ROOSEVELT WAS WORKING in his office on the afternoon of Tuesday, 24 March in his office on the afternoon of Tuesday, 24 March-regretting that there was just enough paper on his desk to keep him from The Winning of the West The Winning of the West23-when a Mr. John C. Rose of Baltimore was shown in. Rose was counsel to the Maryland Civil Service Reform League, and as such considered himself a watchdog over the law in his hometown. He had serious irregularities to report.

A Republican primary was scheduled in Baltimore for the following Monday, Rose explained. Its purpose was to elect delegates to the Maryland State Convention, which would in turn establish procedures for the election of delegates to the National Convention in 1892.24 At the moment things were not going well for the friends of Benjamin Harrison. It looked as if the city might choose an anti-Administration slate; in that case the President could forget about Maryland's votes when he ran for renomination. As a result, the local postmaster and U.S. marshal-both Harrison appointees-were using their offices as emergency campaign chests. Senior federal employees were going around "assessing" subordinates for contributions ranging from $5 to $10 each. At the moment things were not going well for the friends of Benjamin Harrison. It looked as if the city might choose an anti-Administration slate; in that case the President could forget about Maryland's votes when he ran for renomination. As a result, the local postmaster and U.S. marshal-both Harrison appointees-were using their offices as emergency campaign chests. Senior federal employees were going around "assessing" subordinates for contributions ranging from $5 to $10 each.25 This was in open defiance of Section One of the Civil Service Code, prohibiting the solicitation of money for political purposes on government property. The money would certainly be used to bribe election judges on Monday, and there was no saying what other means the pro-Administration forces might use to influence the course of the voting. Rose begged Roosevelt to come down and investigate the situation at once: several witnesses were prepared to testify to the truth of his allegations. This was in open defiance of Section One of the Civil Service Code, prohibiting the solicitation of money for political purposes on government property. The money would certainly be used to bribe election judges on Monday, and there was no saying what other means the pro-Administration forces might use to influence the course of the voting. Rose begged Roosevelt to come down and investigate the situation at once: several witnesses were prepared to testify to the truth of his allegations.26 Roosevelt proved oddly coy. Although he did not say as much to Rose, he dreaded another contretemps with the Postmaster General-which would surely occur should he uncover further evidence of politicking in that gentleman's department. Wanamaker had been smarting ever since the Paul/Shidy affair, and if stung once more could be expected to fight tooth and nail for Roosevelt's removal.

Stalling for time, the Commissoner asked Rose to return to Baltimore and put his information in writing. When the letter arrived two days later he sent it on to Wanamaker, suggesting that as most of the allegations therein referred to the Post Office, the Postmaster General should perhaps investigate them himself. Wanamaker declined.27 Roosevelt felt he had done what he could to protect the Administration, and must now do his duty. With his usual flair for the dramatic, he chose to arrive in Baltimore unannounced, on the morning of Election Day, 30 March. Roosevelt felt he had done what he could to protect the Administration, and must now do his duty. With his usual flair for the dramatic, he chose to arrive in Baltimore unannounced, on the morning of Election Day, 30 March.28 As he wandered through the noisy wards he saw enough evidence of wanton illegality by federal employees to fill a fleet of police wagons. He tried to maintain an air of official disapproval, but the writer in him could not help rejoicing in scenes and incidents straight out of Pickwick Papers Pickwick Papers. On every sidewalk fists flew and money-taxpayers' money-changed hands, while in house-windows overlooking the street, election judges sat in impassive groups of three, like monkeys who saw, heard, and spoke no evil. Relays of furniture carts rumbled in from all points of the compass, bringing hundreds of rural voters with no apparent connections to the local Republican party. Ward-workers entertained these transients in saloons where the beer flowed freely, compliments of Postmaster Johnson and Marshal Airey. Countless "pudding" tickets (six or seven slips folded together as one) were deposited on behalf of both factions; when a judge objected to this, his two colleagues threw him bodily into the crowd. Elsewhere an anti-Administration worker eliminated three pro-Administration judges by the simple expedient of pulling a blind down over their window. "On account of this excessive zeal," wrote Roosevelt admiringly, "he was taken to the watch-house and fined."29 The polls closed at eight o'clock, and although there seemed to be three to four times as many votes as voters, the majority were clearly in favor of the anti-Administration forces. Roosevelt had no comment to make: he was busy interviewing federal employees who had contributed to, or participated in, the day's proceedings.30 Not one of them saw anything wrong in influencing the course of a political election. "As far as I could find out," Roosevelt recalled, "...there seemed to be no question of principle at stake at all, but one of offices merely...it was not a primary which particularly affected the interest of private citizens." The civil servants of Baltimore, he added, "were as thorough believers in a system of oligarchical government as if they had lived in Venice or Sparta." Not one of them saw anything wrong in influencing the course of a political election. "As far as I could find out," Roosevelt recalled, "...there seemed to be no question of principle at stake at all, but one of offices merely...it was not a primary which particularly affected the interest of private citizens." The civil servants of Baltimore, he added, "were as thorough believers in a system of oligarchical government as if they had lived in Venice or Sparta."31 Party reaction to his visit was immediate and violent. On 1 April the Washington correspondent of the Boston Post Boston Post reported: "The removal of Theodore Roosevelt from the Civil Service Commission is among the possibilities of the near future." The President, apparently, was "very mad" with him. reported: "The removal of Theodore Roosevelt from the Civil Service Commission is among the possibilities of the near future." The President, apparently, was "very mad" with him.32 Frank Hatton delightedly fanned the flames with a front-page story headlined " Frank Hatton delightedly fanned the flames with a front-page story headlined "TEDDY AT THE POLLS-Helping To Hurt Mr. Harrison-He Is Hand-in-Glove with the Anti-Administration Men." The article alleged that Roosevelt's tour through the wards had caused many government employees to "desert the field," resulting in a humiliating defeat for the Administration. "If the delegation sent to the next nominating convention is anti-Harrison, the President will have nobody to blame more than his Civil Service Commissioner."33 On 4 April, an incensed party of Maryland spoilsmen visited the White House to demand Roosevelt's dismissal.34 Harrison said he would wait for an official report of the investigation before deciding what to do. This was a clear warning to Roosevelt to modify, delay, or even suppress any embarrassing findings. Harrison said he would wait for an official report of the investigation before deciding what to do. This was a clear warning to Roosevelt to modify, delay, or even suppress any embarrassing findings.

Aware that he had an ax hanging over him35-an ax that threatened to split asunder not only the Civil Service Commission, but the entire Administration-Roosevelt drafted his report with extreme caution. He returned to Baltimore three times, on 6, 13, and 18 April, to gather extra material.36 Every word of testimony was transcribed by a stenographer, lest the President doubt any of the evidence. Some interviews, despite his efforts to be severe, came out like music-hall dialogue: Every word of testimony was transcribed by a stenographer, lest the President doubt any of the evidence. Some interviews, despite his efforts to be severe, came out like music-hall dialogue: Q. How do you do your cheating?A. Well, we do our cheating honorably.37 Although Roosevelt quoted such non sequiturs with relish, the cheerful mendacity of witness after witness gradually sickened him. Out of their own mouths, he wrote, no fewer than twenty-five Harrison appointees stood convicted, and the President should dismiss them at once. His analysis of the evidence contained a typically aggressive plea for the abolition of the spoils system, on the grounds of pure political morality. "Resolved into its ultimate elements, the view of the spoils politician is that politics is a dirty game, which ought to be played solely by those who desire, by hook or crook, to win pecuniary reward [in] the form of money or of office. Politics cannot possibly be put upon a healthy basis until this idea is absolutely eradicated...As for the Government officeholder, he must be taught in one way or another that his duty is to do the work of the Government for the whole people, and not to pervert his office for the use of any party or any faction."38 In conclusion, Roosevelt noted that Postmaster Johnson had weakly disclaimed responsibility for the politicking of his employees. Such men were loyal, not to him, but to their ward leaders, who had ordered Johnson to hire them in the first place. "This testimony," Roosevelt remarked contemptuously, "...shows the utter nonsense of the talk that under the spoils system the appointing officers themselves make the appointments. They do nothing of the kind...outside politicians make the appointments for them." There was not enough evidence to warrant indictment of either Johnson or Marshal Airey-although the latter had been seen tearing the coat-buttons off a recalcitrant judge. In an obvious attempt to placate the President, Roosevelt avoided direct censure of either official, but suggested that in future any such politicking by senior civil servants "shall be treated as furnishing cause for dismissal."39

THE R REPORT OF C COMMISSIONER Roosevelt Concerning Political Assessments and the Use of Official Influence to Control Elections in the Federal Offices at Baltimore, Maryland Roosevelt Concerning Political Assessments and the Use of Official Influence to Control Elections in the Federal Offices at Baltimore, Maryland40 was, and remains, a masterpiece in its genre. It was short (146 pages), dense with relevant information, yet so clearly written as to speed both reader and author irresistibly to the same conclusion. Indeed the document was so seductive, not to say seditious, in its indictment of Old Guard Republicanism that Roosevelt himself seems to have had second thoughts about sending it in, or at least to have yielded to the suggestions of Commissioners Lyman and Thompson that he delay its release until the summer vacations, when negative publicity would do the Administration least harm. was, and remains, a masterpiece in its genre. It was short (146 pages), dense with relevant information, yet so clearly written as to speed both reader and author irresistibly to the same conclusion. Indeed the document was so seductive, not to say seditious, in its indictment of Old Guard Republicanism that Roosevelt himself seems to have had second thoughts about sending it in, or at least to have yielded to the suggestions of Commissioners Lyman and Thompson that he delay its release until the summer vacations, when negative publicity would do the Administration least harm.41 As a result, he enjoyed a temporary lull in his "warfare with the ungodly," and drifted into "the pleasant life one can lead in Washington in the spring, if there are several tolerably intimate families."42 The Roosevelts dined the Reeds; the Reeds responded with lunch; the Hays dined the Roosevelts; and "good, futile, pathetic Springy" entertained everybody at the country club. Theodore and Edith made side trips to Senator Cameron's estate in Pennsylvania, and to William Merritt Chase's art studio in New York, where Carmencita performed the new dance sensation, The Roosevelts dined the Reeds; the Reeds responded with lunch; the Hays dined the Roosevelts; and "good, futile, pathetic Springy" entertained everybody at the country club. Theodore and Edith made side trips to Senator Cameron's estate in Pennsylvania, and to William Merritt Chase's art studio in New York, where Carmencita performed the new dance sensation, flamenco flamenco. April was effulgent, "clear as a bell...the flowers in bloom, and the trees a fresh and feathery green." There were moonlight drives along the Potomac, followed by dinner; receptions for "various Dago diplomats," followed by dinner; lazy Saturday lunches and lingering Sunday teas, followed by yet more dinners.43 Roosevelt, whose body was thickening steadily with age, attempted to lose weight by trotting up Rock Creek in heavy flannels. His Dutch Reformed conscience began to bother him. "I have been going out too much...I wish I had more chance to work at my books...I don't feel as if I were working to lasting effect." Roosevelt, whose body was thickening steadily with age, attempted to lose weight by trotting up Rock Creek in heavy flannels. His Dutch Reformed conscience began to bother him. "I have been going out too much...I wish I had more chance to work at my books...I don't feel as if I were working to lasting effect."44

SOMETIME THAT SPRING he was overjoyed to receive a "temperate, natural, truthful" letter from his brother, whom Bamie had at last told about Katy Mann. It amounted to a total rejection of the girl's story. he was overjoyed to receive a "temperate, natural, truthful" letter from his brother, whom Bamie had at last told about Katy Mann. It amounted to a total rejection of the girl's story.45 Naively reassured, Theodore wondered if he should call her bluff. "It is a ticklish business," he told Bamie. "I hate the idea of [a] public scandal; and yet I never believe in yielding a hair's breadth to a case of simple blackmail." Naively reassured, Theodore wondered if he should call her bluff. "It is a ticklish business," he told Bamie. "I hate the idea of [a] public scandal; and yet I never believe in yielding a hair's breadth to a case of simple blackmail."46 But Katy Mann-who had given birth to a son-was not in the least deterred from pressing her suit. She claimed that Elliott had given her a locket and some compromising letters, which she would be happy to produce in court. Other servants, moreover, were willing to testify that he had been infatuated with her, and that his voice had been heard in her room. "Of course she is lying," Theodore wrote uneasily.47 He was still wondering how to proceed when the reports from Europe took on a sudden, alarming turn. Elliott had quit the sanitarium in Graz on some wild impulse, and had dragged Anna, Bamie, and the children to Paris. There he had taken on an American mistress, a Mrs. Evans, begun to drink again, and was occasionally so violent as to frighten Anna into hysterics.48 Theodore chafed with frustration. Were it not for the fact that his own wife was heavily pregnant, he would have taken the next ship to Paris. He insisted, in a brutally decisive letter dated 7 June, that Elliott must be left to drink himself to death, if necessary, the moment Anna's confinement was over. Theodore chafed with frustration. Were it not for the fact that his own wife was heavily pregnant, he would have taken the next ship to Paris. He insisted, in a brutally decisive letter dated 7 June, that Elliott must be left to drink himself to death, if necessary, the moment Anna's confinement was over.

Anna must be made to understand that it is both maudlin and criminal-I am choosing my words with scientific exactness-to continue living with Elliott...Do everything to persuade her to come home at once, unless Elliott will put himself in an asylum for a term of years, or unless, better still, he will come too. Once here I'll guarantee to see that he is shut up...Make up your mind to one dreadful scene. Use this letter if you like. Tell him that he is either responsible or irresponsible. If responsible then he must go where he can be cured; if irresponsible he is simply a selfish brutal and vicious criminal, and Anna ought not to stay with him an hour.Do not care an atom for his threats of going off alone. Let him go...What happens to him is of purely minor importance now; and the chance of public scandal must not be weighed for a moment against the welfare, the life, of Anna and the children...If he can't be shut up, and will neither go of his own accord, nor let Anna depart of his free will, then make your plans and go off some day in his absence. If you need me telegraph me, and I (or Douglas [Robinson] if it is impossible for me to go on account of Edith) will come at once. But remember, I come on one condition. I come to settle the thing once and for all...You can tell him that Anna has a perfect right to a divorce; she or you or I have but to express belief in the Katy Mann story and no jury in the country would refuse a divorce.

