ROOSEVELT'S ASSERTION, on stepping off the S.S. Etruria Etruria, that he had no political plans "at present" impressed nobody. Yet for once the protestation was true. With a Democratic President in Washington, a Democratic Governor in Albany, and a Democratic Mayor in New York, his prospects for any kind of office were nil, at least through the election of 1888. And there was no guarantee that the Republican party would fare any better then than it had in 1884.

Every day saw a further strengthening of the opposition's grip upon every lever of government.33 Quietly, ruthlessly, the Civil Service was being purged. Cleveland had promised, upon assuming office, that only those Republicans who were "offensive, indolent, and corrupt" would be dismissed. But the President's aides saw fit to interpret such adjectives loosely: already two-thirds of the entire federal bureaucracy had been replaced. Quietly, ruthlessly, the Civil Service was being purged. Cleveland had promised, upon assuming office, that only those Republicans who were "offensive, indolent, and corrupt" would be dismissed. But the President's aides saw fit to interpret such adjectives loosely: already two-thirds of the entire federal bureaucracy had been replaced.34 Although Cleveland was as stiff as ever in public, and openly contemptuous of the press, he had to a certain degree become popular. Labor respected him as the most industrious Chief Executive in living memory. Often as not his was the last light burning on Pennsylvania Avenue, as many a night watchman could testify. Capital admired his conservative attitude to all legislation, from multimillion-dollar appropriations to private pension bills; every Cleveland veto (and there were literally hundreds)35 meant more wealth in the nation's coffers. Meanwhile that largest and most powerful voting bloc in America, Parlor Sentiment, had canonized the President for his sudden marriage to a pretty debutante half his age-and about one-third of his weight. meant more wealth in the nation's coffers. Meanwhile that largest and most powerful voting bloc in America, Parlor Sentiment, had canonized the President for his sudden marriage to a pretty debutante half his age-and about one-third of his weight.36 Mrs. Cleveland was now the country's sweetheart, and would undoubtedly prove a formidable campaign asset in 1888. Mrs. Cleveland was now the country's sweetheart, and would undoubtedly prove a formidable campaign asset in 1888.

Indeed, at this midway point in Cleveland's Administration, the Democratic party seemed assured of another six years in power. For an impatient and idealistic young Republican like Roosevelt, the spring of 1887 was a time of complete frustration.

The message was clear: he must once again forget about politics and seek surcease in literature. For the foreseeable future, he would have to earn a living with his pen.

ONE FINAL POLITICAL HURRAH was permitted him, at Delmonico's Restaurant on 11 May, and he made the most of it. The occasion was the Inaugural Banquet of the New York Federal Club. This organization had been founded in the New Year by some of Roosevelt's mayoral campaign supporters, with the object of keeping Reform Republicanism alive. Its membership consisted largely of young "dudes" from his old brownstone district. was permitted him, at Delmonico's Restaurant on 11 May, and he made the most of it. The occasion was the Inaugural Banquet of the New York Federal Club. This organization had been founded in the New Year by some of Roosevelt's mayoral campaign supporters, with the object of keeping Reform Republicanism alive. Its membership consisted largely of young "dudes" from his old brownstone district.37 They were men he had, on the whole, grown away from, but he could not ignore their support, nor their invitation to be guest of honor. They were men he had, on the whole, grown away from, but he could not ignore their support, nor their invitation to be guest of honor.

Originally the dinner was planned as a semiprivate affair of some fifty covers, but when it was announced in the papers an unusual number of ticket applications poured in from Republicans all over the state. The event, remarked The New York Times The New York Times, "bade fair to assume as wide political significance as any this year."38 A limit was set at 150 admissions, but when Roosevelt arrived at Delmonico's he found over 200 guests sitting at six lavishly appointed tables. The company was, in the words of a A limit was set at 150 admissions, but when Roosevelt arrived at Delmonico's he found over 200 guests sitting at six lavishly appointed tables. The company was, in the words of a Sun Sun reporter, "brilliant and distinguished enough to have been a compliment to a veteran statesman." reporter, "brilliant and distinguished enough to have been a compliment to a veteran statesman."39 Roosevelt was introduced after the coffee and cigars as "the man who, had the Republicans stood to their guns last fall, would now be the Mayor of this city." Loud cheers greeted him as he stood up-looking, as he always did when preparing to speak, grim, resolute, tense as a bundle of wire.40 The knowledge that Edith was watching from the Ladies' Gallery no doubt made him extra conscious of his dignity. The knowledge that Edith was watching from the Ladies' Gallery no doubt made him extra conscious of his dignity.

If his fellow diners expected a relaxed and humorous speech-for Charles Delmonico had not stinted on the champagne, and they were in a convivial mood-Roosevelt soon disillusioned them. He began by remarking sardonically that during the mayoralty campaign he had been praised as a party faithful; now, however, he was regarded as a member "of the extreme left." (Here there was some uneasy laughter among senior Republicans.) He proceeded to attack such a wide variety of targets that his listeners must have wondered if there was anything in the State of the Union that he approved of. President Cleveland was castigated for his clumsy English and "sheer hypocrisy" in the cause of Civil Service Reform;41 the Independent press for its "thoroughly feminine" waywardness and "high-pitched screechings"; the Immigration Department for its unrestricted admission of "moral paupers and lunatics"; the Anti-Poverty Society for being "about as effective as an Anti-Gravitation Society"; anarchists and socialists for inciting labor demonstrators to violence ("there is but one answer to be made to the dynamite bomb, and that can best be made by the Winchester rifle"). For nearly an hour Roosevelt's voice grated through the cigar-smoke. Again and again he hurled insults at the "hysterical and mendacious party of mugwumps," even managing, somewhat anachronistically, to include Presidents Tyler and Johnson in that number "-and they were the most contemptible Presidents we have ever had." the Independent press for its "thoroughly feminine" waywardness and "high-pitched screechings"; the Immigration Department for its unrestricted admission of "moral paupers and lunatics"; the Anti-Poverty Society for being "about as effective as an Anti-Gravitation Society"; anarchists and socialists for inciting labor demonstrators to violence ("there is but one answer to be made to the dynamite bomb, and that can best be made by the Winchester rifle"). For nearly an hour Roosevelt's voice grated through the cigar-smoke. Again and again he hurled insults at the "hysterical and mendacious party of mugwumps," even managing, somewhat anachronistically, to include Presidents Tyler and Johnson in that number "-and they were the most contemptible Presidents we have ever had."

He sat down to considerable applause, although the faces of his listeners registered rather more shock than approval-as if they had been witnessing a bloody prizefight, and were relieved the punishment was over. For all the savagery of Roosevelt's language, his personal force awed the gathering. Chauncey Depew rose to make some flattering follow-up remarks. "Buffalo Bill said to me in the utmost confidence, 'Theodore Roosevelt is the only New York dude that has got the making of a man in him.'" Depew waggishly announced that the evening's other scheduled speakers had all submitted their manuscripts to Roosevelt for checking, "so that when he runs for President no case of Burchard will interfere."42 This was a reference to the unfortunate preacher whose gaffe had cost James G. Blaine the 1884 election. This was a reference to the unfortunate preacher whose gaffe had cost James G. Blaine the 1884 election.

