna, lobbying like a man possessed, bullied every delegate he could find into promises of support for John D. Long, or Representative Jonathen Dolliver of Iowa-anybody but Theodore Roosevelt. White House observers, fearful that the Chairman would split the party in two, telephoned Washington for advice on Tuesday night. The result was another request for decorum from McKinley: "The President's friends must not undertake to commit the Administration to any candidate. It has no candidate...The Administration wants the candidate of the Convention, and the President's friends must not dictate the Convention."67 But the true dictators of the convention were not McKinley's friends. Senator Platt, nursing a broken rib, was so confident about the preliminary arrangements he had made in behalf of Roosevelt's nomination that he beat a wheezy retreat on Tuesday night. He left the task of actually creating the nomination in the hands of his old friend, Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania-in Platt's judgment, "the ablest politician this country ever produced."68 Quay was happy to undertake the work, not out of any especial love for Roosevelt so much as a deep desire to hurt Mark Hanna. Quay was an exUnited States Senator, and wanted to regain office, but Hanna had blocked his efforts.69 To strike the Chairman down in front of the National Convention would therefore be sweet revenge; and Platt, by turning Roosevelt over to him, had supplied Quay with an ideal missile. To strike the Chairman down in front of the National Convention would therefore be sweet revenge; and Platt, by turning Roosevelt over to him, had supplied Quay with an ideal missile.

Few delegates, least of all Roosevelt, took any notice of Quay on Wednesday morning, as he sat short, squat, silent, and Indian-eyed70 in his light suit at an inconspicuous place in the Pennsylvania delegation. He waited until Roosevelt had escorted Henry Cabot Lodge to the podium as elected chairman of the convention-a moment of great pride to both men-before rising to offer an amendment to the rules. Amid puzzled silence, Quay read a resolution to equalize, and where necessary reduce, the size of delegations at the convention, at a ratio of 1 to every 1,000 votes cast in their home states. in his light suit at an inconspicuous place in the Pennsylvania delegation. He waited until Roosevelt had escorted Henry Cabot Lodge to the podium as elected chairman of the convention-a moment of great pride to both men-before rising to offer an amendment to the rules. Amid puzzled silence, Quay read a resolution to equalize, and where necessary reduce, the size of delegations at the convention, at a ratio of 1 to every 1,000 votes cast in their home states.71 Just what this had to do with nominating Roosevelt for Vice-President none of Platt's aides could tell. But for the first time since the convention opened, there was real noise in the hall.72 The majority of the delegates from East and West roared approval, while those from the South howled with fear. They realized that Quay's amendment would cut their ranks in half. Republican voting was traditionally light in Dixie. And since most of Chairman Hanna's supporters hailed from the South, "equalization" would in effect neutralize his power over the convention. Quay's true motive dawned on the politically astute: he was not remotely interested in delegate representation; he wanted something from Hanna. Sure enough, the Pennsylvanian suggested that a vote on the amendment be postponed overnight so that "the delegates would have ample time to become familiar with it." The majority of the delegates from East and West roared approval, while those from the South howled with fear. They realized that Quay's amendment would cut their ranks in half. Republican voting was traditionally light in Dixie. And since most of Chairman Hanna's supporters hailed from the South, "equalization" would in effect neutralize his power over the convention. Quay's true motive dawned on the politically astute: he was not remotely interested in delegate representation; he wanted something from Hanna. Sure enough, the Pennsylvanian suggested that a vote on the amendment be postponed overnight so that "the delegates would have ample time to become familiar with it."73 Shortly afterward Hanna was seen crossing over and resignedly asking Quay what his price was. "If you will nominate Roosevelt," said Quay, "I will withdraw the resolution. If you won't, I shall insist upon its coming to a vote, and you know what will happen there."

Hanna did. The resolution would pass on the grounds of simple fairness. He would lose his Southern delegates, and lose control of the convention; there would be no guarantee then even of President McKinley's renomination.

That night Hanna, grimacing at the taste of wormwood, announced that in view of "strong and earnest sentiment...from all parts of the country," he would support the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt for Vice-President.

"The best we can do," he told his supporters, "is pray fervently for the continued health of the President."74 Roosevelt, meanwhile, sat alone in his hotel room. He had already bowed to the inevitable, and would accept the nomination for what it was worth. Having finished one of the Histories Histories of Josephus over the weekend, he was now reading Thucydides. of Josephus over the weekend, he was now reading Thucydides.75

SHORTLY AFTER TEN O'CLOCK the following morning the icy tones of Cabot Lodge announced that the business before the convention would be the nomination of candidates for President of the United States. the following morning the icy tones of Cabot Lodge announced that the business before the convention would be the nomination of candidates for President of the United States.