Notwithstanding his threat to uphold Katy Mann in court, Theodore still wanted to believe that the girl was lying.49 As a gentleman he had to accept his brother's denial until it was proved false. He therefore ordered his representatives "to tell her to go on with her law suit...she will get nothing from us." Senior members of the family were alerted to the likelihood of "some pretty ugly matters" surfacing in the press. As a gentleman he had to accept his brother's denial until it was proved false. He therefore ordered his representatives "to tell her to go on with her law suit...she will get nothing from us." Senior members of the family were alerted to the likelihood of "some pretty ugly matters" surfacing in the press.50 At this point another letter arrived from Elliott,51 reiterating his innocence but authorizing Theodore to pay Katy Mann "a moderate sum" in exchange for a quit claim. The lawyers suggested three thousand dollars, rising to four if necessary. reiterating his innocence but authorizing Theodore to pay Katy Mann "a moderate sum" in exchange for a quit claim. The lawyers suggested three thousand dollars, rising to four if necessary.52 That was much more than Elliott had in mind, but they reminded Theodore that in cases of this kind, involving boozy playboys and humble servant girls, the jury's sympathy was always with the plaintiff. In a letter to "dear old Nell," dated 14 June 1891, Theodore tried desperately to convince his brother-and himself-that the amount was worth paying. That was much more than Elliott had in mind, but they reminded Theodore that in cases of this kind, involving boozy playboys and humble servant girls, the jury's sympathy was always with the plaintiff. In a letter to "dear old Nell," dated 14 June 1891, Theodore tried desperately to convince his brother-and himself-that the amount was worth paying.

If you and I were alone in the world I should advise fighting her as a pure blackmailer, yet as things [are] I did not dare...The woman must admit that on her own plea she must have been a willing, probably inviting party. But she has chosen her time with great skill. During that week [of the alleged seduction] you were very sick, and for hours at a time were out of your head, and did not have any clear recollection of what you were doing. You wandered much about the house those nights, alone. She could get testimony that you were often wild and irresponsible, either from being out of your head or from the use of liquor or opiates. At present you are not in any condition to go on the stand and be cross-examined as to your past and your personal habits by a sharp and unscrupulous lawyer. So that however the suit went, it would create a great scandal; and much would be dragged out that we are very desirous of keeping from the public.

This appeal to his brother's sense of reason was rendered academic by a letter from Bamie the next day, saying that Elliott had begun to suffer from delirium tremens. delirium tremens.53 Worse news arrived with almost every mail. Elliott no longer denied sleeping with Katy Mann; he merely said "he could not remember" doing so. He refused to be shut up against his will, and threatened to cut Anna off without a penny if she deserted him. Simultaneously he threatened to go off on a long sea voyage as soon as her baby was born. Worse news arrived with almost every mail. Elliott no longer denied sleeping with Katy Mann; he merely said "he could not remember" doing so. He refused to be shut up against his will, and threatened to cut Anna off without a penny if she deserted him. Simultaneously he threatened to go off on a long sea voyage as soon as her baby was born.54 "He is evidently a maniac morally no less than mentally," Theodore wrote in despair. "He is evidently a maniac morally no less than mentally," Theodore wrote in despair.55 As the Commissioner pondered each fresh letter and telegram, he could detect a certain animal ruthlessness in Elliott's behavior. What that golden sot really wanted was to have everything-to hold on to his wife and children as symbols of respectability, to drink as much as he liked, sleep with whomever he pleased, and squander his money on himself, rather than alimony and paternity suits.56 Elliott could not care less about Katy Mann's threats. He knew that the family elders were so afraid of scandal they would silence her at all costs. If he refused to pay her the $4,000, somebody else assuredly would. Elliott could not care less about Katy Mann's threats. He knew that the family elders were so afraid of scandal they would silence her at all costs. If he refused to pay her the $4,000, somebody else assuredly would.

Theodore did not doubt this, having already, in an unfortunate gaffe, told Elliott that an uncle was willing to provide the hush-money.57 He confessed to Bamie on 20 June that he was at his wits' end as to what to advise; he could only insist, ad nauseam, that Anna must come home and not condone Elliott's "hideous depravity" by continuing to live with him "as man and wife." He confessed to Bamie on 20 June that he was at his wits' end as to what to advise; he could only insist, ad nauseam, that Anna must come home and not condone Elliott's "hideous depravity" by continuing to live with him "as man and wife."58 But there seemed little chance of that: Bamie wrote to say that Anna had called longingly for Elliott while giving birth to their son, Hall, on 28 June. "It is dreadful to think of the inheritance the poor little baby may have in him," Theodore wrote somberly-and prophetically. But there seemed little chance of that: Bamie wrote to say that Anna had called longingly for Elliott while giving birth to their son, Hall, on 28 June. "It is dreadful to think of the inheritance the poor little baby may have in him," Theodore wrote somberly-and prophetically.59 The thought of Elliott now being free to return to Anna's bed saddened and sickened him. In his opinion, sex between them should cease until Elliott "by two or three years of straight life" had canceled out the sin of adultery.60 It did not occur to him that Anna, who had no sins to atone for, might be in any way inconvenienced by such an arrangement. It did not occur to him that Anna, who had no sins to atone for, might be in any way inconvenienced by such an arrangement.

ROOSEVELT'S WORRIES ABOUT Katy Mann, aggravated by nervousness over the political consequences of his Baltimore report (still pigeonholed despite frantic pleas from reformers for its release), plunged him into gloom as June gave way to July. "I am at the end of my career, such as it is," he wrote to Henry Cabot Lodge. "...I often have a regret that I am not in with you, Reed, and others in doing the real work." About the only people who seemed to approve of him at the moment were the mugwumps, and he needed none of Katy Mann, aggravated by nervousness over the political consequences of his Baltimore report (still pigeonholed despite frantic pleas from reformers for its release), plunged him into gloom as June gave way to July. "I am at the end of my career, such as it is," he wrote to Henry Cabot Lodge. "...I often have a regret that I am not in with you, Reed, and others in doing the real work." About the only people who seemed to approve of him at the moment were the mugwumps, and he needed none of their their lisping praises. The "good party men" whose respect he craved seemed to cherish nothing but "bitter animosities" toward him. lisping praises. The "good party men" whose respect he craved seemed to cherish nothing but "bitter animosities" toward him.61 His mood was not improved by an awkward business meeting with President Harrison on 1 July. "Throughout the interview he was as disagreeable and suspicious of manner as well might be," Roosevelt wrote Lodge. "He is is a genial little runt, isn't he?" a genial little runt, isn't he?"62 Actually the meeting had positive results. Harrison approved some new Civil Service rules governing promotions which Roosevelt had been pressing as part of his campaign to root out favoritism in government departments; but the coolness between the two men was such that even their treaties seemed like truces. Actually the meeting had positive results. Harrison approved some new Civil Service rules governing promotions which Roosevelt had been pressing as part of his campaign to root out favoritism in government departments; but the coolness between the two men was such that even their treaties seemed like truces.

ROOSEVELT WAS NOW FREE to leave Washington for the summer, there being little work in his hot, musty office that he could not do at Sagamore Hill. Edith and the children had long since preceded him north, and he missed them so painfully he would look over his shoulder for them on walks through Rock Creek Park. Pausing only to stuff a suitcase with fireworks, he caught the Limited to New York on Friday, 3 July, to leave Washington for the summer, there being little work in his hot, musty office that he could not do at Sagamore Hill. Edith and the children had long since preceded him north, and he missed them so painfully he would look over his shoulder for them on walks through Rock Creek Park. Pausing only to stuff a suitcase with fireworks, he caught the Limited to New York on Friday, 3 July,63 arriving home in time for the holiday. arriving home in time for the holiday.

It was not a very festive weekend. On Sunday he was obliged to cross the Sound for the funeral of his cousin Alfred-killed horribly under the wheels of a train64-and he returned to news that Katy Mann had finally named her price: $10,000. This, Theodore wrote Bamie, was "so huge a sum" that the hoped-for compromise seemed unlikely. The scandal would break any day now, he feared. It was impossible to deny Elliott's culpability: an "expert in likenesses" had seen the baby, and its features were unmistakably Rooseveltian.65 Telegrams from Europe crossed his letter to report that Elliott had been inveigled into an inebriate asylum outside Paris. He was now safely under lock and key, and Bamie had persuaded Anna to return to the States without him.66 About this time the figure of Katy Mann begins mysteriously to fade from history. The last specific reference to her in Theodore's correspondence is a remark dated 21 July: "Frank Weeks [Elliott's lawyer] advises me that I have no power whatever to compromise in the Katy Mann affair. I suppose it will all be out soon." But the scandal never broke. Evidently the girl got her money, although how much, and when, and who paid it, is unknown. "Frank Weeks [Elliott's lawyer] advises me that I have no power whatever to compromise in the Katy Mann affair. I suppose it will all be out soon." But the scandal never broke. Evidently the girl got her money, although how much, and when, and who paid it, is unknown.67

A SCANDAL OF ANOTHER SORT SCANDAL OF ANOTHER SORT began to loom on 4 August, when Roosevelt sent advance copies of his Baltimore report to the White House and Post Office Department. Official reaction to the document was best symbolized by Assistant Postmaster General Clarkson, who took one look at it and placed it under lock and key. began to loom on 4 August, when Roosevelt sent advance copies of his Baltimore report to the White House and Post Office Department. Official reaction to the document was best symbolized by Assistant Postmaster General Clarkson, who took one look at it and placed it under lock and key.68 An abridged form of the report was released for publication on 16 August, and instantly became front-page news. An abridged form of the report was released for publication on 16 August, and instantly became front-page news.69 Fortunately both President Harrison and Postmaster General Wanamaker were on vacation, and would not return until early September, by which time Roosevelt planned to be two thousand miles west in the Rockies. Fortunately both President Harrison and Postmaster General Wanamaker were on vacation, and would not return until early September, by which time Roosevelt planned to be two thousand miles west in the Rockies.70 The inevitable confrontation between them would thus be delayed until October at least. The inevitable confrontation between them would thus be delayed until October at least.

Try as he might, Roosevelt could not keep his name out of current headlines. On 17 August, the day after his Baltimore report was broadcast to the nation, the New York Sun New York Sun splashed the following sensational story: splashed the following sensational story: ELLIOTT ROOSEVELT INSANEHis Brother Theodore Applies for a Writ in LunacyA Commission [has been] appointed by Justice O'Brien of the Supreme Court to enquire into the mental condition of Elliott Roosevelt, with a view to having a committee appointed to care for his person and for his estate. The application was made by his brother, United States Civil Service Commissioner and ex-Assemblyman Theodore Roosevelt, with the approval of Elliott Roosevelt's wife, Anna Hall Roosevelt....Theodore Roosevelt avers in the papers in the case that the mental faculties of his brother have been failing him for nearly two years. He says he saw him frequently until Elliott went to Europe in July 1890, and he had remarked the gradual impairment of his intellect. His conversation had been rambling and he could not tell a story consecutively...During the winter of 1890 he had several bad turns. He became violent and on three occasions threatened to take his own life. He had to be placed in surveillance. Mr. Roosevelt says he is "unable to say how far the result is due to indulgence in drink or other excesses." He alleges that the property of his brother in this State consists of real estate, bonds, stocks, and is worth $170,000.

Substantially the same news item appeared in all the major dailies. Never before had the Roosevelts, that 250-year-old clan of unimpeachable respectability, been tarnished with such shameful revelations.71 The resentment of family elders against Theodore for having precipitated it may well be imagined, but he was convinced he had done the right thing for Anna and the children. It had been necessary to act hastily before Elliott was released from his French asylum and returned to the United States to claim his property. Even so, the court might not decide in time. "It is all horrible beyond belief," Theodore wrote Bamie. "The only thing to do is go resolutely forward." The resentment of family elders against Theodore for having precipitated it may well be imagined, but he was convinced he had done the right thing for Anna and the children. It had been necessary to act hastily before Elliott was released from his French asylum and returned to the United States to claim his property. Even so, the court might not decide in time. "It is all horrible beyond belief," Theodore wrote Bamie. "The only thing to do is go resolutely forward."72 All in all, the summer of 1891 must have been a time of anguish for the beleaguered Commissioner. Its only discernible blessing was the birth, on 13 August, of his fourth child and second daughter, "a jolly naughty whacky baby" named Ethel.73 Even this was saddened by the almost simultaneous death of Wilmot Dow, the younger and more lovable of his Dakota partners. "I think of Wilmot all the time," he wrote. "I can see him riding a bucker, paddling, shooting, hiking...." Solace was to be found out West. At the end of the month he left for Medora and the Rockies. Even this was saddened by the almost simultaneous death of Wilmot Dow, the younger and more lovable of his Dakota partners. "I think of Wilmot all the time," he wrote. "I can see him riding a bucker, paddling, shooting, hiking...." Solace was to be found out West. At the end of the month he left for Medora and the Rockies.74

"AS USUAL, I come back to rumors of my own removal," Roosevelt wrote Lodge on 10 October. But the tone of his letter was spirited. He had killed nine elk in four weeks, and felt "in splendid trim" for a fight.75 General opinion held that he was too popular to be fired. "Mr. Harrison could be consoled if Mr. Roosevelt would resign," General opinion held that he was too popular to be fired. "Mr. Harrison could be consoled if Mr. Roosevelt would resign," The New York Times The New York Times remarked, "but he will not, and the President will not dare ask him to do so." Amazingly, even Frank Hatton hoped the rumors were not true. "Mr. Roosevelt is a sincere and genuine Civil Service reformer...There have been times in the past when [his] ideas of reform did not exactly comingle with those of the remarked, "but he will not, and the President will not dare ask him to do so." Amazingly, even Frank Hatton hoped the rumors were not true. "Mr. Roosevelt is a sincere and genuine Civil Service reformer...There have been times in the past when [his] ideas of reform did not exactly comingle with those of the Post Post, but...it will be a sad day for Civil Service Reform when he steps down and out."76 Postmaster Johnson of Baltimore did not share this view. He publicly prayed "that lightning may strike Mr. Theodore Roosevelt."77 John Wanamaker no doubt added a fervent Amen. It was clearly his responsibility to dismiss the twenty-five Post Office employees who had, by their own testimony, indicted themselves in Roosevelt's report; yet his pride would not let him. Shortly after the pesky Commissioner returned to town, Wanamaker handpicked a team of Postal Department inspectors and ordered them to reinvestigate the Baltimore case "since the evidence gathered so far is inconclusive." John Wanamaker no doubt added a fervent Amen. It was clearly his responsibility to dismiss the twenty-five Post Office employees who had, by their own testimony, indicted themselves in Roosevelt's report; yet his pride would not let him. Shortly after the pesky Commissioner returned to town, Wanamaker handpicked a team of Postal Department inspectors and ordered them to reinvestigate the Baltimore case "since the evidence gathered so far is inconclusive."78 Now it was Roosevelt's turn to be angry. "You may tell the Postmaster-General from me," he roared at a messenger, "that I don't like him for two reasons. In the first place he has a very sloppy mind, and in the next place he does not tell the truth."79

EMBARRASSMENTS CROWDED IN thickly as the year drew to its close-so much so that Roosevelt forgot his own thirty-third birthday. The Maryland Civil Service Reform League complained about his ineffectiveness in securing the twenty-five dismissals, and said a golden opportunity to educate the rest of the country had been lost. Reformers in New York sent word that the law was being abused there just as cynically as it had been in Baltimore. And in Washington, President Harrison brushed aside a plan for new promotion methods in the classified service which Roosevelt had worked on for many months. Instead, Cabinet officers were told they could promote as they pleased, without further reference to the Civil Service Commission-leaving the agency even weaker than before. thickly as the year drew to its close-so much so that Roosevelt forgot his own thirty-third birthday. The Maryland Civil Service Reform League complained about his ineffectiveness in securing the twenty-five dismissals, and said a golden opportunity to educate the rest of the country had been lost. Reformers in New York sent word that the law was being abused there just as cynically as it had been in Baltimore. And in Washington, President Harrison brushed aside a plan for new promotion methods in the classified service which Roosevelt had worked on for many months. Instead, Cabinet officers were told they could promote as they pleased, without further reference to the Civil Service Commission-leaving the agency even weaker than before.80 Financial worry continued to plague Roosevelt. The expense of maintaining two households, and moving his family back and forth twice a year, had caused an escalation of his debts. Ethel's arrival during the summer had made it impossible to live any longer in the little house on Jefferson Place, so the Commissioner rented a larger establishment at 1215 Nineteenth Street for the new season.