Waggish or not, Depew was the first person ever to suggest in public that Roosevelt might be harboring presidential ambitions.43 The young man's speech made nationwide headlines, and the question of his future was taken up seriously by several Republican newspapers. The The young man's speech made nationwide headlines, and the question of his future was taken up seriously by several Republican newspapers. The Harrisburg Telegraph Harrisburg Telegraph recommended him for Vice-President in 1888, on a ticket headed by Governor Foraker of Ohio; recommended him for Vice-President in 1888, on a ticket headed by Governor Foraker of Ohio;44 the the Baltimore American Baltimore American went so far as to nominate him for President. "Mr. ROOSEVELT," the paper commented, "has a stainless reputation and great personal magnetism. He is a tireless worker, an advocate of real reform in politics, and his speech before the Federal Club fairly reflects his ability to handle the political puzzles with which both parties must deal next year. It may be that the Federal Club have builded wiser than they intended by thus prominently drawing the attention of the country to this vigorous young Republican." went so far as to nominate him for President. "Mr. ROOSEVELT," the paper commented, "has a stainless reputation and great personal magnetism. He is a tireless worker, an advocate of real reform in politics, and his speech before the Federal Club fairly reflects his ability to handle the political puzzles with which both parties must deal next year. It may be that the Federal Club have builded wiser than they intended by thus prominently drawing the attention of the country to this vigorous young Republican."45 Few out-of-town editors, evidently, realized that Roosevelt was still only twenty-eight, and constitutionally debarred from the greatness they would thrust upon him. The New York Sun New York Sun felt obliged to point out that, "owing to circumstances beyond his control, he will not be able to take the office of President of the United States before 1897." felt obliged to point out that, "owing to circumstances beyond his control, he will not be able to take the office of President of the United States before 1897."46 Major newspapers, of course, paid no attention to such preposterous endorsements. They were (with the single exception of Whitelaw Reid's Tribune) Tribune) harshly disapproving of Roosevelt's "vehement chatter." harshly disapproving of Roosevelt's "vehement chatter."47 He was "an immature and poorly posted thinker," wasting "a good deal of breath which he may want someday" on "strained criticism" of the government. He was "an immature and poorly posted thinker," wasting "a good deal of breath which he may want someday" on "strained criticism" of the government.48 Even the Even the Times Times, hitherto his most fervent supporter, admitted the speech had been "most unfortunate and disagreeable."49 E. L. Godkin of the E. L. Godkin of the Post Post wrote that the Republican party no longer had any use for Theodore Roosevelt. "It was a mistake ever to take him seriously as a politician." wrote that the Republican party no longer had any use for Theodore Roosevelt. "It was a mistake ever to take him seriously as a politician."50 And on 25 May, And on 25 May, Puck Puck published a final valedictory: published a final valedictory: Be happy, Mr. Roosevelt, be happy while you may. You are young-yours is the time of roses-the time of illusions...You have heard of Pitt, of Alexander Hamilton, of Randolph Churchill, and of other men who were young and yet who, so to speak, got there just the same. Bright visions float before your eyes of what the Party can and may do for you. We wish you a gradual and gentle awakening...You are not the timber of which Presidents are made.

THE SPRING OF 1887 settled down on Oyster Bay. Bloodroot and mayflower whitened the slopes around Cove Neck; on Sagamore Hill, the saplings were feathery green against the sky, noticeably taller than last year. Two woolly horses began to plow the fields behind the house. settled down on Oyster Bay. Bloodroot and mayflower whitened the slopes around Cove Neck; on Sagamore Hill, the saplings were feathery green against the sky, noticeably taller than last year. Two woolly horses began to plow the fields behind the house.51 Inside, Theodore and Edith unhooked shutters, pulled dust-sheets off beds and sofas, and distributed the latest batch of hunting-trophies from Dakota (already the walls were forested with antlers, and snarling bear-jaws caught the unwary foot). They crammed some very big pieces of oak furniture into the very small dining room, and Edith, insisting that at least one corner of the house should be allowed to look feminine, arranged some rather more delicate furniture in the west parlor.52 Theodore's own retreat, which none could visit without his permission,53 was a pleasantly cluttered room on the top floor, full of guns and sporting books and photographs of his ranches. There was a desk rammed against a blind wall, so that when he sat down to work he would not be distracted by the sight of Long Island Sound brimming blue in the window. Here, sometime early in June, he dipped a steel pen into an inkwell and began to write his fourth book. By the time the nib needed recharging he was already 135 years back in the past, in the New York City of his forebears- was a pleasantly cluttered room on the top floor, full of guns and sporting books and photographs of his ranches. There was a desk rammed against a blind wall, so that when he sat down to work he would not be distracted by the sight of Long Island Sound brimming blue in the window. Here, sometime early in June, he dipped a steel pen into an inkwell and began to write his fourth book. By the time the nib needed recharging he was already 135 years back in the past, in the New York City of his forebears- a thriving little trading town, whose people in summer suffered much from the mosquitoes that came back with the cows when they were driven home at nightfall for milking; while from the locusts and water-beeches that lined the pleasant, quiet streets, the tree-frogs sang so shrilly through the long, hot evenings that a man in speaking could hardly make himself heard.54

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, WHICH WHICH Roosevelt worked on steadily throughout the summer of 1887, was a companion biography to his Roosevelt worked on steadily throughout the summer of 1887, was a companion biography to his Thomas Hart Benton Thomas Hart Benton in the American Statesmen series. The critical success of the earlier book had prompted Houghton Mifflin to commission another study of a neglected historical figure. Only one life of Morris had hitherto been published-a ponderous tome now half a century out of date. It was time, the editors felt, for their breezy young author to blow the dust off Morris's letters and diaries, and subject the great New Yorker to a fresh scrutiny. in the American Statesmen series. The critical success of the earlier book had prompted Houghton Mifflin to commission another study of a neglected historical figure. Only one life of Morris had hitherto been published-a ponderous tome now half a century out of date. It was time, the editors felt, for their breezy young author to blow the dust off Morris's letters and diaries, and subject the great New Yorker to a fresh scrutiny.55 With his powdered wig and peg-leg, his coruscating wit and picaresque adventures, Morris (17521816) was a biographer's dream. There was about him, Roosevelt remarked, "that 'touch of the purple' which is always so strongly attractive."56 Well-born, well-bred, charming, literate, and widely traveled, he had been a strong believer in centralized government, an aggressive moralist, and a passionate patriot. All these characteristics were shared, to varying degrees, by Roosevelt himself. Yet, as with Benton, there were enough antipathetic elements to keep the portrait objective. Well-born, well-bred, charming, literate, and widely traveled, he had been a strong believer in centralized government, an aggressive moralist, and a passionate patriot. All these characteristics were shared, to varying degrees, by Roosevelt himself. Yet, as with Benton, there were enough antipathetic elements to keep the portrait objective.

Unfortunately a major obstacle loomed early in Roosevelt's research. "The Morrises won't let me see the old gentleman's papers at any price," he complained to Cabot Lodge. "I am in rather a quandary."57 Being in no position to pay back his advance, he resolved to make what he could of public documents. Fortunately these were copious, Being in no position to pay back his advance, he resolved to make what he could of public documents. Fortunately these were copious,58 and the complete manuscript was ready for the printer by 4 September. and the complete manuscript was ready for the printer by 4 September.59

AS HISTORY, the first five chapters of Gouverneur Morris Gouverneur Morris are adequate but unrewarding; as biography they are tedious. Roosevelt's lack of family material forces him to weave the thread of Morris's early life (175286) into a general tapestry of the Revolutionary period. The resultant cloth is drab, for he seems determined, as in are adequate but unrewarding; as biography they are tedious. Roosevelt's lack of family material forces him to weave the thread of Morris's early life (175286) into a general tapestry of the Revolutionary period. The resultant cloth is drab, for he seems determined, as in The Naval War of 1812 The Naval War of 1812, to avoid any hint of romantic color. Only a couple of pages devoted to Morris as the founder of the national coinage are worth reading for their lucid treatment of a complex subject.60 Matters become more interesting in chapter 6, "The Formation of the National Constitution." Now the author has access to official transcripts, and can ponder the actual speeches of Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Madison, and the two Morrises (Gouverneur and Robert). "Rarely in the world's history," he concludes, "has there been a deliberative body which contained so many remarkable men." Matters become more interesting in chapter 6, "The Formation of the National Constitution." Now the author has access to official transcripts, and can ponder the actual speeches of Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Madison, and the two Morrises (Gouverneur and Robert). "Rarely in the world's history," he concludes, "has there been a deliberative body which contained so many remarkable men."61 Morris is presented as the Constitution's most brilliant intellect, as well as its dominant conservative force. Yet the narrative clearly shows why he was doomed never to rise to the first rank of statesmen: His keen, masterful mind, his far-sightedness, and the force and subtlety of his reasoning were all marred by his incurable cynicism and deep-rooted distrust of all mankind. He throughout appears as advocatus diaboli; advocatus diaboli; he puts the lowest interpretation upon every act, and frankly avows his disbelief in all generous and unselfish motives...Morris championed a strong national government, wherein he was right; but he also championed a system of class representation, leaning toward aristocracy, wherein he was wrong. he puts the lowest interpretation upon every act, and frankly avows his disbelief in all generous and unselfish motives...Morris championed a strong national government, wherein he was right; but he also championed a system of class representation, leaning toward aristocracy, wherein he was wrong.62 Nevertheless Morris is commended for his "thoroughgoing nationalism," and for his prophecy of an emergent America whose glories would make the grandest empire of Europe seem "but a bauble" in comparison. Roosevelt also praises his early espousal of the doctrine of emancipation. There are flashes of dry humor, as in the following explanation of Morris's acquisitiveness: "He considered the preservation of property as being the distinguishing object of civilization, as liberty was sufficiently guaranteed even by savagery."63 The book comes brilliantly to life in its penultimate section, describing Morris's ten years in London and Paris, 178998, and his not-so-neutral participation in the major events of the French Revolution. Roosevelt was doubtless inspired by his own recent stays in those same cities, and his prose sparkles with true Gallic eclat eclat. Chapters 7 through 11 are the best stretch of pure biography he ever wrote. Morris's courtly flirtations with Mmes. de Stael, de Flahant, and the Duchesse d'Orleans; his plot to smuggle Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette out of Paris after the fall of the Bastille; the bloody riots of 10 August 1792, when he was the only foreign diplomat left in Paris, and gave sanctuary to veterans of the War of American Independence-all these episodes read like Dumas. Only the occasional jarring reference to municipal corruption in New York City, and sideswipes at the "helpless" Jefferson and that "filthy little atheist" Thomas Paine remind us of the true identity of the writer.64 The biography ends with two brief chapters tracing Morris's decline into cantankerous old age. There are hints of certain "treasonous" tendencies during these "discreditable and unworthy" last years (Morris had been part of a Federalist group contemplating secession from the Union in 1812). Yet, in a final-page summary of the whole life, Roosevelt is willing to bestow his highest praise upon Gouverneur Morris. "He was essentially a strong man, and he was American through and through."65