Senator Foraker spoke for an eloquent quarter of an hour on the glories of the McKinley Administration, and was awarded with an ovation that reminded one observer, Murat Halstead, of "the halcyon days of the Plumed Knight." Then eighteen thousand voices joined in the singing of "The Union Forever"-an "incomparably moving" sound even to the dignified correspondent of Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly. "When one hears that sound one must either sing or cry."76 Almost before the delegates resumed their seats, Governor Roosevelt had leaped up beside Lodge to second the nomination. He stared briefly into the eyes of his best friend, while applause rolled around them. Sixteen years before, as young delegates to the convention in Chicago, they had felt the pain of defeat together, and heard predictions of their political ruin; now they were two of the most powerful men in the country, and the party was shouting homage to them. It was a sweet moment-but Lodge's face was distorted with "almost agonized anxiety,"77 and Roosevelt turned quickly to address the audience. and Roosevelt turned quickly to address the audience.

"Mr. Chairman and my fellow delegates, my beloved Republicans and Americans..." An accomplished orator now, he moved confidently through his prepared text, speaking at a torrential speed unusual even for him, his body trembling with the force of his gestures. A man in the audience was reminded of "a graduate in a school of acting";78 a woman sighed that "he would make a first-class lover...from the stage point of view." Here was no soft, hesitant wooer, she felt, "but one who would come at once to the question, and, if the lady repulsed him, bear her away despite herself, as some of his ancestors must have done in the pliocene age...." a woman sighed that "he would make a first-class lover...from the stage point of view." Here was no soft, hesitant wooer, she felt, "but one who would come at once to the question, and, if the lady repulsed him, bear her away despite herself, as some of his ancestors must have done in the pliocene age...."79 While Rose Coghlan dreamed, so did Theodore Roosevelt.

We stand on the threshold of a new century big with the fate of mighty nations. It rests with us now to decide whether in the opening years of that century we shall march forward to fresh triumphs or whether at the outset we shall cripple ourselves for the contest. Is America a weakling, to shrink from the work of the great world-powers? No. The young giant of the West stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an ocean in either hand. Our nation, glorious in youth and strength, looks into the future with eager eyes and rejoices as a strong man to run a race....80 He gazed through his tossing lenses at the thousands of banners, the streamers, the bright balloons, the tricolored bunches of pampas grass, the hanging Stars and Stripes. The whole auditorium looked, said a nearby reporter, like a kaleidoscope.81

MCKINLEY AND R ROOSEVELT were nominated by votes of 926 and 925 respectively-the Governor casting the convention's only vote against himself. were nominated by votes of 926 and 925 respectively-the Governor casting the convention's only vote against himself.82 After that final gesture to his lost independence, he proclaimed himself a loyal member of the team, and offered his services to Hanna for the duration of the campaign. After that final gesture to his lost independence, he proclaimed himself a loyal member of the team, and offered his services to Hanna for the duration of the campaign.

The Chairman told him that it would be, as far as McKinley was concerned, a repetition of the campaign of 1896. While the Democratic nominee-William Jennings Bryan, again-stumped the country on behalf of the disadvantaged classes, the President would remain at home in Canton, Ohio, and hold his customary front-porch receptions to visiting deputations. Roosevelt would have to do most of the traveling, and most of the speechmaking; fortunately he was good at both.

The candidate was cheerfully agreeable. "I am as strong as a bull moose," he assured Hanna, "and you can use me to the limit, taking heed of but one thing and that is my throat." He did not wish to seem to be neglecting his duties as Governor of New York, but fortunately "July, August, September, and October are months in which there is next to no work."83 All through that quarter of a year, accordingly, Roosevelt crossed and recrossed the country, with such numbing frequency, and such an incessant outpouring of his familiar political philosophy, as to blur the sensibilities of all but a cataloger. Suffice to say that he traveled farther and spoke more than any candidate, presidential or vice-presidential, in nineteenth-century history, with the exception of Bryan himself, four years before. But Bryan in 1900 could not match Roosevelt. By 3 November the Governor had made a total of 673 speeches in 567 towns in 24 states; he had traveled 21,209 miles and spoken an average of 20,000 words a day to 3 million people.84 The following timetable of one undated campaign day survives from the diary of an aide: The following timetable of one undated campaign day survives from the diary of an aide: 7:00 A.M..

Breakfast Breakfast 7:30 A.M..

A speech A speech 8:00 A.M..

Reading a historical work Reading a historical work 9:00 A.M..

A speech A speech 10:00 A.M..

Dictating letters Dictating letters 11:00 A.M..

Discussing Montana mines Discussing Montana mines 11:30 A.M..

A speech A speech 12:00.

Reading an ornithological work Reading an ornithological work 12:30 P.M..