Personal frustration always tended to increase Roosevelt's natural belligerency, and that winter's news of the mob killing of two American sailors in Valparaiso, Chile, made him rampant for war-as he had been in 1886, over the Mexican border incident. To his disgust, the United States merely asked Chile to apologize. An amused John Hay wrote to Henry Adams, "Teddy Roosevelt...goes about hissing through his clenched teeth that we are dishonest. For two nickels he would declare war himself, shut up the Civil Service Commission, and wage it sole."81 On top of everything, there was the vexatious problem of what to do about Elliott. The insanity suit was getting nowhere, owing to disagreement between the certifying doctors and bickering among various relatives. Elliott had published a denial of his madness in the Paris edition of the Herald Herald, and lodged a formal protest with the court in New York.82 He kept sending "unspeakably terrible" letters to Theodore, some of them penitent, others vituperative. "They are so sane," his brother marveled, "and yet so absolutely lacking in moral sense." He kept sending "unspeakably terrible" letters to Theodore, some of them penitent, others vituperative. "They are so sane," his brother marveled, "and yet so absolutely lacking in moral sense."83 In the last week of November, Roosevelt succumbed to an attack of severe bronchitis, and the doctor warned it might turn to pneumonia. He recovered briefly, only to collapse again in December. Edith ordered him to bed for eight days-his longest recorded confinement since childhood. Although he complained about being treated like "a corpulent valetudinarian," it was plain that he was physically and emotionally spent.84

CHRISTMAS WITH "the Bunny chillum" restored him to health, and by New Year's Day his metabolism was running at top speed again. About this time he made a lightning decision to cross the Atlantic and confront his brother with an out-of-court settlement. "the Bunny chillum" restored him to health, and by New Year's Day his metabolism was running at top speed again. About this time he made a lightning decision to cross the Atlantic and confront his brother with an out-of-court settlement.85 Instinct told him that Elliott, too, had slipped into despair recently, and that now or never was the time to shock him back to his senses. Elliott had always worshiped him Instinct told him that Elliott, too, had slipped into despair recently, and that now or never was the time to shock him back to his senses. Elliott had always worshiped him-Oh, Father will you ever think me a 'noble boy,' you are right about Teedie he is one and no mistake.... 86 86-had always craved his authority, even when protesting he could do without it. They must square off again, just as they had in the days when Theodore was "Skinny" and Elliott was "Swelly." 1st Round. Results: Skinny, lip swelled and bleeding. Swelly, sound in every limb if nose and lip can be classed as such... 1st Round. Results: Skinny, lip swelled and bleeding. Swelly, sound in every limb if nose and lip can be classed as such... 87 87 But this time Skinny intended to be the victor. But this time Skinny intended to be the victor.

President Harrison sympathetically granted his request for leave of absence, and he sailed from New York on 9 January 1892. There followed a period of anxious suspense for the family, broken by this triumphant letter from Paris, dated 21 January: Won! Thank Heaven I came over...I found Elliott absolutely changed. I was perfectly quiet, but absolutely unwavering and resolute with him: and he surrendered completely, and was utterly broken, submissive, and repentant. He signed the deed, for two-thirds of all all his property (including the $60,000 trust); and agreed to the probation. I then instantly changed my whole manner, and treated him with the utmost love and tenderness. I told him we would do all we legitimately could to get him through his two years (or thereabouts) of probation; that our one object now would be to see him entirely restored to himself; and so to his wife and children. He today attempted no justification whatever; he acknowledged how grievously he had sinned, and failed in his duties; and said he would do all in his power to prove himself really reformed. He was in a mood that was terribly touching. How long it will last of course no one can say.... his property (including the $60,000 trust); and agreed to the probation. I then instantly changed my whole manner, and treated him with the utmost love and tenderness. I told him we would do all we legitimately could to get him through his two years (or thereabouts) of probation; that our one object now would be to see him entirely restored to himself; and so to his wife and children. He today attempted no justification whatever; he acknowledged how grievously he had sinned, and failed in his duties; and said he would do all in his power to prove himself really reformed. He was in a mood that was terribly touching. How long it will last of course no one can say....88 Part of the agreement was that Elliott, in exchange for the withdrawal of the writ of insanity, would return to the United States and undergo a five-week "cure" for alcoholism at the Keeley Center in Dwight, Illinois. This, coming after his six-month drying-out period at Suresnes, should enable him to start working again and reenter society by degrees. Should he prove himself sober and responsible, he might resume family life sometime in 1894.89 Theodore remained in Paris another full week before sailing from Le Havre on 27 January. It seems he wanted to punch every last ounce of immorality out of Elliott. Having done so, he left him to follow one day later, alone on a separate steamer.90 On 28 January, Elliott's mistress, Mrs. Evans, made the following entry in her diary: On 28 January, Elliott's mistress, Mrs. Evans, made the following entry in her diary: This morning, with his silk hat, his overcoat, gloves and cigar, E. came to my room to say goodbye. It is all over...Now my love was swallowed up in pity-for he looks so bruised, so beaten down by the past week with his brother. How could they treat so generous and noble a man as they have. He is more noble a figure in my eyes, with all his confessed faults, than either his wife or brother....91

ROOSEVELT RETURNED HOME on 7 Feburary on 7 Feburary92 to find the Civil Service Commission pondering yet another case of political assessments, this time at federal offices in Owensboro, Kentucky. to find the Civil Service Commission pondering yet another case of political assessments, this time at federal offices in Owensboro, Kentucky.93 His presence was required in that state as soon as possible, but with the social season at its height he did not feel like immediately embarking on another journey. Elliott had expressed a desire to go south with him at the end of March, after the "Keeley cure" was complete; until then the Owensboro district attorney would simply have to muddle along. His presence was required in that state as soon as possible, but with the social season at its height he did not feel like immediately embarking on another journey. Elliott had expressed a desire to go south with him at the end of March, after the "Keeley cure" was complete; until then the Owensboro district attorney would simply have to muddle along.

Besides, the Kentucky case served as an exasperating reminder that nothing whatsoever had been done in Baltimore. It was now almost a year since his investigation, and the twenty-five lawbreakers were all still in office, drawing government salaries. John Wanamaker's inspectors had filed their report the previous November, but the Postmaster General would not say whether it confirmed or denied Roosevelt's findings. He also refused to send a copy to the Civil Service Commission, saying that it was an internal document, for his eyes only.94 On 8 March, Roosevelt made a special trip to New York in order to shout "Damn John Wanamaker!" at an executive meeting of the City Civil Service Reform Association.95 Crimson with rage, he launched into an account of the whole case, accusing Wanamaker and Harrison of obstruction of justice. He was sure that the postal inspectors' report would corroborate his own-but how could its findings be made public? Crimson with rage, he launched into an account of the whole case, accusing Wanamaker and Harrison of obstruction of justice. He was sure that the postal inspectors' report would corroborate his own-but how could its findings be made public?

The veteran reformer Carl Schurz made a simple suggestion. Roosevelt must demand a House investigation into the undeniable fact that twenty-five federal employees recommended for dismissal in July 1891 were still on the federal payroll in March 1892. It would be difficult for the House to refuse such a request. Wanamaker would then be obliged to present the inspectors' report as grounds for his inaction; it would become part of the public record, and the Civil Service Reform League would see to it that millions of copies were distributed around the nation. If the document turned out to be a whitewash job, Wanamaker would be humiliated; if it duplicated Roosevelt's original findings, Wanamaker would be destroyed. Either way, the cause of Civil Service Reform would benefit.96

ROOSEVELT LOST NO TIME in following Schurz's advice. While awaiting the verdict of the House, he made his planned trip to the South with Elliott, who had agreed to manage Douglas Robinson's estates in Virginia. The two brothers parted affectionately; Elliott declared he was completely cured, and anxious to atone for his misdeeds. Theodore went on to Kentucky, relieved that the long family crisis was over. "It is most inadvisable, on every account, that you and I should have any leading part in Elliott's affairs hereafter," he wrote Bamie, in following Schurz's advice. While awaiting the verdict of the House, he made his planned trip to the South with Elliott, who had agreed to manage Douglas Robinson's estates in Virginia. The two brothers parted affectionately; Elliott declared he was completely cured, and anxious to atone for his misdeeds. Theodore went on to Kentucky, relieved that the long family crisis was over. "It is most inadvisable, on every account, that you and I should have any leading part in Elliott's affairs hereafter," he wrote Bamie, "especially "especially as regards his relations with Anna...We have done everything possible...anything more would simply be interference, would not ultimately help her or him, and would hurt us." as regards his relations with Anna...We have done everything possible...anything more would simply be interference, would not ultimately help her or him, and would hurt us."97 His business in Owensboro did not detain him long; neither did further business in Texas, for in early April he was at the ranch of a friend near the Mexican border. Here he spent two exhilarating days hunting wild hogs on horseback. Running down a band of five on the banks of the River Nueces, he managed to shoot a sow and a boar. "There was a certain excitement in seeing the fierce little creatures come to bay," he mused afterward, "but the true way to kill these peccaries would be with the spear."98

THE H HOUSE VOTED an investigation of the Baltimore affair by the Civil Service Reform Committee on 19 April 1892. John Wanamaker was asked how soon he could prepare a statement of his official position, and replied that "he would hold himself at the service of the Committee for any date on which Mr. Roosevelt was not to be present." an investigation of the Baltimore affair by the Civil Service Reform Committee on 19 April 1892. John Wanamaker was asked how soon he could prepare a statement of his official position, and replied that "he would hold himself at the service of the Committee for any date on which Mr. Roosevelt was not to be present."99 A special hearing of the Postmaster General was promptly scheduled for Monday, 25 April. Speaking with an air of weary dignity, Wanamaker said that he had not laid eyes on Roosevelt's report until returning from vacation the previous September. Soon afterward Postmaster Johnson had written to him complaining that the document was based on warped evidence. According to Johnson, Commissioner Roosevelt had arrived in Baltimore without warning, and had "frightened" and "bulldozed" Post Office employees into making rash statements that they later begged to withdraw. He had conducted a "star-chamber investigation" in which "men of very ordinary intellect" were denied counsel, and subjected them to a barrage of "leading questions."100 Wanamaker felt that the men were entitled to be heard on their own behalf, and had ordered his two most senior inspectors to reinvestigate the case. Their report-which he did not happen to have on him at the moment-proved that Roosevelt's victims had not been soliciting election expenses at all; on the contrary, they were merely raising funds for a pool table. It was the official view of his department, therefore, that "the facts do not justify the dismissal of...anyone for violation of the Civil Service Law as charged." Wanamaker felt that the men were entitled to be heard on their own behalf, and had ordered his two most senior inspectors to reinvestigate the case. Their report-which he did not happen to have on him at the moment-proved that Roosevelt's victims had not been soliciting election expenses at all; on the contrary, they were merely raising funds for a pool table. It was the official view of his department, therefore, that "the facts do not justify the dismissal of...anyone for violation of the Civil Service Law as charged."101 Wanamaker, who regularly taught Sunday school in Philadelphia, was at his sanctimonious best in cross-examination. He said that Postmaster Johnson had been "reprimanded" for allowing his men "to give impressions to the Civil Service Commissioner which were not justified by facts." Yet, on the whole, Johnson had done a remarkably good job in enforcing Civil Service rules. "The condition of the Baltimore Post Office is like the millenium in comparison with what it was in the previous Administration." Then Wanamaker launched into a speech which must have made Roosevelt boggle when it appeared in the evening paper: I consider myself the highest type of Civil Service man. I have governed the Post Office Department strictly by Civil Service rules...It seems to me to be small and trifling business and unworthy of a great Government to discharge a man who declares that he gave five dollars to a pool table...And while I have not seen my way clear to order any discharge or indictment...I might, if I saw the least thing on the part of these men at the next election to prove that they had not been honest or fair, dismiss them and forty more, if necessary. I am a law-keeper.102 Roosevelt's turn came a week later, on 2 May. He made his usual delayed entrance, interrupting testimony by Treasury Secretary Charles Foster, pumping hands right and left, waving aside a proffered chair. While awaiting his turn on the stand he "paced the floor nervously like a caged leopard," and when sworn treated the committee to a series of dazzling grins, some of which clicked audibly. He pulled a typewritten statement from his pocket and read it with gusto.103 "In the first place," said Roosevelt, "I stand by my Baltimore report not only in its entirety, but paragraph by paragraph. It is absolutely impossible that my conclusions should be upset, for they are based upon the confessions of the accused persons made at the very time the events took place. It seems to me less a question of judgment in deciding on their guilt than it is a question of interpreting the English language as it is ordinarily used." He offered no apologies for his methods of investigation. "Of course I used leading questions! I have always used them in examinations of this kind and always shall use them...to get at the truth."104 Having established his own position, Roosevelt turned to an analysis of Wanamaker's. Apparently "the Honorable Postmaster General" (he used this phrase, with heavy sarcasm, no fewer than eighteen times) put more faith in contradictory testimony, prepared after the fact with the help of lawyers, than in verbatim confessions recorded at the scene of the crime. "It is difficult for me to discuss seriously the proposition that a man when questioned as to something which has just happened will lie to his own hurt, and six months afterward tell the truth to his own benefit."