REVIEWS WERE NEGATIVE when when Morris Morris came out the following spring. The came out the following spring. The Book Buyer Book Buyer felt that there had been insufficient character analysis, and complained of some "rather dry" stretches of prose. felt that there had been insufficient character analysis, and complained of some "rather dry" stretches of prose. The New York Times The New York Times commented, "Mr. Roosevelt has no style as style is understood," but allowed that "his meaning is never to be mistaken." The commented, "Mr. Roosevelt has no style as style is understood," but allowed that "his meaning is never to be mistaken." The Dial Dial, while praising him for "an exceedingly interesting narrative, artistic in its selection, forcible in its pungent expression," called his scholarship "rather more brilliant than sound," and said that his irreverent treatment of the American Revolution, not to mention certain "slurs" upon eminent men of the past, were "beneath the gravity of historical writing."66 It was generally agreed that It was generally agreed that Gouverneur Morris Gouverneur Morris was clever, patchy, and superficial-a verdict which posterity can only endorse. was clever, patchy, and superficial-a verdict which posterity can only endorse.

ROOSEVELT'S "STRAITENED FINANCES" made the summer of 1887 an uneventful one. made the summer of 1887 an uneventful one.67 He was kept from being too restless by the intensity of his work on He was kept from being too restless by the intensity of his work on Morris Morris (the 92,000-word manuscript was researched and written in little over three months). Sometimes he took a day off to row his pregnant wife to a secluded spot in the marshes, where they would picnic and read to each other. (the 92,000-word manuscript was researched and written in little over three months). Sometimes he took a day off to row his pregnant wife to a secluded spot in the marshes, where they would picnic and read to each other.68 For other recreation, he chopped wood, played tennis (winning the local doubles championship and promptly splurging his share of the "cup" on a new Winchester), taught himself the rudiments of polo, and now and then allowed his hunting-horse to "hop sedately over a small fence." There were many wild romps on the piazza with Baby Lee, who was now an enchantingly pretty little girl of three. His letters are full of fond anecdotes about "the blue-eyed offspring" and "yellow-haired darling." For other recreation, he chopped wood, played tennis (winning the local doubles championship and promptly splurging his share of the "cup" on a new Winchester), taught himself the rudiments of polo, and now and then allowed his hunting-horse to "hop sedately over a small fence." There were many wild romps on the piazza with Baby Lee, who was now an enchantingly pretty little girl of three. His letters are full of fond anecdotes about "the blue-eyed offspring" and "yellow-haired darling."69 The only recorded houseguests to Sagamore Hill in 1887 were Bamie, the Douglas Robinsons, and Cecil Spring Rice. Roosevelt's happiness in being remarried and settled at last en famille en famille warmed them all, and sent them away glowing. Spring Rice went back to Washington vowing that he liked Theodore "better every day I see him." warmed them all, and sent them away glowing. Spring Rice went back to Washington vowing that he liked Theodore "better every day I see him."70 By late summer Roosevelt had worked himself into a state of such nervous excitement over Morris Morris, and Edith's approaching confinement, that he was felled by a surprise recurrence of asthma. The arrival of an eight-and-a-half-pound baby on 13 September seems to have shocked him back into health. Later that day, in a letter announcing the birth, he proudly added the word "Senior" to his signature.71 In October the hunting season got under way. Roosevelt pounded energetically after Long Island fox, but a longing for nobler game soon overwhelmed him. It had been more than a year since he had killed anything substantial. His herds in Dakota offered a convenient pretext for another trip West. Early in November, therefore, he set off with a cousin and a friend for five weeks' ranching and shooting in the Badlands.72 Ten days of "rough work" on the range were enough for his two companions, who hurried back to New York on 14 November. He was not sorry to see them go. "As you know," he wrote Bamie, "I really prefer to be alone while on a hunting trip."73 Little is known about his wanderings during the next three weeks. One can only speculate, but during that solitary period some shock seems to have awakened a long-dormant instinct in Theodore Roosevelt-prompting him to take certain actions immediately after returning East. Little is known about his wanderings during the next three weeks. One can only speculate, but during that solitary period some shock seems to have awakened a long-dormant instinct in Theodore Roosevelt-prompting him to take certain actions immediately after returning East.

The speculation is that as he rode farther and farther afield, he found the Badlands virtually denuded of big game-although he did manage, by an extraordinary fluke, to kill two black-tailed deer with one bullet.74 Even in 1883 he had been hard put to find any buffalo this side of Montana; a year later the elk and grizzly were gone. In 1885 he had complained that bighorn and pronghorn were becoming scarcer, and in 1886 noticed that some varieties of migratory birds had failed to return to the Little Missouri Valley. Even in 1883 he had been hard put to find any buffalo this side of Montana; a year later the elk and grizzly were gone. In 1885 he had complained that bighorn and pronghorn were becoming scarcer, and in 1886 noticed that some varieties of migratory birds had failed to return to the Little Missouri Valley.75 All this was due to the white man's guns and bricks and fences. Roosevelt had regretted the loss of local wildlife, but he took the conventional attitude that some dislocation of the environment must occur when civilization enters a wilderness. One day, perhaps, a new balance of nature would be worked out.... All this was due to the white man's guns and bricks and fences. Roosevelt had regretted the loss of local wildlife, but he took the conventional attitude that some dislocation of the environment must occur when civilization enters a wilderness. One day, perhaps, a new balance of nature would be worked out....

Now, in November 1887, it was frighteningly obvious that both the flora and the fauna of the Badlands were facing destruction. There were so few beavers left, after a decade of remorseless trapping, that no new dams had been built, and the old ones were letting go; wherever this happened, ponds full of fish and wildfowl degenerated into dry, crack-bottomed creeks. Last summer's overstocking, together with desperate foraging during the blizzards, had eroded the rich carpet of grass that once held the soil in place. Sour deposits of cow-dung had poisoned the roots of wild-plum bushes, so that they no longer bore fruit; clear springs had been trampled into filthy sloughs; large tracts of land threatened to become desert.76 What had once been a teeming natural paradise, loud with snorts and splashings and drumming hooves, What had once been a teeming natural paradise, loud with snorts and splashings and drumming hooves,77 was now a waste of naked hills and silent ravines. was now a waste of naked hills and silent ravines.

It would be hard to imagine a sight more melancholy to Roosevelt, who professed to love the animals he killed. For the first time he realized the true plight of the native American quadrupeds, fleeing ever westward, in ever smaller numbers, from men like himself. Ironically, he had always been at heart a conservationist. At nine years old he was "sorry the trees have been cut down,"78 and his juvenile hobby of taxidermy, though bloody, was in its way a passionate sort of preservation. His teenage slaughter of birds had been scientifically motivated; only as a young adult had he learned to kill for the "strong eager pleasure" of it. and his juvenile hobby of taxidermy, though bloody, was in its way a passionate sort of preservation. His teenage slaughter of birds had been scientifically motivated; only as a young adult had he learned to kill for the "strong eager pleasure" of it.79 Even then he always insisted that a certain amount of hunting by responsible sportsmen was necessary to keep fecund species from multiplying at the expense of others. Even then he always insisted that a certain amount of hunting by responsible sportsmen was necessary to keep fecund species from multiplying at the expense of others.80 But by 1887 the ravages of "swinish game-butchers" (and could he, in all conscience, exclude himself from that category?) were plain to see; the only thriving species in Western Dakota were wolves and coyotes. But by 1887 the ravages of "swinish game-butchers" (and could he, in all conscience, exclude himself from that category?) were plain to see; the only thriving species in Western Dakota were wolves and coyotes.81 Roosevelt was now in his twenty-ninth year, and the father of a small son; if only for young Ted's sake, he must do something to preserve the great game animals from extinction. Roosevelt was now in his twenty-ninth year, and the father of a small son; if only for young Ted's sake, he must do something to preserve the great game animals from extinction.