A speech A speech 1:00 P.M..

Lunch Lunch 1:30 P.M..

A speech A speech 2:30 P.M..

Reading Sir Walter Scott Reading Sir Walter Scott 3:00 P.M..

Answering telegrams Answering telegrams 3:45 P.M..

A speech A speech 4:00 P.M..

Meeting the press Meeting the press 4:30 P.M..

Reading Reading 5:00 P.M..

A speech A speech 6:00 P.M..

Reading Reading 7:00 P.M..

Supper Supper 810 P.M.

Speaking Speaking 11:00 P.M..

Reading alone in his car Reading alone in his car 12:00.

To bed. To bed.85

Inevitably, there were moments of ugliness, as when a mob of hired "muckers" assaulted him near Cripple Creek, Colorado, with rocks big enough to crush the iron guards on the caboose. A flying wedge of Rough Riders rescued the candidate from serious harm. William Jennings Bryan haughtily disbelieved reports of the incident, but said it was an outrage "if true."86 The Rough Riders, of course, were not above staging a little playful violence themselves, as when a member of the Campaign Special shot a Populist editor for presuming to criticize "mah Colonel." The editor survived,87 but stories like this revived Roosevelt's forgotten "cowboy" image in the East, much to the delight of cartoonists and humorists. On 13 October, Finley Peter Dunne's barroom philosopher "Mr. Dooley" but stories like this revived Roosevelt's forgotten "cowboy" image in the East, much to the delight of cartoonists and humorists. On 13 October, Finley Peter Dunne's barroom philosopher "Mr. Dooley"88 summarized the campaign thus: summarized the campaign thus: "Well, sir," said Mr Dooley, "if thayse anny wan r-runnin' in this campaign but me frind Tiddy Rosenfelt, I'd like to know who it is. It isn't Mack, f'r he wint away three weeks ago, lavin' a note sayin' that he'd accipt th' nommynation if twas offered him, an' he ain't been heerd fr'm since. It ain't Bryan...'Tis Tiddy alone that's r-runnin', an' he ain't runnin', he's gallopin'."

Mr. Dooley went on to parody a local account of one of Roosevelt's bipartisan meetings out West.

At this moment Gov'nor Rosenfelt bit his way through th' throng, an afther bringin' down with a well-aimed shot th' chairman iv th' Dimmycratic commity...he spoke as follows: 'Scoundhrels, cowards, hired ruffians, I know ye all well, an' if e'er a wan iv ye comes up to this platform I'll show ye how I feel to'ord ye, an' fellow Raypublicans: This is th' happiest moment iv me life. [A voice: "Kill him."] Nivir bifure have I injiyed so much livin' undher a Constitootion that insures equal r-rights an' no more to wan an' all, an'-excuse me, gents, while I get th' r-red-headed man in th' gal'ry. Got him!Thanks-an' spreads over the country... (Editor's Note: here our rayporther was sthruck on th' back iv th' head with a piece iv castin'...But we undherstand that Gov'nor Rosenfelt completed a delightful speech amid grreat enthusyasm an' was escorted to th' train be a large crowd. th' list iv kilt an' wounded will be found in another part iv this paper.)89 Comparisons between this piece and, say, the Chicago Times-Herald Chicago Times-Herald account of Roosevelt's visit to Deadwood, South Dakota, on 3 October prove that Mr. Dooley's imagination was not wholly without basis in fact. account of Roosevelt's visit to Deadwood, South Dakota, on 3 October prove that Mr. Dooley's imagination was not wholly without basis in fact.90 The trip also had its moments of poignancy, as when Roosevelt's train snaked down into the Badlands of North Dakota and stopped at Medora. "The romance of my life began here," said Roosevelt, to nobody in particular. Then, jumping down into the sagebrush, he looked around at the gray buttes, the Little Missouri, and what was left of Medora itself. "It does not seem right," he said sadly, "that I should come here and not stay."91

ON 6 N NOVEMBER 1900, the Republican party won its greatest victory since the triumph of Grant in 1872. McKinley's popular plurality was well over three-quarters of a million, and he swamped Bryan in the Electoral College, 292155.92 Much of this favorable vote could be ascribed to the nation's booming economy, and satisfaction with the successful conduct of the war; but the Vice-Presidentelect was entitled to much of the credit. Party professionals agreed that by his selfless exertions he had earned himself the Presidency in 1904. Much of this favorable vote could be ascribed to the nation's booming economy, and satisfaction with the successful conduct of the war; but the Vice-Presidentelect was entitled to much of the credit. Party professionals agreed that by his selfless exertions he had earned himself the Presidency in 1904.

If not earlier. "I feel sorry for McKinley," said one Republican campaign worker, as he perused the election results. "He has a man of destiny behind him."93