He was glad the Honorable Postmaster General admitted there had been violations of the law in Baltimore during the last Administration, but "if the wrongdoing is not checked it will be found at the end of four years to have been just as great under this Administration." Roosevelt concluded, "I honestly fail to see how there can be a particle of question as to these men's guilt, after reading the evidence that is before you; and if these men are not guilty, then it is absolutely impossible that men ever can be guilty under the Civil Service law."105 Before adjournment the committee voted a formal request for the Postmaster General's report. "Ah! I presume I shall be allowed to see that testimony?" said Roosevelt eagerly. When the chairman nodded assent, he was as delighted as a child. "Thanks! Thanks!"106

DELIGHT CHANGED TO DISGUST as he read the text of the nine-hundred-page document. Wanamaker's inspectors had not been able to change the basic facts of the case-much of the testimony, indeed, was even more incriminating than before-but they blatantly ignored this evidence in presenting their conclusions. Commissioner Roosevelt, the report declared, had been "malicious," "unfair," and "partial in the extreme" in his investigation, determined "to deceive or mislead" witnesses for "some political purpose." as he read the text of the nine-hundred-page document. Wanamaker's inspectors had not been able to change the basic facts of the case-much of the testimony, indeed, was even more incriminating than before-but they blatantly ignored this evidence in presenting their conclusions. Commissioner Roosevelt, the report declared, had been "malicious," "unfair," and "partial in the extreme" in his investigation, determined "to deceive or mislead" witnesses for "some political purpose."107 Roosevelt reacted to these slurs with a dignity that merely emphasized the depths of his anger. He sent a registered letter to Wanamaker, saying that the Post Office inspectors had cast reflections not only on his actions, but on his motives. "There is no need in commenting on their gross impertinence and impropriety," Roosevelt wrote, used as they are by the subordinates of one department in reference to one of the heads of another, who is, like yourself, responsible to the President only. But I have nothing to do with these subordinates. It is with you, the official head, responsible for their action, that I have to deal. By submitting this report without expressly disclaiming any responsibility for it, you seem to assume that responsibility and make it your own. I can hardly suppose this was your intention, but I shall be obliged to treat these statements which in any way reflect on my acts and motives as yours, unless you disavow them with the same publicity with which they were made to the Committee. I therefore respectfully ask you whether you will or will not make such disavowal, so that I may govern myself accordingly, and not be guilty of any injustice.108 Roosevelt waited nine days, but Wanamaker made no reply. On 25 May, therefore, he appeared at a final session of the Investigating Committee "with a typewritten statement under his athletic arm and fire in his eye."109

HE BEGAN by reading his letter to Wanamaker, to the sound of excited scribbling in the press gallery. Then, in a lucid analysis of the two masses of evidence gathered in Baltimore by himself and Wanamaker's inspectors, he showed that at least two-thirds of the latter was even more damaging than his own. Yet Wanamaker had ignored this evidence in favor of the remaining third, which had obviously been gathered with intent to whitewash. "I have never sheltered myself behind my subordinates," said Roosevelt loftily, "and I decline to let the Postmaster-General shelter himself behind his." He would not accuse Wanamaker of an official cover-up, but "if the investigation in which this testimony was taken had been made with the deliberate intent of shielding the accused, covering up their wrongdoing, and attempting to perjure themselves, so that the [Post] Office could be cleared from the effect of their former truthful confessions, it would have been managed precisely as it actually was managed." by reading his letter to Wanamaker, to the sound of excited scribbling in the press gallery. Then, in a lucid analysis of the two masses of evidence gathered in Baltimore by himself and Wanamaker's inspectors, he showed that at least two-thirds of the latter was even more damaging than his own. Yet Wanamaker had ignored this evidence in favor of the remaining third, which had obviously been gathered with intent to whitewash. "I have never sheltered myself behind my subordinates," said Roosevelt loftily, "and I decline to let the Postmaster-General shelter himself behind his." He would not accuse Wanamaker of an official cover-up, but "if the investigation in which this testimony was taken had been made with the deliberate intent of shielding the accused, covering up their wrongdoing, and attempting to perjure themselves, so that the [Post] Office could be cleared from the effect of their former truthful confessions, it would have been managed precisely as it actually was managed."

In conclusion Roosevelt noted that the Postmaster General was in the habit of saying he cherished nothing but goodwill toward the Civil Service Commission. "I regret to say that I must emphatically dissent from this statement. Many of his actions...during the past two years seem to be explicable only on the ground of dislike of the Commission, and of willingness to hamper its work."110 It was a masterly performance. Roosevelt kept tight rein over his temper, let the facts speak for themselves, and stepped from the stand with an air of complete self-assurance. The reaction of the editors of The New York Times The New York Times next morning typified that of honest men across the nation: next morning typified that of honest men across the nation: We do not remember an instance in the history of our Government in which an officer of the Government, appointed by the President and charged with independent duties of a most responsible and important character, has felt called upon to go before a Congressional Committee and submit to it statements so damaging to the character of another officer of the Government of still higher rank...Nor do we see how Mr. Roosevelt could have refused to do what he has done. He has been forced to it, and by conduct on the part of Mr. Wanamaker that is entirely inexcusable and without any decent motive. It may be said that Mr. Roosevelt has taken upon himself to accuse Mr. Wanamaker of what amounts to untruthfulness...That is not a pleasing position to be occupied by a gentleman who is a Cabinet officer and a person of conspicuous pretensions to piety. But Mr. Roosevelt showed that Mr. Wanamaker had adopted and acted on statements that he knew were false...that he bore himself generally with a curious mingling of smug impertinence and cowardice...The exposure he has suffered from Mr. Roosevelt is merciless and humiliating, but it is clearly deserved.

The majority report of the investigating committee, dated 22 June, used even stronger language. It described Wanamaker's testimony as "evasive" and "garbled," and said he was clearly in "desperate straits." The Postmaster General's "extraordinary" failure to act in the Baltimore case indicated "either a determination not to enforce the law or negligence therein to the last degree." As for the testimony taken by his inspectors, it "confirmed and corroborated fully" that taken in the original investigation.111 The righteousness of the law was upheld, and Theodore Roosevelt could enjoy the sweetest political triumph of his career as Commissioner. The righteousness of the law was upheld, and Theodore Roosevelt could enjoy the sweetest political triumph of his career as Commissioner.

THE STORY OF the rest of the Harrison Administration can be briefly told. At the rest of the Harrison Administration can be briefly told. At 3:20 A.M 3:20 A.M. on the morning after the investigating committee filed the above-quoted report, Grover Cleveland was renominated by the Democrats for President of the United States.112 This news, coinciding as it did with the public disgrace of John Wanamaker, and reports of "scandalous" use of patronage in the renomination of Benjamin Harrison at Minneapolis, This news, coinciding as it did with the public disgrace of John Wanamaker, and reports of "scandalous" use of patronage in the renomination of Benjamin Harrison at Minneapolis,113 came as a signal for all disillusioned reformers to desert the Republican party, as they had in 1884. Although memories of office-looting under the Democrats still lingered, they were neither as recent nor as disturbing as those publicized by the Republican Civil Service Commissioner. "Poor Harrison!" remarked the came as a signal for all disillusioned reformers to desert the Republican party, as they had in 1884. Although memories of office-looting under the Democrats still lingered, they were neither as recent nor as disturbing as those publicized by the Republican Civil Service Commissioner. "Poor Harrison!" remarked the New York Sun New York Sun. "If he has erred, he has been punished. The irrepressible, belligerent and enthusiastic Roosevelt has made him suffer, and has more suffering in store for him."114 Actually Roosevelt ceased to pester the little general through the campaign of 1892, possibly because he knew Mrs. Harrison was dying of tuberculosis. In July he wrote a long, flattering article, "The Foreign Policy of President Harrison," for publication in the 11 August issue of The Independent The Independent. Although the policy in question was largely that of Secretary of State James G. Blaine, Roosevelt's conclusion, "No other Administration since the Civil War has made so excellent a record in its management of our foreign relations," could not but have gratified his melancholy chief.115 Roosevelt enjoyed a renewed burst of literary activity that summer, publishing at least four other major articles on subjects ranging from anglomania to political assessments. He also forced himself to read all of Chaucer, whose lustier lyrics had hitherto made him gag. Even now, he found such tales as the Summoner's "altogether needlessly filthy," but he confessed to enjoying the others.116 He exercised strenuously to work off the effects of a sedentary winter, galloping through the woods around Washington with Lodge, playing tennis at the British Legation, and whacking polo balls around the green fields of Long Island. "I tell you, a corpulent middle-aged literary man finds a stiff polo match rather good exercise!" He exercised strenuously to work off the effects of a sedentary winter, galloping through the woods around Washington with Lodge, playing tennis at the British Legation, and whacking polo balls around the green fields of Long Island. "I tell you, a corpulent middle-aged literary man finds a stiff polo match rather good exercise!"117 At the beginning of August, Roosevelt left to go West as usual, but official engagements in South Dakota permitted him only a week or two in the Badlands. He was not sorry to leave Elkhorn, for game was scarce and the empty cabin depressed him.118 Hell-Roaring Bill Jones agreed to drive him south to Deadwood, with Sylvane Ferris as a companion. This trip gave Roosevelt the opportunity to luxuriate in cowboy conversation, of which he had been starved in recent years. Hell-Roaring Bill Jones agreed to drive him south to Deadwood, with Sylvane Ferris as a companion. This trip gave Roosevelt the opportunity to luxuriate in cowboy conversation, of which he had been starved in recent years.119 On 25 August, the wagon rolled into Deadwood, and Roosevelt soon discovered that, in spite of his sunburn and rough garb, he was regarded as a visiting celebrity. This was due more, perhaps, to his fame as the captor of Redhead Finnegan than to any relationship with the current Administration. A deputation of citizens waited upon him at his hotel and announced that a mass meeting had been scheduled in his honor that evening. At the appointed hour a band escorted him willy-nilly to the Deadwood Opera House, where he was obliged to open President Harrison's local reelection campaign. There was no point in protesting that as Civil Service Commissioner he was not supposed to take sides in a political contest. Local comprehension of his title was typified by the sheriff of the Black Hills, who remarked genially, "Well, anything civil goes with me."120

HE SPENT THE NEXT MONTH on a "tedious but important" tour of the neighboring Indian reservations. The dusty hopelessness of those sprawling communities seems to have wrought a profound change in his attitude to the American Indian. During his years as a rancher, Roosevelt had acquired plenty of anti-Indian prejudice, strangely at odds with his enlightened attitude to blacks. But his research into the great Indian military heroes for on a "tedious but important" tour of the neighboring Indian reservations. The dusty hopelessness of those sprawling communities seems to have wrought a profound change in his attitude to the American Indian. During his years as a rancher, Roosevelt had acquired plenty of anti-Indian prejudice, strangely at odds with his enlightened attitude to blacks. But his research into the great Indian military heroes for The Winning of the West The Winning of the West had done much to moderate this. Now, touring Pine Ridge and Crow Creek on behalf of the Great White Father, he looked on the red man not as an adversary but as a ward of the state, whom it was his duty to protect. Pity, not unmixed with had done much to moderate this. Now, touring Pine Ridge and Crow Creek on behalf of the Great White Father, he looked on the red man not as an adversary but as a ward of the state, whom it was his duty to protect. Pity, not unmixed with honte du vainqueur honte du vainqueur, flared into anger when he discovered that even here, in decaying federal agencies and flyblown schools, the spoils system was an accepted part of government. Clerks and teachers testified they were routinely assessed for amounts up to $200 per head by the South Dakota Republican Central Committee, on pain of losing their jobs.121 Any time now the collectors would be around to seek "contributions" for President Harrison. Roosevelt promptly called a press conference in Sioux City and blasted the "infamy of meanness that would rob women and Indians of their meager wages." Any time now the collectors would be around to seek "contributions" for President Harrison. Roosevelt promptly called a press conference in Sioux City and blasted the "infamy of meanness that would rob women and Indians of their meager wages."122 He demanded the prosecution of several high Republican officials, and announced that Indians in the classified service "need not contribute a penny" to any future assessments. He demanded the prosecution of several high Republican officials, and announced that Indians in the classified service "need not contribute a penny" to any future assessments.123 The wretchedness he saw at Pine Ridge stayed with him long after he returned East. In a speech summing up his career as Civil Service Commissioner under President Harrison, Roosevelt sounded a note of human compassion rare in his early public utterances: The wretchedness he saw at Pine Ridge stayed with him long after he returned East. In a speech summing up his career as Civil Service Commissioner under President Harrison, Roosevelt sounded a note of human compassion rare in his early public utterances: Here we have a group of beings who are not able to protect themselves; who are groping toward civilization out of the darkness of heredity and ingrained barbarism, and to whom, theoretically, we are supposed to be holding out a helping hand. They are utterly unable to protect themselves. They are credulous and easily duped by a bad agent, and they are susceptible of remarkable improvement when the agent is a good man, thoroughly efficient and thoroughly practical. To the Indians the workings of the spoils system at the agencies is a curse and an outrage...it must mean that the painful road leading upward from savagery is rendered infinitely more difficult and infinitely more stony for the poor feet trying to tread it.124 On 25 October 1892, two days before Roosevelt's thirty-fourth birthday, Mrs. Benjamin Harrison died, adding a final touch of doom to the moribund Republican campaign. The little general had not wanted to be renominated, and now, as grief crippled him, he wanted even less to be reelected. Privately he longed to go back to Indianapolis, but "a Harrison never runs away from a fight."125 On 8 November, however, his wish for retirement was granted. Grover Cleveland returned to power with a 3 percent majority, thanks to the swing of the reform vote. "Well, as to the general result I am disappointed but not surprised," Roosevelt wrote Lodge. "But how it galls to see the self-complacent triumph of our foes!" On 8 November, however, his wish for retirement was granted. Grover Cleveland returned to power with a 3 percent majority, thanks to the swing of the reform vote. "Well, as to the general result I am disappointed but not surprised," Roosevelt wrote Lodge. "But how it galls to see the self-complacent triumph of our foes!"126 What probably galled him even more (although he did not say it) was the thought that Lodge, who had scored a personal coup in the Massachusetts election, was now in line for a seat in the U.S. Senate, while he would soon have to pack up his bags and return to Sagamore Hill. A few newspapers wanted him to be reappointed,127 but it was unlikely the Democrats would favor a Civil Service Commissioner who had attacked President Cleveland so sharply in the past. He could scarcely have survived even if Harrison had won; since the Wanamaker affair, Republican spoilsmen had been insisting "in swarms" that Roosevelt must go. but it was unlikely the Democrats would favor a Civil Service Commissioner who had attacked President Cleveland so sharply in the past. He could scarcely have survived even if Harrison had won; since the Wanamaker affair, Republican spoilsmen had been insisting "in swarms" that Roosevelt must go.128 "I...have the profound gratification of knowing that there is no man more bitterly disliked by many of the men in my own party," he told a fellow reformer. "When I leave on March 5th, I shall at least have the knowledge that I have certainly not flinched from trying to enforce the law during these four years, even if my progress has been at times a little disheartening."129

ANOTHER DEATH SHOOK HIM on 7 December, and plunged the whole family into official mourning. Anna Roosevelt, her frail health broken by two years of humiliation, succumbed to diphtheria at the age of twenty-nine. The last message to Elliott in Virginia was a telegraphed " on 7 December, and plunged the whole family into official mourning. Anna Roosevelt, her frail health broken by two years of humiliation, succumbed to diphtheria at the age of twenty-nine. The last message to Elliott in Virginia was a telegraphed "DO NOT COME."130 One wonders if this gave any momentary pang to Theodore, who more than anyone else was responsible for their separation. One wonders if this gave any momentary pang to Theodore, who more than anyone else was responsible for their separation.