HE ARRIVED BACK in New York on 8 December, and lost no time in inviting a dozen wealthy and influential animal-lovers to dine with him at 689 Madison Avenue. Chief among these was George Bird Grinnell, editor of in New York on 8 December, and lost no time in inviting a dozen wealthy and influential animal-lovers to dine with him at 689 Madison Avenue. Chief among these was George Bird Grinnell, editor of Forest and Stream Forest and Stream, and a crusader against the wanton killing of wildlife on the frontier. He had become Roosevelt's close friend after printing a complimentary review of Hunting Trips of a Ranchman; Hunting Trips of a Ranchman; the two men had already spent many evenings together discussing "in a vague way" the threat to various American species. But, as Grinnell afterward explained, "We did not comprehend its imminence and the impending completeness of the extermination...those who were concerned to protect native life were still uncertainly trying to find out what they could most effectively do, how they could do it, and what dangers it was necessary to fight first." the two men had already spent many evenings together discussing "in a vague way" the threat to various American species. But, as Grinnell afterward explained, "We did not comprehend its imminence and the impending completeness of the extermination...those who were concerned to protect native life were still uncertainly trying to find out what they could most effectively do, how they could do it, and what dangers it was necessary to fight first."82 Roosevelt now decisively answered these questions. His twelve dinner guests must join him in the establishment of an association of amateur riflemen who, notwithstanding their devotion to "manly sport with the rifle," would "work for the preservation of the large game of this country, further legislation for that purpose, and assist in enforcing existing laws."83 The club would be named after Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett, two of Roosevelt's personal heroes, and would encourage further explorations of the American wilderness in their honor. Other objectives would be "inquiry into and the recording of observations on the natural history of wild animals," and "the preservation of forest regions...as nurseries and reservations for woodland creatures which else would die out before the march of settlement." The club would be named after Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett, two of Roosevelt's personal heroes, and would encourage further explorations of the American wilderness in their honor. Other objectives would be "inquiry into and the recording of observations on the natural history of wild animals," and "the preservation of forest regions...as nurseries and reservations for woodland creatures which else would die out before the march of settlement."84 From time to time the club would publish books and articles to propagate its ideals. From time to time the club would publish books and articles to propagate its ideals.

The proposal was approved, and in January 1888 the Boone & Crockett Club was formally organized with Theodore Roosevelt as its president. It was the first such club in the United States, and, according to Grinnell, "perhaps in any country." Membership rapidly grew to a total of ninety, including some of the nation's most eminent scientists, lawyers, and politicians. Through them Roosevelt (who remained club president until 1894) was able to wield considerable influence in Congress.85 Among his first acts was to appoint a Committee on Parks, which was instrumental in the creation of the National Zoo in Washington. He ordered another committee to work with the Secretary of the Interior "to promote useful and proper legislation towards the enlargement and better government of the Yellowstone National Park"-then a sick environment swarming with commercial parasites. The resultant Park Protection Act of 1894 saved Yellowstone from ecological destruction. Still other Boone & Crockett committees helped establish zoological gardens in New York, protect sequoia groves in California, and create an Alaskan island reserve "for the propagation of seals, salmon, and sea birds."86 When he was not working on these committees himself, Roosevelt joined forces with Grinnell in editing and publishing three fat volumes of wilderness lore, written by club members. American Big-Game Hunting American Big-Game Hunting (1893), (1893), Hunting in Many Lands Hunting in Many Lands (1895), and (1895), and Trail and Camp-Fire Trail and Camp-Fire (1897) won acclaim on both sides of the Atlantic, and prompted the establishment of Boone & Crockett-type clubs in England and various parts of the British Empire. (1897) won acclaim on both sides of the Atlantic, and prompted the establishment of Boone & Crockett-type clubs in England and various parts of the British Empire.87 A glance at Roosevelt's own contributions as an author shows that he by no means lost his relish for blood sports. It remained strong in him through old age, although an apologist claims "he then no longer spoke of hunting as a pleasure, rather an undertaking in the interest of science." A glance at Roosevelt's own contributions as an author shows that he by no means lost his relish for blood sports. It remained strong in him through old age, although an apologist claims "he then no longer spoke of hunting as a pleasure, rather an undertaking in the interest of science."88 Roosevelt was a complex man, and, as will be seen, his complexity grew apace during the middle years of his life. But as founder and president of the Boone & Crockett Club, he was the prime motivational force behind its conservation efforts. Roosevelt was a complex man, and, as will be seen, his complexity grew apace during the middle years of his life. But as founder and president of the Boone & Crockett Club, he was the prime motivational force behind its conservation efforts.89 The most significant, from his own point of view as well as the nation's, was to do not with animals but with forestry. Roosevelt had a profound, almost Indian veneration for trees, particularly the giant conifers he had encountered in the Rockies.90 Walking on silent, moccasined feet down a luminous nave of pines, listening to invisible choirs of birds, he came close to religious rapture, as many passages in his books and letters attest. Hence, when the American Forestry Association began its struggle to halt the rapid attrition of Western woodlands, Roosevelt threw the full weight of his organization behind it. Thanks to the club's determined lobbying on Capitol Hill, in concert with other environmental groups, the Forest Reserve Act became law in March 1891. It empowered the President to set aside at will any wooded or partly wooded country, "whether of commercial value or not." Walking on silent, moccasined feet down a luminous nave of pines, listening to invisible choirs of birds, he came close to religious rapture, as many passages in his books and letters attest. Hence, when the American Forestry Association began its struggle to halt the rapid attrition of Western woodlands, Roosevelt threw the full weight of his organization behind it. Thanks to the club's determined lobbying on Capitol Hill, in concert with other environmental groups, the Forest Reserve Act became law in March 1891. It empowered the President to set aside at will any wooded or partly wooded country, "whether of commercial value or not."91 The time would come when Theodore Roosevelt joyfully inherited this very power as President of the United States. One wonders if he ever paused, while signing millions of green acres into perpetuity, to acknowledge his debt to the youthful president of the Boone & Crockett Club. The time would come when Theodore Roosevelt joyfully inherited this very power as President of the United States. One wonders if he ever paused, while signing millions of green acres into perpetuity, to acknowledge his debt to the youthful president of the Boone & Crockett Club.