DURING ITS LAST few months in power, the Harrison Administration was possessed of immortal longings. A robe and a crown, of sorts, became available in the Pacific, and the President hastened to put them on. few months in power, the Harrison Administration was possessed of immortal longings. A robe and a crown, of sorts, became available in the Pacific, and the President hastened to put them on.131 They belonged to Queen Liliuokalani of Hawaii, who early in the New Year had proclaimed a policy of "Hawaii for the Hawaiians," in an attempt to end half a century of economic domination by the United States. She was immediately deposed in an uprising of native sugar growers, aided by some American marines, and abetted by the American Minister. Within weeks, representatives of the revolutionaries arrived in Washington to negotiate a treaty of annexation. President Harrison complied, although it was unlikely the incoming Democratic Administration would allow the document to get very far in Congress. They belonged to Queen Liliuokalani of Hawaii, who early in the New Year had proclaimed a policy of "Hawaii for the Hawaiians," in an attempt to end half a century of economic domination by the United States. She was immediately deposed in an uprising of native sugar growers, aided by some American marines, and abetted by the American Minister. Within weeks, representatives of the revolutionaries arrived in Washington to negotiate a treaty of annexation. President Harrison complied, although it was unlikely the incoming Democratic Administration would allow the document to get very far in Congress.132 Washington society, meanwhile, embraced Hawaii as the theme of the season. Hostesses served lavish luaus luaus to their guests, to the whine of native guitars. Fashionable couples, hurrying in furs from one party to another, hummed the latest hit, a serenade to the deposed island Queen: to their guests, to the whine of native guitars. Fashionable couples, hurrying in furs from one party to another, hummed the latest hit, a serenade to the deposed island Queen: Come, Liliu-o-kalani,Give Uncle SamYour little yellow hannie...133 Henry Adams proudly introduced the latest addition to his circle, a four-hundred-pound Polynesian chief named Tati Salmon. "A polished gentleman," Roosevelt noted approvingly, "of easy manners, with an interesting undertone of queer barbarism."134 As the season wore on, a delicious fragrance filled the air, of pineapples and Pacific ozone, of warm dusky flesh and spices. It was the smell of Empire, and none sniffed it more eagerly than Roosevelt. With all his soul, he longed to remain in Washington, where the future of his country was blossoming like some brilliant tropical flower. Amazingly, it seemed that the President-elect bore him no grudge, and might invite him to stay on as Civil Service Commissioner. Benjamin F. Tracy, outgoing Secretary of the Navy, urged him to accept, and in doing so, bestowed a compliment which delighted Roosevelt more than any other he had ever received. "Well, my boy," said Tracy, "you have been a thorn in our side during four years. I earnestly hope that you will remain to be a thorn in the side of the next Administration."135

CHAPTER 18.

The Universe Spinner Force rules the world still,Has ruled it, shall rule it;Meekness is weakness,Strength is triumphant!

"WE HAVE BUILT these splendid edifices," roared Grover Cleveland, "but we have also built the magnificent fabric of a popular government, whose grand proportions are seen throughout the world." these splendid edifices," roared Grover Cleveland, "but we have also built the magnificent fabric of a popular government, whose grand proportions are seen throughout the world."1 His eyes flickered back and forth: he was trying to read his notes, seek out an ivory button, and address two hundred thousand people simultaneously. The eyes of the crowd, too, were restless. They shifted from the President's fat forefinger, as it hovered over the button, to the inert fountains, the furled flags, the motionless wheels in the Palace of Mechanic Arts, and the enshrouded statue looming against the fogbanks of Lake Michigan. His eyes flickered back and forth: he was trying to read his notes, seek out an ivory button, and address two hundred thousand people simultaneously. The eyes of the crowd, too, were restless. They shifted from the President's fat forefinger, as it hovered over the button, to the inert fountains, the furled flags, the motionless wheels in the Palace of Mechanic Arts, and the enshrouded statue looming against the fogbanks of Lake Michigan.

"As by a touch the machinery that gives life to this vast Exposition is now set in motion, so at the same instant let our hopes and aspirations awaken forces which in time to come"-Maestro Thomas raised his baton over seven hundred musicians, and for the first moment that morning a hush descended on the Grand Court-"shall influence the welfare, the dignity, and the freedom of mankind," Cleveland intoned, and pressed the button. It was eight minutes past noon, Chicago time, on 1 May 1893.

"The fair by no means matched the splendor of his own dreams for America."

The Grand Court of the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893. (Illustration 18.1) From the flagstaff crowning the gold-domed Administration Building, three hundred feet above the President's head, Old Glory broke forth, a split second before the lower banners of Christopher Columbus and Spain.2 Seven hundred other ensigns exploded brilliantly over the White City. The great Allis engine coughed into life, and seven thousand feet of shafting began to move. Fountains gushed so high that umbrellas popped up everywhere; and the folds fell from the Statue of the Republic, revealing a gilt goddess facing west, her arms extended toward the frontier. Seven hundred other ensigns exploded brilliantly over the White City. The great Allis engine coughed into life, and seven thousand feet of shafting began to move. Fountains gushed so high that umbrellas popped up everywhere; and the folds fell from the Statue of the Republic, revealing a gilt goddess facing west, her arms extended toward the frontier.

The noise accompanying this cataclysmic moment-the first demonstration, on a massive scale, of the generative powers of electricity-was appropriately tremendous. From the lake came the thunder of naval artillery and the shriek of countless steam whistles. Carillons pealed, the orchestra crashed out Handel's Hallelujah Chorus Hallelujah Chorus, and louder than everything else rose the roaring of the crowd. The war-whooping of seventy-five Sioux added savage overtones. This bedlam continued for ten full minutes; then "America" sounded on massed trombones, and the roaring turned to singing. Even the stolid Cleveland was moved to join in, to the embarrassment of his guest of honor, Cristobal, duke of Veragua, Columbus's senior living descendant. The little Spaniard stood bowed under the weight of his inherited epaulets, silent in the universal chorus: Let music swell the breeze,And ring from all the treesSweet freedom's song!

Theodore Roosevelt did not arrive in Chicago for another ten days3-his own modest contribution to the World's Fair was a Boone & Crockett Club cabin, dedicated 15 May4-but he had little need of music and artillery to swell his love of country. Indeed, this stupendous exposition, whose combination of classical architecture and modern technology so bewildered Henry Adams that he felt the universe was tottering,5 was to Roosevelt an entirely natural and logical product of American civilization. He was conventionally moved by its grandeur ("the most beautiful architectural exhibit the world has ever seen"), was to Roosevelt an entirely natural and logical product of American civilization. He was conventionally moved by its grandeur ("the most beautiful architectural exhibit the world has ever seen"),6 but the Fair by no means matched the splendor of his own dreams for America. These palaces, after all, were carved out of plaster, and would survive, at most, for a couple of seasons; but the Fair by no means matched the splendor of his own dreams for America. These palaces, after all, were carved out of plaster, and would survive, at most, for a couple of seasons; his his Columbia would burgeon for centuries. Columbia would burgeon for centuries.

To Adams, sitting with spinning head on the steps of the Administration Building, the World's Fair asked for the first time "whether the American people knew where they were driving." He suspected they did not, "but that they might still be driving or drifting unconsciously to some point in thought, as their solar system was said to be drifting towards some point in space; and that, possibly, if relations enough could be observed, this point might be fixed. Chicago was the first expression of American thought as a unity; one must start there."7 Roosevelt felt no need to ask, or answer, such questions. He had long known exactly where the United States was drifting, just as he had throughout life known where he was driving. He came to the White City, gazed cheerfully upon it, then hurried off to Indianapolis on Civil Service Commission business.8 There was no need to stop and ponder the dynamos, the "new powers" which so mystified Henry Adams, for he felt their energy whirring within himself. Theodore Roosevelt, as the British M.P. John Morley later observed, "was" America There was no need to stop and ponder the dynamos, the "new powers" which so mystified Henry Adams, for he felt their energy whirring within himself. Theodore Roosevelt, as the British M.P. John Morley later observed, "was" America9-the America that grew to maturity after the Civil War, marshaled its resources at Chicago, and exploded into world power at the turn of the century.

Grover Cleveland's adjectives on Opening Day-splendid, magnificent, grand, vast-were no different from those Roosevelt himself had lavished on America in all his books. The symbolism of the flags, and of the little Spanish admiral dwarfed by a three-hundred-pound American President, was pleasing to him, but not revelatory. Nine years before, in his Fourth of July oration to the cowboys of Dickinson, he had hoped "to see the day when not a foot of American soil will be held by any European power," and instinct told him that that day was fast approaching. When it came, it would bring out what some consider the best, what others consider the worst in him. This overriding impulse has been given many names: Jingoism, Nationalism, Imperialism, Chauvinism, even Fascism and Racism. Roosevelt preferred to use the simple and to him beautiful word Americanism Americanism.

THE W WINNING OF THE W WEST, which occupied Roosevelt, on and off, for nearly nine years, was the first comprehensive statement of his Americanism, and, by extension (since he "was" America), of himself. All his previous books had been, in a sense, sketches for this one, just as his subsequent books were postscripts to it, of diminishing historical and psychological interest. One by one, themes he had touched on in the past came up for synthesis and review: the importance of naval preparedness, and effect of ethnic derivations on fighting blood which occupied Roosevelt, on and off, for nearly nine years, was the first comprehensive statement of his Americanism, and, by extension (since he "was" America), of himself. All his previous books had been, in a sense, sketches for this one, just as his subsequent books were postscripts to it, of diminishing historical and psychological interest. One by one, themes he had touched on in the past came up for synthesis and review: the importance of naval preparedness, and effect of ethnic derivations on fighting blood (The Naval War of 1812); (The Naval War of 1812); the identity of native Americans with their own flora and fauna the identity of native Americans with their own flora and fauna (Hunting Trips of a Ranchman); (Hunting Trips of a Ranchman); the doctrine of Manifest Destiny the doctrine of Manifest Destiny (Thomas Hart Benton); (Thomas Hart Benton); the need for law and order in a savage environment the need for law and order in a savage environment (Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail); (Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail); the significance of the United States Constitution the significance of the United States Constitution (Gouverneur Morris); (Gouverneur Morris); the problems of free government the problems of free government (Essays in Practical Politics); (Essays in Practical Politics); and the social dynamics of immigration and the social dynamics of immigration (New York) (New York).

Nothing written prior to Roosevelt's Presidency shows the breadth of his mind to greater advantage than the introduction to The Winning of the West The Winning of the West, which makes it clear that his specific subject-white settlement of Indian lands west of the Alleghenies in the late eighteenth century-is but a chapter in the unfolding of an epic racial saga, covering thousands of years and millions of square miles. The erudition with which he traces the "perfectly continuous history" of Anglo-Saxons from the days of King Alfred to those of George Washington is impressive. He draws effortless parallels between the Romanticization of the Celto-Iberians in the second century B.C B.C. and the capture of Mexico and Peru by the conquistadores; between the Punic Wars and the War of the American Revolution; even between the future of whites in South Africa and the fate of Greek colonists in the Tauric Chersonese.

"During the past three centuries," Roosevelt begins, "the spread of the English-speaking peoples over the world's waste spaces has been not only the most striking feature in the world's history, but also the event of all others most far-reaching in its importance."10 What else but destiny-a destiny yet to be fully realized-can explain the remorseless advance of Anglo-Saxon civilization? The language of what was, in Queen Elizabeth's time, "a relatively unimportant insular kingdom...now holds sway over worlds whose endless coasts are washed by the waves of three great oceans." Never in history has a race expanded over so wide an area in so short a time; and the winning of the American West may be counted as "the crowning and greatest achievement" of that mighty movement. What else but destiny-a destiny yet to be fully realized-can explain the remorseless advance of Anglo-Saxon civilization? The language of what was, in Queen Elizabeth's time, "a relatively unimportant insular kingdom...now holds sway over worlds whose endless coasts are washed by the waves of three great oceans." Never in history has a race expanded over so wide an area in so short a time; and the winning of the American West may be counted as "the crowning and greatest achievement" of that mighty movement.11 The narrative proper begins in chapter 6 with the first trickle of settlement following Daniel Boone's penetration of the Cumberland Gap in 1765. Roosevelt uses a striking flood metaphor: "The American backswoodsmen had surged up, wave upon wave, till their mass trembled in the troughs of the Alleghenies, ready to flood the continent beyond."12 As the flood gathers volume, he achieves the effect of ever-widening waves by making his chapters overlap, every one moving farther afield geographically, and further ahead in time. So intoxicated is Roosevelt as he rides these waves that he sweeps uncaring past such solid obstructions as Institutional Analysis and Land Company Proceedings. ("I have always been more interested in the men themselves than the institutions through which they worked," he confessed.) As the flood gathers volume, he achieves the effect of ever-widening waves by making his chapters overlap, every one moving farther afield geographically, and further ahead in time. So intoxicated is Roosevelt as he rides these waves that he sweeps uncaring past such solid obstructions as Institutional Analysis and Land Company Proceedings. ("I have always been more interested in the men themselves than the institutions through which they worked," he confessed.)13 He might have added, "and in action rather than theory." Far and away the best parts of He might have added, "and in action rather than theory." Far and away the best parts of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West are the fighting chapters. In describing border battles, Roosevelt reveals himself with the utter unself-consciousness which was always part of his charm. He makes no secret of his boyish identification with those gaunt, fierce warriors of the frontier, who were "strong and simple, powerful for good and evil, swayed by gusts of stormy passion, the love of freedom rooted in their very heart's core." are the fighting chapters. In describing border battles, Roosevelt reveals himself with the utter unself-consciousness which was always part of his charm. He makes no secret of his boyish identification with those gaunt, fierce warriors of the frontier, who were "strong and simple, powerful for good and evil, swayed by gusts of stormy passion, the love of freedom rooted in their very heart's core."14 Here is Roosevelt the aggressor, single-handedly killing or crippling seven Indians in the pitch darkness of his pioneer log cabin; wrenching himself from the stake and running naked for five days through mosquito country; trying consecutively to shoot, knife, throttle, and drown a reluctant Chief Bigfoot, while his own brother puts a bullet in his back; advancing upon Vincennes through mile after mile of freezing, waist-deep water; and, in a moment of supreme ecstasy, spurring a white horse over a sheer, three-hundred-foot cliff: There was a crash, the shock of a heavy body, half-springing, half-falling, a scramble among loose rocks, and the snapping of saplings and bushes; and in another moment the awestruck Indians above saw their unarmed foe, galloping his white horse in safety across the plain.15 Here, too, is Roosevelt the righteous, assailing the "warped, perverse, and silly morality" that would preserve the American continent "for the use of a few scattered savage tribes, whose life was but a few degrees less meaningless, squalid, and ferocious than that of the wild beasts with whom they held joint ownership."16 He pours scorn on "selfish and indolent" Easterners who fail to see the "race-importance" of the work done by Western pioneers. He pours scorn on "selfish and indolent" Easterners who fail to see the "race-importance" of the work done by Western pioneers.17 Yet Roosevelt is not sentimental about the latter. He shows the tendency of the frontier to barbarize both conqueror and conquered, until such civilized issues as good v. evil, law v. anarchy, are forgotten in the age-old struggle of Man against Man. Yet Roosevelt is not sentimental about the latter. He shows the tendency of the frontier to barbarize both conqueror and conquered, until such civilized issues as good v. evil, law v. anarchy, are forgotten in the age-old struggle of Man against Man.18 It is a primeval warfare, and it is waged as war was waged in the ages of bronze and iron. All the merciful humanity that even war has gained during the last two thousand years is lost. It is a warfare where no pity is shown to non-combatants, where the weak are harried without ruth, and the vanquished are maltreated with merciless ferocity. A sad and evil feature of such warfare is that the whites, the representatives of civilization, speedily sink almost to the level of their barbarous foes, in point of hideous brutality.19 Yet, says Roosevelt, this kind of struggle is "elemental in its consequences to the future of the world." In a paragraph which will return to haunt him, he proclaims: The most ultimately righteous of all wars is a war with savages, though it is apt to be also the most terrible and inhuman. The rude, fierce settler who drove the savage from the land lays all civilized mankind under a debt to him. American and Indian, Boer and Zulu, Cossack and Tartar, New Zealander and Maori-in each case the victor, horrible though many of his deeds are, has laid deep the foundations for the future greatness of a mighty people...it is of incalculable importance that America, Australia, and Siberia should pass out of the hands of their red, black, and yellow aboriginal owners, and become the heritage of the dominant world races.20 Roosevelt the proud saw no reason to retract this passage in later life, for the overall context of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West makes plain that he regarded any such race-struggle as ephemeral. Once civilization was established, the aborigine must be raised and refined as quickly as possible, so that he may partake of every opportunity available to the master race-in other words, become master of himself, free to challenge and beat the white man in any field of endeavor. Nothing could give Roosevelt more satisfaction than to see such a reversal, for he admired individual achievement above all things. Any black or red man who could win admission to "the fellowship of the doers" was superior to the white man who failed. makes plain that he regarded any such race-struggle as ephemeral. Once civilization was established, the aborigine must be raised and refined as quickly as possible, so that he may partake of every opportunity available to the master race-in other words, become master of himself, free to challenge and beat the white man in any field of endeavor. Nothing could give Roosevelt more satisfaction than to see such a reversal, for he admired individual achievement above all things. Any black or red man who could win admission to "the fellowship of the doers" was superior to the white man who failed.21 Roosevelt's long-term dream was nothing more or less than the general, steady, self-betterment of the multicolored American nation. Roosevelt's long-term dream was nothing more or less than the general, steady, self-betterment of the multicolored American nation.22 Of Roosevelt the military man, as revealed in The Winning of the West The Winning of the West, little need be said. Chapter after chapter, volume after volume, demonstrates his ability to analyze the motives that drive men to battle, to define the mysterious powers of leadership, and weigh the relative strengths of armies. His accounts of the Battle of King's Mountain and the defeat of St. Clair are so full of visual and auditory detail, and exhibit such an uncanny sense of terrain, that it is hard to believe the author himself has never felt the shock of arms. One can only infer from the power and brilliance of the prose that such passages are the sublimation of his most intense desires, and that until he can charge, like Colonel William Campbell, up an enemy-held ridge at the head of a thousand wiry horse-riflemen, he will never be fulfilled.23

ROOSEVELT WAS NOT ALONE in his efforts during the early 1890s to define and explore the origins of Americanism. Long before the final volume of in his efforts during the early 1890s to define and explore the origins of Americanism. Long before the final volume of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West was published, other young intellectuals took up and developed his theme that the true American identity was to be found only in the West. The most brilliant of these was Frederick Jackson Turner, who came to the Chicago World's Fair in July 1893 to deliver his seminal address, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," before an audience of aging, puzzled academics. was published, other young intellectuals took up and developed his theme that the true American identity was to be found only in the West. The most brilliant of these was Frederick Jackson Turner, who came to the Chicago World's Fair in July 1893 to deliver his seminal address, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," before an audience of aging, puzzled academics.24 Turner had admiringly reviewed Roosevelt's first two volumes in 1889, and had marked in his personal copy a passage describing the "true significance" of "the vast movement by which this continent was conquered and peopled."25 His thesis-that "the existence of an area of free land, its continuous recession, and the advancement of American settlement westward explain American development"-was identical with that of His thesis-that "the existence of an area of free land, its continuous recession, and the advancement of American settlement westward explain American development"-was identical with that of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West, albeit expressed more succinctly.26 But Turner refined away much of the crudity of Roosevelt's ethnic thinking. It was not "blood," but environment that made the American frontiersman unique: he was shaped by the challenge of his situation "at the meeting-point between savagery and civilization." Forced continually to adapt himself to new dangers and new opportunities, as the frontier moved West, he was "Americanized" at a much quicker rate than the sedentary, Europe-influenced Easterner. Consequently, said Turner, it was "to the frontier that the American intellect owes its most striking characteristics." But Turner refined away much of the crudity of Roosevelt's ethnic thinking. It was not "blood," but environment that made the American frontiersman unique: he was shaped by the challenge of his situation "at the meeting-point between savagery and civilization." Forced continually to adapt himself to new dangers and new opportunities, as the frontier moved West, he was "Americanized" at a much quicker rate than the sedentary, Europe-influenced Easterner. Consequently, said Turner, it was "to the frontier that the American intellect owes its most striking characteristics."27 And in listing those characteristics, Turner painted an accurate portrait of somebody not unfamiliar to readers of this biography: And in listing those characteristics, Turner painted an accurate portrait of somebody not unfamiliar to readers of this biography: That coarseness and strength combined with acuteness and inquisitiveness; that practical, inventive turn of mind, quick to find expedients; that masterful grasp of material things, lacking in the artistic but powerful to effect great ends; that restless nervous energy; that dominant individualism, working for good and evil, and withal that buoyancy which comes with freedom-these are the traits of the frontier....28 Turner closed his great essay on an elegaic note. The Chicago World's Fair marked more than the four hundredth anniversary of the arrival of Columbus in the New World; it coincidentally marked the end of the era of free land. An obscure government pamphlet had recently announced that, since the frontier was now almost completely broken up by settlements, "it cannot...any longer have a place in the census reports."29 This apparently unnoticed sentence, said Turner, made it clear that the United States had reached the limits of its natural expansion. Yet what of "American energy...continually demanding a wider field for its exercise"? Turner did not dare answer that question. All he knew was "the frontier has gone, and with its going has closed the first period of American history." This apparently unnoticed sentence, said Turner, made it clear that the United States had reached the limits of its natural expansion. Yet what of "American energy...continually demanding a wider field for its exercise"? Turner did not dare answer that question. All he knew was "the frontier has gone, and with its going has closed the first period of American history."30 Theodore Roosevelt was not among Turner's drowsy audience that hot summer's day, but he was one of the first historians to sense the revolutionary qualities of the thesis when it was published early in 1894.31 "I think you have struck some first class ideas," he wrote enthusiastically, "and have put into definite shape a good deal of thought which has been floating around rather loosely." "I think you have struck some first class ideas," he wrote enthusiastically, "and have put into definite shape a good deal of thought which has been floating around rather loosely."32 This was hardly the profound scholarly praise which Turner craved; but the older man's warmth, and his promise to quote the thesis in Volume Three of This was hardly the profound scholarly praise which Turner craved; but the older man's warmth, and his promise to quote the thesis in Volume Three of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West, "of course making full acknowledgement," was flattering.33 Turner thus became yet another addition to the circle of Roosevelt's academic admirers, and a fascinated observer of his later career. Turner thus became yet another addition to the circle of Roosevelt's academic admirers, and a fascinated observer of his later career.34 If one could no longer see the frontier retreat, one could have fun watching Theodore advance. If one could no longer see the frontier retreat, one could have fun watching Theodore advance.

Roosevelt spent much of his time during the years 189395 formulating theories of Americanism, partly under the influence of Turner, but mostly under the influence of his own avidly eclectic reading. Gradually the theories coalesced into a philosophy embracing practically every aspect of American life, from warfare to wild-flowers.35 He began to publish patriotic articles with titles like "What Americanism Means," and continued to write such pieces, with undiminished fervor, for the rest of his life. In addition he preached the gospel of Americanism, ad nauseam, at every public or private opportunity. Ninety-nine percent of the millions of words he thus poured out are sterile, banal, and so droningly repetitive as to defeat the most dedicated researcher. There is no doubt that on this subject Theodore Roosevelt was one of the bores of all ages; the wonder is that during his lifetime so many men, women, and children worshipfully pondered every platitude. Here is an example, taken from the above-named essay: He began to publish patriotic articles with titles like "What Americanism Means," and continued to write such pieces, with undiminished fervor, for the rest of his life. In addition he preached the gospel of Americanism, ad nauseam, at every public or private opportunity. Ninety-nine percent of the millions of words he thus poured out are sterile, banal, and so droningly repetitive as to defeat the most dedicated researcher. There is no doubt that on this subject Theodore Roosevelt was one of the bores of all ages; the wonder is that during his lifetime so many men, women, and children worshipfully pondered every platitude. Here is an example, taken from the above-named essay: We Americans have many grave problems to solve, many threatening evils to fight, and many deeds to do, if, as we hope and believe, we have the wisdom, the strength, and the courage and the virtue to do them. But we must face facts as they are. We must neither surrender ourselves to a foolish optimism, nor succumb to a timid and ignoble pessimism....36 And so on and on; once Roosevelt got a good balanced rhythm going, he could continue indefinitely, until his listeners, or his column-inches, were exhausted.

An analysis of "What Americanism Means"37 discloses that even when dealing with what is presumably a positive subject, Roosevelt's instinct is to express himself negatively, to attack un-Americans rather than praise all-Americans. Imprecations hurled at the former outnumber adjectives of praise for the latter almost ten to one. Selecting at random, we find discloses that even when dealing with what is presumably a positive subject, Roosevelt's instinct is to express himself negatively, to attack un-Americans rather than praise all-Americans. Imprecations hurled at the former outnumber adjectives of praise for the latter almost ten to one. Selecting at random, we find base, low, selfish, silly, evil, noxious, despicable, unwholesome, shameful, flaccid, contemptible- base, low, selfish, silly, evil, noxious, despicable, unwholesome, shameful, flaccid, contemptible-together with a plentiful sprinkling of pejorative nouns: weaklings, hypocrites, demagogues, fools, renegades, criminals, idiots, anarchists... weaklings, hypocrites, demagogues, fools, renegades, criminals, idiots, anarchists... One marvels at the copious flow of his invective, especially as the victims of it are not identified. It is possible, however, to single out Henry James, that "miserable little snob" One marvels at the copious flow of his invective, especially as the victims of it are not identified. It is possible, however, to single out Henry James, that "miserable little snob"38 whose preference for English society and English literature drove Roosevelt to near frenzy: whose preference for English society and English literature drove Roosevelt to near frenzy: Thus it is for the undersized man of letters, who flees his country because he, with his delicate, effeminate sensitiveness, finds the conditions of life on this side of the water crude and raw; in other words, because he finds that he cannot play a man's part among men, and so goes where he will be sheltered from the winds that harden stouter souls.

In such manner did Roosevelt, with the shrewd instinct of a rampant heterosexual, kick James again and again in his "obscure hurt," until the novelist was moved to weary protest. "The national consciousness for Mr. Theodore Roosevelt is...at the best a very fierce affair."39 James was too courteous to say more in print, but he privately characterized Roosevelt as "a dangerous and ominous jingo," and "the mere monstrous embodiment of unprecedented and resounding Noise." James was too courteous to say more in print, but he privately characterized Roosevelt as "a dangerous and ominous jingo," and "the mere monstrous embodiment of unprecedented and resounding Noise."40

IT IS A RELIEF to turn from Roosevelt's own spontaneous essays to those prompted by the philosophizing of others, notably the English historian Charles H. Pearson, whose to turn from Roosevelt's own spontaneous essays to those prompted by the philosophizing of others, notably the English historian Charles H. Pearson, whose National Life and Character: A Forecast National Life and Character: A Forecast appeared in early 1894. Roosevelt wrote a ten-thousand word reply to this work of gentle, scholarly pessimism for publication in the May issue of appeared in early 1894. Roosevelt wrote a ten-thousand word reply to this work of gentle, scholarly pessimism for publication in the May issue of Sewanee Review. Sewanee Review.41 It represents altogether the better side of him, both as a man and as a writer, and can be taken as his confident answer to those who, like Pearson and Henry Adams, shuddered at the nearness of the twentieth century. It represents altogether the better side of him, both as a man and as a writer, and can be taken as his confident answer to those who, like Pearson and Henry Adams, shuddered at the nearness of the twentieth century.

"At no period of the world's history," says Roosevelt, "has life been so full of interest, and of possibilities of excitement and enjoyment." Science has revolutionized industry; Darwin has revolutionized thought; the globe's waste spaces are being settled and seeded. A man of ambition has unique opportunities to build, explore, conquer, and transform. He can taste "the fearful joy" of grappling with large political and administrative problems. "If he is observant, he notes all around him the play of vaster forces than have ever before been exerted, working, half blindly, half under control, to bring about immeasurable results."42 Roosevelt refuses to look at the future through the "dun-colored mists" of pessimism, yet he does not pretend to see it all clearly. "Nevertheless, signs do not fail that we shall see the conditions of our lives, national and individual, modified after a sweeping and radical fashion. Many of the forces that make for national greatness and for individual happiness in the nineteenth century will be absent entirely, or will act with greatly diminished strength, in the twentieth. Many of the forces that now make for evil will by that time have gained greatly in volume and power."