ABOUT THE SAME TIME that Roosevelt sat discussing big-game preservation with his dozen dinner guests, President Cleveland dumbfounded Congress with the first Annual Message ever devoted to one subject. The tariff bulked even larger than Civil Service Reform as a political issue in those last days of 1887; as will be seen, the two major parties were diametrically opposed in their attitudes toward it. To provoke a similar division of opinion in the electorate, as Cleveland did by publicly coming out against the tariff, was in effect to decide the result of the next national election, still eleven months off. Republicans reading the text of his message reacted with incredulous joy, while Democrats wondered privately if the Big One had gone mad. that Roosevelt sat discussing big-game preservation with his dozen dinner guests, President Cleveland dumbfounded Congress with the first Annual Message ever devoted to one subject. The tariff bulked even larger than Civil Service Reform as a political issue in those last days of 1887; as will be seen, the two major parties were diametrically opposed in their attitudes toward it. To provoke a similar division of opinion in the electorate, as Cleveland did by publicly coming out against the tariff, was in effect to decide the result of the next national election, still eleven months off. Republicans reading the text of his message reacted with incredulous joy, while Democrats wondered privately if the Big One had gone mad.92 Simply described, the tariff was a system of laws, hallowed for decades by successive Republican administrations, which levied high duties on imported goods in order to protect American industry and provide revenues for the federal government. So vast were these revenues (about two-thirds of the nation's income) that a surplus had been building up in the Treasury every year since 1879. It now waxed enormous,93 and President Cleveland believed that it posed a malignant threat to the economy. To spend excessive money was wasteful; yet to hoard it, when it could have been in healthy circulation, was even more so. Cleveland, having silently pondered American tariff schedules for two years, decided that they were "vicious, inequitable and illogical." Congress was instructed to reduce most rates, and abolish others altogether: wool, for example, should be allowed to come in free. The tariff, wrote Cleveland, would be "for revenue only" and not for protection. and President Cleveland believed that it posed a malignant threat to the economy. To spend excessive money was wasteful; yet to hoard it, when it could have been in healthy circulation, was even more so. Cleveland, having silently pondered American tariff schedules for two years, decided that they were "vicious, inequitable and illogical." Congress was instructed to reduce most rates, and abolish others altogether: wool, for example, should be allowed to come in free. The tariff, wrote Cleveland, would be "for revenue only" and not for protection.94 By his unfortunate use of the word "free" the President thus laid himself open to charges that he was a Free Trader, while by attacking Protection he identified that comfortable doctrine with the Republican party. "There's one more President for us in Protection," crowed James G. Blaine,95 leaving few observers in doubt as to which President he had in mind. A wave of optimism spread through the party as bells across the country rang in another election year. leaving few observers in doubt as to which President he had in mind. A wave of optimism spread through the party as bells across the country rang in another election year.96 But Roosevelt remained in the pessimistic minority. His political instinct told him the tariff was too complex an issue to divide the electorate neatly.97 He had to admit that Blaine was a certainty for renomination, and stood at least an even chance of being elected. This made Roosevelt's own hopes for appointive office even more forlorn than they had been the previous spring. President Blaine would be no more likely to favor him than President Cleveland. The Plumed Knight was a man of long memory: he would not forget the rejection of his advances in the mayoral campaign of 1886. He had to admit that Blaine was a certainty for renomination, and stood at least an even chance of being elected. This made Roosevelt's own hopes for appointive office even more forlorn than they had been the previous spring. President Blaine would be no more likely to favor him than President Cleveland. The Plumed Knight was a man of long memory: he would not forget the rejection of his advances in the mayoral campaign of 1886.

"I shall probably never be in politics again," Roosevelt wrote sadly to an old Assembly friend. "My literary work occupies a good deal of my time; and I have on the whole done fairly well at it; I should like to write some book that would really take rank in the very first class, but I suppose this is a mere dream."

THUS, IN A CRYPTIC CONFESSION dated 15 January 1888, dated 15 January 1888,98 did Roosevelt give his first hint that he was musing the major work of scholarship that would preoccupy him for the next seven years. Four volumes, perhaps eight, would be required to do the subject justice: his theme was enormous but vague. Within its blurry parameters (conforming roughly with the shape of the United States), he began to see heroic figures fighting, moving, pointing in one general direction. did Roosevelt give his first hint that he was musing the major work of scholarship that would preoccupy him for the next seven years. Four volumes, perhaps eight, would be required to do the subject justice: his theme was enormous but vague. Within its blurry parameters (conforming roughly with the shape of the United States), he began to see heroic figures fighting, moving, pointing in one general direction.

The process of literary inspiration does not admit of much analysis. Writers themselves are often at a loss to say just when or why a given idea takes possession of them. Roosevelt, certainly, never indulged in such speculation.99 Yet it is possible to mention at least some of the fertilizing influences upon what he proudly called "my Yet it is possible to mention at least some of the fertilizing influences upon what he proudly called "my magnum opus." magnum opus."100 In those first weeks of 1888 he happened to be checking through a batch of page proofs from England, comprising several chapters of In those first weeks of 1888 he happened to be checking through a batch of page proofs from England, comprising several chapters of The American Commonweath The American Commonweath, by James Bryce, M.P., whom he had met in London the previous winter. Bryce wanted his expert opinion on various passages dealing with municipal corruption. As Roosevelt read the proofs through, he realized that he held a masterpiece in his hands. It was, he decided, the most epochal study of American institutions since that of de Tocqueville; it made his own Gouverneur Morris Gouverneur Morris (whose galleys also lay upon his desk) seem pathetically trivial in comparison. (whose galleys also lay upon his desk) seem pathetically trivial in comparison.101 Bryce's reference to him, in a footnote, as "one of the ablest and most vivacious of the younger generation of American politicians" was flattering but ironic, given the present stagnation of his political career; it only served to increase his yearning to write a work "in the very first class," which would earn him similar respect as an American historian. Bryce's reference to him, in a footnote, as "one of the ablest and most vivacious of the younger generation of American politicians" was flattering but ironic, given the present stagnation of his political career; it only served to increase his yearning to write a work "in the very first class," which would earn him similar respect as an American historian.102 Back of this immediate ambition swirled a mass of past influences, with little in common except their general geographic orientation. Among them were his years in the West, living with the sons and grandsons of pioneers; his belief, inherited from Thomas Hart Benton, that America's Manifest Destiny was to sweep Westward at the expense of weaker nations; his fascination with the racial variety of the West, and its forging of a characteristic frontier "type," never seen in the Old World; his wide readings in Western history; his efforts, through the Boone & Crockett Club, to save Western wildlife and promote Western exploration-all these combined into one mighty concept which (the more he pondered it) he saw he might handle more authoritatively than anyone else. It was nothing less than the history of the spread of the United States across the American continent, from the day Daniel Boone first crossed the Alleghenies in 1774 to the day Davy Crockett died at the Alamo in 1836.103 He decided to call this grand work He decided to call this grand work The Winning of the West The Winning of the West.

His first act was to dedicate the book to the ailing Francis Parkman.104 Like most well-read men of his class, Roosevelt had been brought up on that writer's majestic, seven-volume Like most well-read men of his class, Roosevelt had been brought up on that writer's majestic, seven-volume History of France and England in North America History of France and England in North America. Parkman was a scholar who combined faultless research with the narrative powers of a novelist. With that other sickly, half-blind recluse, William H. Prescott, he wrote sweeping sagas full of color and movement, in which men of overwhelming force bent nations to their will. Roosevelt set out to follow this example. Not for him the maunderings of the "institutional" historians, with their obsessive analyses of treaties and committee reports. He wanted his readers to smell the bitter smoke of campfires, see the sunset reddening the Mississippi, hear the tomahawk thud into bone. While reveling in such detail (which he would meticulously annotate, lest any pedant accuse him of fictionalizing), he would strive for Parkman's epic vision, the ability to show vast international forces at work, whole empires contending for a continent.105

BY MID-MARCH he had a contract from Putnam's-committing him rather ambitiously to deliver his first two volumes in the spring of 1889 he had a contract from Putnam's-committing him rather ambitiously to deliver his first two volumes in the spring of 1889106-and he plunged at once into the somewhat rodent-like life of a professional historian. He burrowed through piles of ancient letters, diaries, and newspapers in Tennessee, and unearthed many long-forgotten documents in Kentucky, including six volumes of Spanish government dispatches, and some misspelled but priceless pioneer autobiographies; he inquisitively searched some two or three hundred folios of Revolutionary manuscripts in Washington, and ferreted out thousands of letters by Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, untouched by previous scholars; he devoured the published papers of the Federal, Virginia, and Georgia governments in New York, and pestered private collectors as far away as Wisconsin and California to send him their papers.107 By the end of April he had amassed the bulk of his source material, and began the actual writing of By the end of April he had amassed the bulk of his source material, and began the actual writing of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West on 1 May, at Sagamore Hill. on 1 May, at Sagamore Hill.108 As always, he found it difficult to marshal his superabundant thoughts on paper. A perusal of the manuscript of Volume One shows what agonies its magnificent opening chapter, "The Spread of the English-Speaking Peoples," cost him. A veritable thicket of verbal debris-interlineations, erasures, blots, and balloons-clogs every page: only the clearest prose is allowed to filter through.109

DURING ALL THE SPRING and summer of 1888 Roosevelt complained about the slowness of his progress on and summer of 1888 Roosevelt complained about the slowness of his progress on The Winning of the West: The Winning of the West: "it seems impossible to write more than a page or two a day." "it seems impossible to write more than a page or two a day."110 As if from another land, another century, he heard distant shouts that General Benjamin Harrison of Indiana had been nominated by the Republicans for the Presidency-James G. Blaine having withdrawn on the grounds that a once-defeated candidate might, after all, be a burden to the party. Other shouts, even more distant, told him that Grover Cleveland had been renominated by the Democrats. But he paid little attention, and hunched closer over his desk. "After all," he told a friend, "I'm a literary feller, not a politician these days." As if from another land, another century, he heard distant shouts that General Benjamin Harrison of Indiana had been nominated by the Republicans for the Presidency-James G. Blaine having withdrawn on the grounds that a once-defeated candidate might, after all, be a burden to the party. Other shouts, even more distant, told him that Grover Cleveland had been renominated by the Democrats. But he paid little attention, and hunched closer over his desk. "After all," he told a friend, "I'm a literary feller, not a politician these days."111 To maintain the Sagamore household and bolster Edith's constant sense of financial insecurity, Roosevelt had to earn at least $4,000 in fees and royalties that year.112 This meant a considerable amount of hackwork over and above his labors on This meant a considerable amount of hackwork over and above his labors on The Winning of the West The Winning of the West. Scarcely a month, accordingly, passed without at least one book or article from his pen. Although some of these had been written before-or published in a different form-merely to edit and proofread them made heavy inroads upon his time.

A survey of their various titles justifies his growing reputation as a Renaissance man. In February the North American North American printed his "Remarks on Copyright and Balloting," while printed his "Remarks on Copyright and Balloting," while Century Century put out the first of six splendid essays on ranch life in the West. This series, which included his long-delayed account of the capture of Redhead Finnegan, continued through March, April, May (a month which also saw the publication of his put out the first of six splendid essays on ranch life in the West. This series, which included his long-delayed account of the capture of Redhead Finnegan, continued through March, April, May (a month which also saw the publication of his Gouverneur Morris) Gouverneur Morris), and June. The essays attracted the admiring attention of Walt Whitman, who wrote, "There is something alluring in the subject and the way it is handled: Roosevelt seems to have realized its character-its shape and size-to have honestly imbibed some of the spirit of that wild Western life."113 Roosevelt was silent in July and August, but came back resoundingly in September with "A Reply to Some Recent Criticism of America" in Murray's Magazine Murray's Magazine. The piece was a brilliant and erudite attack upon Matthew Arnold and Lord Wolseley ("that flatulent conqueror of half-armed savages") and became the talk of Washington and London. In October, Putnam's put out his Essays in Practical Politics Essays in Practical Politics, being a reissue, in book form, of two long polemics on legislative and municipal corruption, "Phases of State Legislation" (1884) and "Machine Politics in New York City" (1886). Finally, in December, his six Century Century articles were revised and republished as articles were revised and republished as Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail, in a deluxe gift edition, illustrated by Frederic Remington. It was greeted with enthusiastic reviews.114

ROOSEVELT'S NONLITERARY ACTIVITIES through 1888 can be briefly summarized. The family man played host to Cecil Spring Rice and "delicious Cabotty," piggybacked little Alice downstairs to breakfast every day, and noted approvingly that young Ted "plays more vigorously than any one I ever saw." He worried sporadically about his brother Elliott, whose health was beginning to deteriorate from too much hard drinking and hard riding with the "fast" Meadowbrook set. through 1888 can be briefly summarized. The family man played host to Cecil Spring Rice and "delicious Cabotty," piggybacked little Alice downstairs to breakfast every day, and noted approvingly that young Ted "plays more vigorously than any one I ever saw." He worried sporadically about his brother Elliott, whose health was beginning to deteriorate from too much hard drinking and hard riding with the "fast" Meadowbrook set.115 The end of August found Roosevelt the hunter in Idaho's Kootenai country. He spent most of September in the mountains, sleeping above the snow-line without a jacket and feasting lustily on bear-meat. Returning East via Medora, Roosevelt the rancher was able to make some respectable sales of his remaining cattle. But Roosevelt the author was still so hard pressed for money that he rashly accepted an invitation to write a history of New York City for a British publisher. He begged for "a little lee-way...to finish up some matters which I must must get through first." get through first."116 This referred to The Winning of the West The Winning of the West. Its text was beginning to drag alarmingly: with six months to go on his contract, he had written only half of Volume One. Vowing to "fall to...with redoubled energy," he returned to Sagamore Hill on 5 October117-but Roosevelt the politician would not let him sit down at his desk.

The presidential campaign was well under way, and with Cleveland crippled by the tariff controversy, there seemed to be a real chance of a Republican victory. Duty required that he make at least a token appearance for Benjamin Harrison. Actually Roosevelt was more than willing, for he considered the little general an excellent candidate.118 Despite a total lack of charisma, Harrison was a magnificent orator, capable of enthralling thousands-as long as he did not shake any hands afterward. It was said that every voter who touched his icy flesh walked away a Democrat. Despite a total lack of charisma, Harrison was a magnificent orator, capable of enthralling thousands-as long as he did not shake any hands afterward. It was said that every voter who touched his icy flesh walked away a Democrat.119 Party strategy, therefore, called for maximum public exposure, minimum personal contact, and support appearances by fiery young Republicans like Roosevelt, who could be guaranteed to thaw anybody Harrison had frozen. Party strategy, therefore, called for maximum public exposure, minimum personal contact, and support appearances by fiery young Republicans like Roosevelt, who could be guaranteed to thaw anybody Harrison had frozen.

On 7 October, after only one day at home, Roosevelt answered the call. Jumping back onto the Chicago Limited, he set off on a speaking tour of Illinois, Michigan, and Minnesota. The sight of crowds and bunting worked its usual magic on him, and he canvassed with great zest. His performance was good enough to establish him, within a week, as one of the campaign's most effective speakers. "I can't help thinking," he wrote Lodge, "that this time we have our foes on the hip."120 On 27 October, Theodore Roosevelt turned thirty. Nine days later he heard that his party had won not only the Presidency but the Senate and House of Representatives as well. "I am as happy as a king," he told Cecil Spring Rice, "-to use a Republican simile."121

AT LAST, as winter settled down on Sagamore Hill, a measure of tranquillity returned to Roosevelt's life. The sight of snow tumbling past his study window, and the sound of logs crackling in the grate, combined to produce that sense of calm seclusion a writer most prizes-when the pen seems to move across the paper almost of its own accord, and the words flow steadily down the nib, drying into whorls and curlicues that please the eye; when sentences have just the right rhythmic cadence, paragraphs fall naturally into place, and the pages pile up satisfyingly...Roosevelt's characteristic interlineations and scratchings-out grew fewer and fewer as the pace of his narrative increased, and inspiration grew.122 He worked steadily all though December, finishing Volume One before Christmas.123 Early in the New Year he moved his family to 689 Madison Avenue. (Bamie, who was traveling in Europe, had placed her house at Edith's disposal.) Early in the New Year he moved his family to 689 Madison Avenue. (Bamie, who was traveling in Europe, had placed her house at Edith's disposal.)124 Seeking refuge from the children, Roosevelt set up a desk at Putnam's, on West Twenty-third Street. For some reason the publishers were in a hurry to get the book out by the middle of June. Chapters of Volume Two were sent upstairs to the composing room as fast as Roosevelt could write them. Meanwhile Volume One was printed and bound on the topmost floors. Later, stacks of both volumes would be cranked downstairs for sale in the retail department at street level-permitting George Haven Putnam to boast that Seeking refuge from the children, Roosevelt set up a desk at Putnam's, on West Twenty-third Street. For some reason the publishers were in a hurry to get the book out by the middle of June. Chapters of Volume Two were sent upstairs to the composing room as fast as Roosevelt could write them. Meanwhile Volume One was printed and bound on the topmost floors. Later, stacks of both volumes would be cranked downstairs for sale in the retail department at street level-permitting George Haven Putnam to boast that The Winning of the West The Winning of the West had been in large part written, produced, and marketed under one roof. had been in large part written, produced, and marketed under one roof.125 Roosevelt scrawled his last line of text on 1 April 1889, and spent the next couple of weeks blearily checking the galleys. With a touch of sadness he wondered "if I have or have not properly expressed all the ideas that seethed vaguely in my soul as I wrote it."126 But he had little leisure to indulge in self-doubts, for on 27 April Cabot Lodge came up from Washington But he had little leisure to indulge in self-doubts, for on 27 April Cabot Lodge came up from Washington127 with a message from the White House. with a message from the White House.