Pearson's theory that "the higher races" cannot long subjugate black and brown majorities finds Roosevelt in complete agreement, for "men of our stock do not prosper in tropical countries." Only in thinly peopled, temperate regions is there any lasting hope for European civilization. A secure future is promised the English-speaking conquerors of North America and Australia, as well as the Russians, who "by a movement which has not yet fired the popular imagination, but which thinking men recognize as of incalculable importance, are building up a vast state in northern Asia."43 But Europeans hoping "to live and propagate permanently in the hot regions of India and Africa" are doomed. In one of the earliest of his many remarkable flights of historical prophecy (flawed only by an exaggerated time-scale), he writes: But Europeans hoping "to live and propagate permanently in the hot regions of India and Africa" are doomed. In one of the earliest of his many remarkable flights of historical prophecy (flawed only by an exaggerated time-scale), he writes: The Greek rulers of Bactria were ultimately absorbed and vanished, as probably the English rulers of India will some day in the future-for the good of mankind, we sincerely hope and believe in the very remote future-themselves be absorbed and vanish. In Africa south of the Zambesi (and possibly here and there on high plateaus north of it) there may remain white States, although even these States will surely contain a large colored population, always threatening to swamp the whites...It is almost impossible that they will not in the end succeed in throwing off the yoke of the European outsiders, though this end may be, and we hope will be, many centuries distant. In America, most of the West Indies are becoming negro islands...it is impossible for the dominant races of the temperate zones ever bodily to displace the peoples of the tropics.44 Roosevelt is serenely untroubled by Pearson's fear that the black and yellow races of the world will one day attain great economic and military power and threaten their erstwhile masters. "By that time the descendant of the negro may be as intellectual as the Athenian...we shall then simply be dealing with another civilized nation of non-Aryan blood, precisely as we now deal with Magyar, Finn, and Basque."45 Turning from global to national matters, Roosevelt discusses the phenomenon of the "stationary state," in which a freely developing nation tends to become rigid and authoritarian as its period of upward mobility comes to an end. But again he sees no cause for concern. It is right and proper that the power of government should increase to counteract "the mercilessness of private commercial warfare." As for that other tendency of a maturing civilization, the crowding out of the upper class by the middle and lower, Roosevelt welcomes it as he welcomes all natural processes. Every new generation, he says, will increase the proportion of mechanics, workmen, and farmers to that of scientists, statesmen, and poets, but as long as the aggregate population increases there will be no decline in cultural values. On the contrary, the nation's overall quality will improve, thanks to "the transmission of acquired characters" by an ever-thinning, ever-refining aristocracy.46 This process "in every civilization operates so strongly as to counterbalance...that baleful law of natural selection which tells against the survival of the most desirable classes." This process "in every civilization operates so strongly as to counterbalance...that baleful law of natural selection which tells against the survival of the most desirable classes."47 Reducing his focus yet again to the domestic environment, Roosevelt "heartily disagrees" with Pearson's mistrust of Americanized, democratic families. "To all who have known really happy family lives," he writes, "that is, to all who have known or who have witnessed the greatest happiness which there can be on this earth, it is hardly necessary to say that the highest idea of the family is attainable only where the father and mother stand to each other as lovers and friends. In these homes the children are bound to father and mother by ties of love, respect, and obedience, which are simply strengthened by the fact that they are treated as reasonable beings with rights of their own, and that the rule of the household is changed to suit the changing years, as childhood passes into manhood and womanhood."48 Roosevelt is making no effort to be metaphorical, but this whole simple and beautiful passage may be taken as symbolic of his attitude to his country and the world. Father is Strength in the home, just as Government is Strength in America, and America is (or ought to be) Strength overseas. Mother represents Upbringing, Education, the Spread of Civilization. Children are the Lower Classes, the Lower Races, to be brought to maturity and then set free.

"We do not agree," Roosevelt concludes, "...that there is a day approaching when the lower races will predominate in the world, and the higher races will have lost their noblest elements...On the whole, we think that the greatest victories are yet to be won, the greatest deeds yet to be done...the one plain duty of every man is to face the future as he faces the present, regardless of what it may have in store for him, turning toward the light as he sees the light, to play his part manfully, as a man among men."49

ROOSEVELT WAS CERTAINLY playing his own part manfully when he wrote the above lines in the early spring of 1894. His intellectual activity was as intense as it had ever been. Having published, in late 1893, playing his own part manfully when he wrote the above lines in the early spring of 1894. His intellectual activity was as intense as it had ever been. Having published, in late 1893, The Wilderness Hunter The Wilderness Hunter, the third of his great nature trilogy and arguably his finest book,50 he was now simultaneously at work on Volumes Three and Four of he was now simultaneously at work on Volumes Three and Four of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West, planning the never-to-be-written Volumes Five and Six, editing his second Boone & Crockett Club anthology (to which he also contributed scholarly articles), reading Kipling, and addressing a variety of correspondents on subjects ranging from British court procedures to arboreal distinctions between Northern and Southern mammalian species. In addition, he had recently begun a part-time career as a professional lecturer, and took frequent quick trips out of town to speak in New York or Boston on history, hunting, municipal politics, and "the subject on which I feel deepest," U.S. foreign policy.51 There was a reason for all this activity, abnormal even by his standards. During the previous summer, Grover Cleveland had presided unhappily over the worst financial panic in American history-a crisis so severe as to make the plaster palaces of Chicago seem but hollow symbols indeed. The nation's steady outflow of gold, caused by a steady rise in imports and monthly purchases of silver by the government (mandatory since the Silver Purchase Act of 1890), could only be stopped by drastic action, and Cleveland had summoned an emergency session of Congress on 7 August 1893. Despite violent opposition from his own party, the President managed to force the repeal of the controversial act on 28 August. He thus saved the nation's credit, but transformed himself overnight into the most unpopular President since James Buchanan.52 Americans high and low felt the icy threat of bankruptcy that winter, and Roosevelt, still striving vainly to recover from his losses in Dakota, was no exception. His accounts showed a crippling deficit of $2,500 in December 1893; Edith, in her private letters, put the total nearer $3,000. Americans high and low felt the icy threat of bankruptcy that winter, and Roosevelt, still striving vainly to recover from his losses in Dakota, was no exception. His accounts showed a crippling deficit of $2,500 in December 1893; Edith, in her private letters, put the total nearer $3,000.53 Roosevelt complained that his ill-paid government job was "not the right career for a man without means." The sale of six acres of property on Sagamore Hill, at $400 apiece, Roosevelt complained that his ill-paid government job was "not the right career for a man without means." The sale of six acres of property on Sagamore Hill, at $400 apiece,54 brought him temporary security, but Roosevelt knew he would still have to scrabble for freelance pennies during the next few years in order to save his home and educate his children. The birth of a son, Archibald Bulloch, on 10 April 1894, was further cause for concern. "I begin to think that this particular branch of the Roosevelt family is getting to be numerous enough." brought him temporary security, but Roosevelt knew he would still have to scrabble for freelance pennies during the next few years in order to save his home and educate his children. The birth of a son, Archibald Bulloch, on 10 April 1894, was further cause for concern. "I begin to think that this particular branch of the Roosevelt family is getting to be numerous enough."55 Although he professed still to be enjoying his work as Civil Service Commissioner, and to "get on beautifully with the President,"56 an increasing restlessness through the spring and summer of 1894 is palpable in his correspondence. It would be needlessly repetitive to describe the battles he fought for reform under Cleveland, for they were essentially the same as those he fought under Harrison. "As far as my work is concerned," he grumbled, "the two Administrations are much of a muchness." an increasing restlessness through the spring and summer of 1894 is palpable in his correspondence. It would be needlessly repetitive to describe the battles he fought for reform under Cleveland, for they were essentially the same as those he fought under Harrison. "As far as my work is concerned," he grumbled, "the two Administrations are much of a muchness."57 There were the same "mean, sneaky little acts of petty spoilsmongering" in government; the same looting of federal offices across the nation, which Roosevelt combated with his usual weapons of publicity and aggressive investigation; the same pleas for extra funds and extra staff ("we are now, in all, five thousand papers behind"); the same fiery reports and five-thousand-word letters bombarding members of Congress; the same obstinate lobbying at the White House for extensions of the classified service; the same compulsive attacks upon porcine opponents, such as Assistant Secretary of State Josiah P. Quincy, hunting for patronage "as a pig hunts truffles," and Secretary of the Interior Hoke Smith, "with his twinkling little green pig's eyes." There were the same "mean, sneaky little acts of petty spoilsmongering" in government; the same looting of federal offices across the nation, which Roosevelt combated with his usual weapons of publicity and aggressive investigation; the same pleas for extra funds and extra staff ("we are now, in all, five thousand papers behind"); the same fiery reports and five-thousand-word letters bombarding members of Congress; the same obstinate lobbying at the White House for extensions of the classified service; the same compulsive attacks upon porcine opponents, such as Assistant Secretary of State Josiah P. Quincy, hunting for patronage "as a pig hunts truffles," and Secretary of the Interior Hoke Smith, "with his twinkling little green pig's eyes."58 All this, of course, meant that Roosevelt was having fun. As Cecil Spring Rice remarked, "Teddy is consumed with energy as long as he is doing something and fighting somebody...he always finds something to do and somebody to fight. Poor Cabot must must be successful; while Teddy is happiest when he conquers but quite happy if he only fights." be successful; while Teddy is happiest when he conquers but quite happy if he only fights."59 He continued utterly to dominate the Civil Service Commission, not without some protest on the part of General George D. Johnston, Hugh Thompson's old and crotchety successor. On several occasions their altercations grew so violent that Roosevelt said only a sense of propriety restrained him from "going down among the spittoons with the general."60 Things became dangerous when Johnston, who wore a pistol at all times, objected to Roosevelt's office being carpeted before his. Roosevelt had a private talk with President Cleveland, and the general was offered two remote diplomatic posts, in Vancouver and Siam. He refused both, whereupon Cleveland summarily removed him. Things became dangerous when Johnston, who wore a pistol at all times, objected to Roosevelt's office being carpeted before his. Roosevelt had a private talk with President Cleveland, and the general was offered two remote diplomatic posts, in Vancouver and Siam. He refused both, whereupon Cleveland summarily removed him.61 This enabled Roosevelt to bring in a new Commissioner, John R. Procter, of Kentucky. Procter was a tall, scholarly geologist and Civil Service Reformer who had caught Roosevelt's eye in the spring of 1893, and whom he had then hoped-in vain-would replace "silly well-meaning Lyman."62 Now, with Procter in, he at last had "a first-class man" he could groom to take over, and continue his policies as Civil Service Commissioner. Roosevelt was beginning to talk of stepping down after one more winter in Washington, "although I am not at all sure as to what I shall do afterwards." Now, with Procter in, he at last had "a first-class man" he could groom to take over, and continue his policies as Civil Service Commissioner. Roosevelt was beginning to talk of stepping down after one more winter in Washington, "although I am not at all sure as to what I shall do afterwards."63

MANY WRITERS OTHER THAN Henry Adams have compared Theodore Roosevelt's career to that of an express locomotive, speeding toward an inevitable destination. The simile may be extended to describe his two static years under President Cleveland as a mid-journey pause to stoke up with coal and generate a new head of steam. The first signs that he was about to get under way again occurred in the late summer of 1894: there was the lift of a signal, a flickering of needles, the anguish of a personal farewell, a groan of loosening brakes. From now on Roosevelt's acceleration would be continuous-almost frighteningly so to some observers, but very exhilarating to himself. Henry Adams have compared Theodore Roosevelt's career to that of an express locomotive, speeding toward an inevitable destination. The simile may be extended to describe his two static years under President Cleveland as a mid-journey pause to stoke up with coal and generate a new head of steam. The first signs that he was about to get under way again occurred in the late summer of 1894: there was the lift of a signal, a flickering of needles, the anguish of a personal farewell, a groan of loosening brakes. From now on Roosevelt's acceleration would be continuous-almost frighteningly so to some observers, but very exhilarating to himself.

Sometime during the first week in August, Congressman Lemuel Ely Quigg of New York, an attractive, prematurely grizzled political schemer, dropped a subtle hint regarding Roosevelt's future. What a pity it was, he sighed, that Roosevelt was possessed of "such a variety of indiscretions, fads and animosities" that it would be impossible to nominate him for Mayor of New York in the fall.64 The odds of a Republican victory in that city were higher than they had been for years; what was more, there seemed to be a good chance of getting a reform ticket elected. Roosevelt rejected Quigg's hint good-humoredly ("I have run once!"), but ambition stirred within him. He had never quite gotten over his failure to capture control of his native city in 1886, and the temptation to try and transcend that failure soon became irresistible. He broached the subject with Edith, but she protested vehemently. To run for Mayor, she said, would require him to spend money they simply did not have, and the prize was by no means assured. Pitiful as his present salary was, it was at least better than the nothing he would earn as a twice-defeated mayoral candidate. Roosevelt miserably told Quigg he would have to think the matter over. The odds of a Republican victory in that city were higher than they had been for years; what was more, there seemed to be a good chance of getting a reform ticket elected. Roosevelt rejected Quigg's hint good-humoredly ("I have run once!"), but ambition stirred within him. He had never quite gotten over his failure to capture control of his native city in 1886, and the temptation to try and transcend that failure soon became irresistible. He broached the subject with Edith, but she protested vehemently. To run for Mayor, she said, would require him to spend money they simply did not have, and the prize was by no means assured. Pitiful as his present salary was, it was at least better than the nothing he would earn as a twice-defeated mayoral candidate. Roosevelt miserably told Quigg he would have to think the matter over.65 On 7 August, President Cleveland recognized the new Republic of Hawaii,66 to Roosevelt's grim satisfaction. This meant that the United States at last had a firm ally and naval base in the Pacific, to counter the burgeoning might of Japan. Roosevelt had been fuming for sixteen months over Cleveland's obstinate refusal to sign the annexation treaty prepared for him by President Harrison. "It was a crime against the United States, it was a crime against white civilization." to Roosevelt's grim satisfaction. This meant that the United States at last had a firm ally and naval base in the Pacific, to counter the burgeoning might of Japan. Roosevelt had been fuming for sixteen months over Cleveland's obstinate refusal to sign the annexation treaty prepared for him by President Harrison. "It was a crime against the United States, it was a crime against white civilization."67 In his opinion the President should now start to build up the Navy, and order the digging of an interoceanic canal in Central America "with the money of Uncle Sam." In his opinion the President should now start to build up the Navy, and order the digging of an interoceanic canal in Central America "with the money of Uncle Sam."68 However Roosevelt knew there was not much chance of that, for the Democrats were "very weak" about foreign policy. "Cleveland does his best, but he is not an able man." However Roosevelt knew there was not much chance of that, for the Democrats were "very weak" about foreign policy. "Cleveland does his best, but he is not an able man."69 On Monday, 13 August, a telegram arrived to say that Elliott Roosevelt (drinking heavily again and reunited with his mistress in New York) was very ill indeed.70 Roosevelt, desk-bound in Washington, did not respond: he knew from experience that Elliott would not let any members of the family come near him. There had been many such messages in recent months. "He can't be helped, and he must simply be let go his own gait." Roosevelt, desk-bound in Washington, did not respond: he knew from experience that Elliott would not let any members of the family come near him. There had been many such messages in recent months. "He can't be helped, and he must simply be let go his own gait."71 The following day Elliott, racked with delirium tremens, tried to jump out of the window of his house, suffered a final epileptic fit, and died. Distraught, Theodore hurried to New York, and saw stretched out on a bed, not the bloated souse of recent years, but the handsome youth of "the old time, fifteen years ago, when he was the most generous, gallant, and unselfish of men." The following day Elliott, racked with delirium tremens, tried to jump out of the window of his house, suffered a final epileptic fit, and died. Distraught, Theodore hurried to New York, and saw stretched out on a bed, not the bloated souse of recent years, but the handsome youth of "the old time, fifteen years ago, when he was the most generous, gallant, and unselfish of men."72 The sight shattered him. "Theodore was more overcome than I have ever seen him," Corinne reported, "and cried like a little child for a long time." The sight shattered him. "Theodore was more overcome than I have ever seen him," Corinne reported, "and cried like a little child for a long time."73 Theodore recovered his equanimity in time to veto "the hideous plan" that Elliott be buried with his wife. Instead, a grave was dug in Greenwood Cemetery, "beside those who are associated only with his sweet innocent youth." At the funeral on Saturday, Roosevelt noted with some surprise that "the woman" and two of her friends "behaved perfectly well, and their grief seemed entirely sincere."74