ONLY A FEW DAYS BEFORE, Roosevelt had written, "I do hope the President will appoint good Civil Service Commissioners."128 Lodge fully understood the plaintive tone of that remark. Since the beginning of the year he had been trying to get his friend a place in the incoming Administration. Roosevelt had affected nonchalance at first, yet while still engaged on the final chapters of Lodge fully understood the plaintive tone of that remark. Since the beginning of the year he had been trying to get his friend a place in the incoming Administration. Roosevelt had affected nonchalance at first, yet while still engaged on the final chapters of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West, confessed, "I would like above all things to go into politics."129 Lodge had tried to persuade Harrison's new Secretary of State-who was none other than James G. Blaine-to appoint Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary, but the Plumed Knight gracefully demurred. In words that proved prophetic, he wrote: Lodge had tried to persuade Harrison's new Secretary of State-who was none other than James G. Blaine-to appoint Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary, but the Plumed Knight gracefully demurred. In words that proved prophetic, he wrote: My real trouble in regard to Mr. Roosevelt is that I fear he lacks the repose and patient endurance required in an Assistant Secretary. Mr. Roosevelt is amazingly quick in apprehension. Is there not danger that he might be too quick in execution? I do somehow fear that my sleep at Augusta or Bar Harbor would not be quite so easy and refreshing if so brilliant and aggressive a man had hold of the helm. Matters are constantly occurring which require the most thoughtful concentration and the most stubborn inaction. Do you you think that Mr. T.R.'s temperament would give guaranty of that course? think that Mr. T.R.'s temperament would give guaranty of that course?130 Lodge had reported only the polite parts of this rejection. "I hope you will tell Blaine how much I appreciate his kind expressions," Roosevelt replied.131 Lodge had then begun to negotiate directly with the President, urging him to appoint Roosevelt to some some federal position, no matter how minor, in recognition of his help during the campaign. Several influential Republicans advised the same. Harrison was "by no means eager." federal position, no matter how minor, in recognition of his help during the campaign. Several influential Republicans advised the same. Harrison was "by no means eager."132 Perhaps he remembered the screeching, strawhatted young delegate at Chicago in 1884, and winced at the idea of having him within earshot of the White House. Eventually he thought of a dusty sinecure that paid little, and promised less in terms of real political power. Ambitious men invariably turned it down; if Roosevelt was crazy enough to want it, he might be crazy enough to make something of it. Perhaps he remembered the screeching, strawhatted young delegate at Chicago in 1884, and winced at the idea of having him within earshot of the White House. Eventually he thought of a dusty sinecure that paid little, and promised less in terms of real political power. Ambitious men invariably turned it down; if Roosevelt was crazy enough to want it, he might be crazy enough to make something of it.

Lodge hurried to New York, and, amid the din of the U.S. Government Centennial celebrations,133 told Roosevelt that Harrison was willing to appoint him Civil Service Commissioner, at a salary of $3,500 per annum. He doubted, however, that his friend would want the post. Such a pittance could only plunge him deeper into financial difficulties; bureaucratic entanglements would interfere with his upcoming book contracts; besides, the work was bound to make him unpopular, for everybody in Washington was heartily sick of the subject of Civil Service Reform. told Roosevelt that Harrison was willing to appoint him Civil Service Commissioner, at a salary of $3,500 per annum. He doubted, however, that his friend would want the post. Such a pittance could only plunge him deeper into financial difficulties; bureaucratic entanglements would interfere with his upcoming book contracts; besides, the work was bound to make him unpopular, for everybody in Washington was heartily sick of the subject of Civil Service Reform.

Roosevelt accepted at once.

A COUPLE OF DAYS LATER COUPLE OF DAYS LATER the Centennial came to an end with the biggest banquet in American history, held at the Metropolitan Opera House. About eleven o'clock, after the speeches were over, and $16,000 worth of wine had been drunk, the guests filed out into the crisp spring night. Most were tired and satiated, but one young man seemed anxious to dawdle and talk. His high, eager voice, as he stood on the sidewalk with a group of friends and pointed at the sky, sounded "quite charming" to a passerby, although he occasionally squeaked into falsetto. "It was young Roosevelt," reported the observer. "He was introducing some fellows to the stars." the Centennial came to an end with the biggest banquet in American history, held at the Metropolitan Opera House. About eleven o'clock, after the speeches were over, and $16,000 worth of wine had been drunk, the guests filed out into the crisp spring night. Most were tired and satiated, but one young man seemed anxious to dawdle and talk. His high, eager voice, as he stood on the sidewalk with a group of friends and pointed at the sky, sounded "quite charming" to a passerby, although he occasionally squeaked into falsetto. "It was young Roosevelt," reported the observer. "He was introducing some fellows to the stars."134

CHAPTER 16.

The Silver-Plated Reform Commissioner On the deck stands Olaf the King,Around him whistle and singThe spears that the foemen fling,And the stones that they hurl with their hands.

WASHINGTON, D.C., IN THE SPRING IN THE SPRING of 1889 was, for those who could afford to live there, one of the most delightful places in the world. of 1889 was, for those who could afford to live there, one of the most delightful places in the world.1 Seen from various carefully-selected angles, it was a beautiful city, with its broad, black, spotless streets, its marble buildings and sixty-five thousand trees, its vistas of "the silvery Potomac" by day and the illuminated Capitol by night. A visiting Englishman remarked on its air "of comfort, of leisure, of space to spare, of stateliness...it looks the sort of place where nobody has to work for his living, or, at any rate, not hard." Seen from various carefully-selected angles, it was a beautiful city, with its broad, black, spotless streets, its marble buildings and sixty-five thousand trees, its vistas of "the silvery Potomac" by day and the illuminated Capitol by night. A visiting Englishman remarked on its air "of comfort, of leisure, of space to spare, of stateliness...it looks the sort of place where nobody has to work for his living, or, at any rate, not hard."2 This was true above a certain bureaucratic level. Senior clerks and Cabinet officers alike breakfasted at eight or nine, lunched with all deliberate speed, and laid down their pens at four.3 They then had several hours of daylight left for strolling, shopping, drinking, or philandering (Washington was reputed to be "the wickedest city in the nation")-hours which lengthened steadily as the warm weather approached, and Government prepared to shut down for the summer. They then had several hours of daylight left for strolling, shopping, drinking, or philandering (Washington was reputed to be "the wickedest city in the nation")-hours which lengthened steadily as the warm weather approached, and Government prepared to shut down for the summer.

"Rich and talented people crowded Adams's salon."

Congressman Henry Cabot Lodge, by John Singer Sargent, 1890. (Illustration 16.1) While peaceful, the capital was by no means provincial. Indeed, the decade just ending had seen its transformation from rather shabby respectability to the heights of social splendor. People who spent their summers at Newport and Saratoga were spending their winters in Washington.4 Some had been drawn by the magnetism of Mrs. Cleveland, now regrettably departed (although imitations of her famous smile lingered on a thousand homelier faces, reminding one correspondent of so many cats chewing wax). Some had been drawn by the magnetism of Mrs. Cleveland, now regrettably departed (although imitations of her famous smile lingered on a thousand homelier faces, reminding one correspondent of so many cats chewing wax).5 Most of Washington's fashionable newcomers, however, were drawn by the desire to be at the power center of an increasingly powerful country. Power, not breeding, was the basis of protocol in this democratic town: there was something wickedly exciting about it. Knickerbockers and Brahmins vied for the company of Western Senators at dinner, laughing at their filthy stories and tolerating their squirts of tobacco-juice; debutantes and newsboys swayed side by side in the horsecars with Supreme Court Justices; the President of the United States could often be seen, a small, bearded, buttoned-up figure, sipping soda in a corner drugstore. Most of Washington's fashionable newcomers, however, were drawn by the desire to be at the power center of an increasingly powerful country. Power, not breeding, was the basis of protocol in this democratic town: there was something wickedly exciting about it. Knickerbockers and Brahmins vied for the company of Western Senators at dinner, laughing at their filthy stories and tolerating their squirts of tobacco-juice; debutantes and newsboys swayed side by side in the horsecars with Supreme Court Justices; the President of the United States could often be seen, a small, bearded, buttoned-up figure, sipping soda in a corner drugstore.6 Another significant difference between Washington and most major American cities was the apparent contentment of its working class-particularly now the party of Lincoln was back in control. A thriving demimonde demimonde offered blacks opportunities for advancement in such government-related industries as prostitution, vote-selling, and land speculation. Here, indeed, were to be found the nation's wealthiest black entrepreneurs, and "colored girls more luscious than any women ever painted by Peter Paul Rubens." They could be seen on a Saturday afternoon strolling in silks and sealskins on the White House lawn, to promenade music by Professor Sousa's Marine Band. offered blacks opportunities for advancement in such government-related industries as prostitution, vote-selling, and land speculation. Here, indeed, were to be found the nation's wealthiest black entrepreneurs, and "colored girls more luscious than any women ever painted by Peter Paul Rubens." They could be seen on a Saturday afternoon strolling in silks and sealskins on the White House lawn, to promenade music by Professor Sousa's Marine Band.7 Apart from the several thousands of shanty-dwellers, whose slums could be smelled, if not seen, in the vacant lots behind the great federal buildings, Washington society was prosperous, and graded more by occupation than color. Its unique feature was an ephemeral upper class which turned over every four years, according to the vagaries of politics. Hardly any member of this class, be he diplomat, Congressman, or Civil Service Commissioner, expected to settle permanently in the capital; sooner or later his government would recall him, or his campaign for reelection fail, or a whim of the President leave him jobless overnight.