ON 4 S SEPTEMBER he started West to shoot a few antelope and ponder the New York mayoralty. He felt depressed and ill, and Dakota's drought-stricken landscape drove him back to Oyster Bay after only two weeks on the range. Edith was still adamantly against his running in October, and Theodore, who was as putty in her hands, decided to turn Quigg down. But this was by no means easy. Quigg was so sure of his acceptance that a special nominating Committee of Seventy had been formed, and was determined to nominate him as a reform candidate; he had to refuse four times before they would accept his decision. he started West to shoot a few antelope and ponder the New York mayoralty. He felt depressed and ill, and Dakota's drought-stricken landscape drove him back to Oyster Bay after only two weeks on the range. Edith was still adamantly against his running in October, and Theodore, who was as putty in her hands, decided to turn Quigg down. But this was by no means easy. Quigg was so sure of his acceptance that a special nominating Committee of Seventy had been formed, and was determined to nominate him as a reform candidate; he had to refuse four times before they would accept his decision.75 He sank into a mood of bitter remorse as his thirty-sixth birthday approached, for he felt himself a political failure. His whole instinct was to run: after well over five years of appointive office he craved the thrill of an election campaign. At all costs he must keep his chagrin private. "No outsider should know that I think my decision was a mistake." Henry Cabot Lodge received the terse explanation, "I simply had not the funds to run." He sank into a mood of bitter remorse as his thirty-sixth birthday approached, for he felt himself a political failure. His whole instinct was to run: after well over five years of appointive office he craved the thrill of an election campaign. At all costs he must keep his chagrin private. "No outsider should know that I think my decision was a mistake." Henry Cabot Lodge received the terse explanation, "I simply had not the funds to run."76 But after a further period of brooding, Roosevelt had to unburden himself to his friend: But after a further period of brooding, Roosevelt had to unburden himself to his friend: I would literally have given my right arm to have made the race, win or lose. It was the one golden chance, which never returns; and I had no illusions about ever having another opportunity; I knew it meant the definite abandonment of any hope of going on in the work and life for which I care more than any other. You may guess that these weeks have not been particularly pleasant ones...At the time, with Edith feeling as intensely as she did, I did not see how I could well go in; though I have grown to feel more and more that in this instance I should have gone counter to her wishes...the fault was mine, not Edith's; I should have realized that she could could not see the matter as it really was, or realize my feelings. But it is one of the matters just as well dropped. not see the matter as it really was, or realize my feelings. But it is one of the matters just as well dropped.77 William L. Strong, a middle-aged businessman with little or no political experience, was duly nominated by the Republicans of New York; he ran on a popular reform ticket, and was elected. And so the mayoral campaign of 1894 joined that of 1886 as another of Roosevelt's unspoken, passionate regrets.

RETURNING TO WORK at the Civil Service Commission now was "a little like starting to go through Harvard again after graduating," at the Civil Service Commission now was "a little like starting to go through Harvard again after graduating,"78 and that telltale sign of Rooseveltian frustration, bronchitis, recurred in December. For a week he was confined to his bed. A strange tone of nostalgia for his native city crept into his correspondence, as he obsessively discussed Mayor Strong's appointments and the prospects for real reforms of the municipal government. Shortly before Christmas a message arrived from Strong: would he care to accept the position of Street Cleaning Commissioner in New York? and that telltale sign of Rooseveltian frustration, bronchitis, recurred in December. For a week he was confined to his bed. A strange tone of nostalgia for his native city crept into his correspondence, as he obsessively discussed Mayor Strong's appointments and the prospects for real reforms of the municipal government. Shortly before Christmas a message arrived from Strong: would he care to accept the position of Street Cleaning Commissioner in New York?79 Roosevelt was "dreadfully harassed" by the offer. Thirteen years before, when he first stood up in his evening clothes to speak at Morton Hall, he had addressed himself to the subject of street cleaning. But something told him that his future lay elsewhere than in garbage collection. He declined with exquisite tact, obviously hoping for a more suitable offer.80 In the meantime there was more than enough federal business to keep him occupied. President Cleveland had at last begun to extend the classified service; John Procter was responding well to Roosevelt's training; another season of hard work would "put the capstone" on his achievements as Civil Service Commissioner. In the meantime there was more than enough federal business to keep him occupied. President Cleveland had at last begun to extend the classified service; John Procter was responding well to Roosevelt's training; another season of hard work would "put the capstone" on his achievements as Civil Service Commissioner.81

THE YEAR 1895 opened snowy and crisp, and Roosevelt plunged into the familiar round of receptions and balls and diplomatic breakfasts, to which he was by now shamelessly addicted. "I always eat and drink too much," he mourned. "Still...it is so pleasant to deal with big interests, and big men." opened snowy and crisp, and Roosevelt plunged into the familiar round of receptions and balls and diplomatic breakfasts, to which he was by now shamelessly addicted. "I always eat and drink too much," he mourned. "Still...it is so pleasant to deal with big interests, and big men."82 A particularly big interest loomed in February. Revolutionaries in Cuba, Spain's last substantial fragment of empire in the New World, declared war on the power that had oppressed them for centuries. Instantly expansionists in the capital began to discuss the pros and cons of supporting the cause of Cuban independence. Henry Adams's salon at 1603 H Street became a hotbed of international intrigue, with Cabot Lodge and John Hay weighing the strategic and economic advantages of U.S. intervention, and Clarence King rhapsodizing over the charms of Cuban women.83 Roosevelt, true to form, dashed off a note to Governor Levi P. Morton of New York, begging that "in the very improbable event of a war with Spain" he would be included in any regiment the state sent out. "Remember, I make application now...I must have a commission in the force that goes to Cuba!" Roosevelt, true to form, dashed off a note to Governor Levi P. Morton of New York, begging that "in the very improbable event of a war with Spain" he would be included in any regiment the state sent out. "Remember, I make application now...I must have a commission in the force that goes to Cuba!"84 As for "big men," he encountered on 7 March a genius greater than any he had yet met, with the possible exception of Henry James.85 Rudyard Kipling was not quite thirty, but was already the world's most famous living writer, Rudyard Kipling was not quite thirty, but was already the world's most famous living writer,86 and Roosevelt hastened to invite him to dinner. At first they did not get on too well. Kipling, Roosevelt wrote, was "bright, nervous, voluble and underbred," and displayed an occasional truculence toward America which required "very rough handling." and Roosevelt hastened to invite him to dinner. At first they did not get on too well. Kipling, Roosevelt wrote, was "bright, nervous, voluble and underbred," and displayed an occasional truculence toward America which required "very rough handling."87 Kipling's manners improved, and the two men became fond of each other. Roosevelt introduced Kipling to his literary and political acquaintances, escorted him to the zoo to see grizzlies, and to the Smithsonian to see Indian relics. From time to time he thanked God in a loud voice that he had "not one drop of British blood in him." When Kipling amusedly mocked the self-righteousness of a nation that had extirpated its aboriginals "more completely than any modern race has done," Roosevelt "made the glass cases of the museum shake with his rebuttals." Kipling's manners improved, and the two men became fond of each other. Roosevelt introduced Kipling to his literary and political acquaintances, escorted him to the zoo to see grizzlies, and to the Smithsonian to see Indian relics. From time to time he thanked God in a loud voice that he had "not one drop of British blood in him." When Kipling amusedly mocked the self-righteousness of a nation that had extirpated its aboriginals "more completely than any modern race has done," Roosevelt "made the glass cases of the museum shake with his rebuttals."88 Roosevelt's activity became more and more strenuous as spring approached. He dashed in and out of town on Civil Service Commission business, taught himself to ski, bombarded his friends in the New York City government with advice and suggestions, continued to toil on Volume Four of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West and collaborated with Cabot Lodge on a book for boys, and collaborated with Cabot Lodge on a book for boys, Hero Tales from American History Hero Tales from American History.89 Friends noticed hints of inner turbulence. He was seen "blinking pitifully" with exhaustion at a dinner for Owen Wister and Kipling, Friends noticed hints of inner turbulence. He was seen "blinking pitifully" with exhaustion at a dinner for Owen Wister and Kipling,90 and his tirades on a currently fashionable topic-whether dangerous sports should be banned in the nation's universities-became alarmingly harsh. "What matters a few broken bones to the glories of inter-collegiate sport?" he cried at a Harvard Club dinner. (Meanwhile, not far away in hospital, the latest victim of football savagery lay paralyzed for life.) and his tirades on a currently fashionable topic-whether dangerous sports should be banned in the nation's universities-became alarmingly harsh. "What matters a few broken bones to the glories of inter-collegiate sport?" he cried at a Harvard Club dinner. (Meanwhile, not far away in hospital, the latest victim of football savagery lay paralyzed for life.)91 He declared publicly that he would "disinherit" any son of his who refused to play college games. And in private, through clenched teeth: "I would rather one of them should die than have them grow up as weaklings." He declared publicly that he would "disinherit" any son of his who refused to play college games. And in private, through clenched teeth: "I would rather one of them should die than have them grow up as weaklings."92 Clearly he was under considerable personal strain. The reason soon became evident. He was torn between his longing to join Mayor Strong's reform administration in New York, and his instinct to stay put until the next presidential election. Toward the end of March he told Lemuel Quigg that he would like to be one of the four New York Police Commissioners, but waxed coy when Quigg said it could be arranged. He dispatched Lodge to New York to discuss the matter further. "The average New Yorker of course wishes me to take it very much," Roosevelt mused on 3 April. "I don't feel much like it myself..." On the other hand, it was a glamorous job-"one I could perhaps afford to be identified with."93 Before the day was out, he had reached his decision: Before the day was out, he had reached his decision: TO LEMUEL ELY QUIGGWASHINGTON, APRIL 3, 1895LODGE WILL SEE YOU AND TELL YOU. I WILL ACCEPT SUBJECT TO HONORABLE CONDITIONS. KEEP THIS STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL.THEODORE ROOSEVELT94.

THE APPOINTMENT WAS CONFIRMED on 17 April, by which time Roosevelt was quite reconciled to leaving Washington. "I think it a good thing to be identified with my native city again." on 17 April, by which time Roosevelt was quite reconciled to leaving Washington. "I think it a good thing to be identified with my native city again."95 Mayor Strong asked him to be ready to take office about the first of May. Roosevelt promptly sent his resignation to President Cleveland. Mayor Strong asked him to be ready to take office about the first of May. Roosevelt promptly sent his resignation to President Cleveland.

I have now been in office almost exactly six years, a little over two years of the time under yourself; and I leave with the greatest reluctance...During my term of office I have seen the classified service grow to more than double the size that it was six years ago...Year by year the law has been better executed, taking the service as a whole, and in spite of occasional exceptions in certain offices and bureaus. Since you yourself took office this time nearly six thousand positions have been put into the classified service...it has been a pleasure to serve on the Commission under you.96 "There goes the best politician in Washington," Cleveland said, after bidding him farewell.97 All the abrasiveness of recent months melted away as Roosevelt joyfully contemplated his achievements in Washington and the challenge awaiting him in New York. He hated to leave the capital at a time when the trees were dense with blossom, and the slow Southern girls-so different from their quick-stepping Northern sisters!-were strolling through the streets in their light summer dresses, to the sound of banjos down by the river. He was sorry to say good-bye to nice, peevish old Henry Adams, to "Spwing-Wice of the Bwitish Legation,"98 and Lodge and Reed and Hay and all "the pleasant gang" who breakfasted at 1603 H Street. He would miss the Smithsonian, to which he affectionately donated his pair of Minnesota skis, along with several specimens from the long-defunct Roosevelt Museum of Natural History. and Lodge and Reed and Hay and all "the pleasant gang" who breakfasted at 1603 H Street. He would miss the Smithsonian, to which he affectionately donated his pair of Minnesota skis, along with several specimens from the long-defunct Roosevelt Museum of Natural History.99 Most of all, perhaps, he would miss the Cosmos Club, the little old house on Madison Place where leaders of Washington's scientific community liked to gather for polysyllabic discussions. Ever since Roosevelt's first days as Civil Service Commissioner, when he astonished twenty Cosmos members by effortlessly sorting a pile of fossil-bones into skeletons, with running commentaries on the life habits of each animal, he had been a star attraction at the club. Most of all, perhaps, he would miss the Cosmos Club, the little old house on Madison Place where leaders of Washington's scientific community liked to gather for polysyllabic discussions. Ever since Roosevelt's first days as Civil Service Commissioner, when he astonished twenty Cosmos members by effortlessly sorting a pile of fossil-bones into skeletons, with running commentaries on the life habits of each animal, he had been a star attraction at the club.100 In later life Rudyard Kipling, looking back on these "spacious and friendly days" in Washington, would remember Roosevelt dropping by the Cosmos and pouring out "projects, discussions of men and politics, and criticisms of books" in a torrential stream, punctuated by bursts of humor. "I curled up in the seat opposite, and listened and wondered, until the universe seemed to be going round, and Theodore was the spinner." In later life Rudyard Kipling, looking back on these "spacious and friendly days" in Washington, would remember Roosevelt dropping by the Cosmos and pouring out "projects, discussions of men and politics, and criticisms of books" in a torrential stream, punctuated by bursts of humor. "I curled up in the seat opposite, and listened and wondered, until the universe seemed to be going round, and Theodore was the spinner."101

CHAPTER 19.