Servicing the upper class was a middle-to-lower class of realtors, caterers, couturiers, landladies, and servants-all determined to profit by the constant comings and goings of their clients. After every Congressional election, prices rose; after every change of Administration, they soared. But federal pay scales remained fixed at levels set in the 1870s. By 1889 the city had grown so expensive that anybody accepting a fairly senior government job had to have independent means to survive.8 On the Sunday before Roosevelt's arrival, eight-room houses in the obligatory Northwest sector were being advertised for sale at around $6,500, almost twice a Commissioner's salary. But this was nothing: a thirteen-room house on Pennsylvania Avenue near Nineteenth was $12,500; something more the size of Sagamore Hill, albeit with a much smaller garden, was available on Vermont Avenue for $125,000. On the Sunday before Roosevelt's arrival, eight-room houses in the obligatory Northwest sector were being advertised for sale at around $6,500, almost twice a Commissioner's salary. But this was nothing: a thirteen-room house on Pennsylvania Avenue near Nineteenth was $12,500; something more the size of Sagamore Hill, albeit with a much smaller garden, was available on Vermont Avenue for $125,000.9 Rents were proportionately exorbitant; the pokiest little furnished house would cost him $2,400 a year. Rents were proportionately exorbitant; the pokiest little furnished house would cost him $2,400 a year.10 Allowing a conservative $1,000 for food, $300 for servants, and $200 for fuel, he could spend every cent of his salary without so much as buying a new suit. Allowing a conservative $1,000 for food, $300 for servants, and $200 for fuel, he could spend every cent of his salary without so much as buying a new suit.11 On top of that there was Sagamore Hill to maintain, and Edith was pregnant again. On top of that there was Sagamore Hill to maintain, and Edith was pregnant again.

The baby was not due for another five months, but it served as an excuse to keep his family at Oyster Bay at least through November. Meanwhile he could lead a cheap bachelor life in Washington-rent-free, as the vacationing Lodges had placed their house on Connecticut Avenue at his disposal.12 So when Roosevelt arrived in town on the morning of Monday, 13 May 1889, he was alone, just like thousands of other hopeful newcomers in the early days of the Harrison Administration. Unlike them, however, he had a desk waiting for him, and a commission, signed by the President of the United States, lying upon it.13

IT WAS NOT YET ten o'clock, but the sun was bright and strong. A cool breeze blowing off the Potomac tempered the seventy-degree heat. All Washington sparkled, thanks to torrential rainstorms over the weekend. Fallen locust-blossoms carpeted the sidewalks, rotting sweetly as pedestrians sauntered to and fro. Straw hats and silk bonnets were out in force: summer, evidently, was considered to be a ten o'clock, but the sun was bright and strong. A cool breeze blowing off the Potomac tempered the seventy-degree heat. All Washington sparkled, thanks to torrential rainstorms over the weekend. Fallen locust-blossoms carpeted the sidewalks, rotting sweetly as pedestrians sauntered to and fro. Straw hats and silk bonnets were out in force: summer, evidently, was considered to be a fait accompli fait accompli in the nation's capital, regardless of what the calendar said. in the nation's capital, regardless of what the calendar said.14 Roosevelt found the Civil Service Commission impressively located in the west wing of City Hall, at the south end of Judiciary Square. Tall Ionic columns rose above a flight of seventeen stone steps, which he could not resist taking at a run.15 By the time he had crossed the portico and burst into the office beyond, his adrenaline was already flowing. By the time he had crossed the portico and burst into the office beyond, his adrenaline was already flowing.

"I am the new Civil Service Commissioner, Theodore Roosevelt of New York," he announced to the first clerk he saw. "Have you a telephone? Call up the Ebbit House. I have an engagement with Archbishop Ireland. Say that I will be there at ten o'clock."

His clear voice sounded "peculiarly pleasant" as it broke the bureaucratic stillness. Yet it had an incisive edge to it that made the clerk jump to his feet.16 Within minutes Roosevelt had taken the oath, and moved into the largest and sunniest of the three Commissioners' offices.17 Although his gray-haired colleagues, Charles Lyman (Republican) and ex-Governor Hugh S. Thompson of South Carolina (Democrat), were nominally senior to him, he seems to have been accepted, Although his gray-haired colleagues, Charles Lyman (Republican) and ex-Governor Hugh S. Thompson of South Carolina (Democrat), were nominally senior to him, he seems to have been accepted, de ipse de ipse, as leader from the start.18 Lyman's subsequent election as president of the Commission in no way affected this arrangement. Roosevelt liked both of them, as he did everyone at first, then lost patience with them, as he did with most people sooner or later. Lyman turned out to be "the most intolerably slow of all men who ever adored red tape," Lyman's subsequent election as president of the Commission in no way affected this arrangement. Roosevelt liked both of them, as he did everyone at first, then lost patience with them, as he did with most people sooner or later. Lyman turned out to be "the most intolerably slow of all men who ever adored red tape,"19 while Thompson was "a nice old boy," but not much else. while Thompson was "a nice old boy," but not much else.20 However Roosevelt managed to keep these opinions private, and the professional harmony among the three was such that some members of Harrison's Cabinet began to worry about it. The last thing they needed, as they began to hand out appointments for services rendered, was an active Civil Service Commission. However Roosevelt managed to keep these opinions private, and the professional harmony among the three was such that some members of Harrison's Cabinet began to worry about it. The last thing they needed, as they began to hand out appointments for services rendered, was an active Civil Service Commission.

IT IS DIFFICULT for Americans living in the first quarter of the twenty-first century to understand the emotions which Civil Service Reform aroused in the last quarter of the nineteenth. The movement's literature has about it all the faded ludicrousness of Moral Rearmament. How could intellectuals, politicians, socialites, churchmen, and editors campaign so fervently on behalf of customs clerks, Indian school superintendents, and Fourth-Class postmasters? How could they wax so lyrical about quotas, certifications, political assessments, and lists of eligibles? How, indeed, could one reformer entitle his memoirs for Americans living in the first quarter of the twenty-first century to understand the emotions which Civil Service Reform aroused in the last quarter of the nineteenth. The movement's literature has about it all the faded ludicrousness of Moral Rearmament. How could intellectuals, politicians, socialites, churchmen, and editors campaign so fervently on behalf of customs clerks, Indian school superintendents, and Fourth-Class postmasters? How could they wax so lyrical about quotas, certifications, political assessments, and lists of eligibles? How, indeed, could one reformer entitle his memoirs The Romance of the Merit System The Romance of the Merit System?21 The fact remains that thousands, even millions, lined up behind the banner, and they were as evangelical (and as strenuously resisted) as any crusaders in history. To them Civil Service Reform was "a dream at first, and then a passionate cause which the ethical would not let sleep."22 Men and women of the highest quality devoted whole careers to it, and died triumphant in the knowledge that, due to their personal efforts, the classified departmental service had been extended by so many dozen places in Buffalo, or that algebraic equations had been deleted from the examination papers of cattle inspectors in Arizona. Men and women of the highest quality devoted whole careers to it, and died triumphant in the knowledge that, due to their personal efforts, the classified departmental service had been extended by so many dozen places in Buffalo, or that algebraic equations had been deleted from the examination papers of cattle inspectors in Arizona.

For all its dated aspects, Civil Service Reform was an honorable cause, and of real social consequence. It sought to restore to government three fundamental principles of American democracy: first, that opportunity be made equal to all citizens; second, that the meritorious only be appointed; third, that no public servants should suffer for their political beliefs. The movement's power base-admittedly a rickety one-was the Pendleton Act of 1883, which guaranteed that at least a quarter of all federal jobs were available to the best qualified applicant, irrespective of party, and that those jobs would remain secure, irrespective of changes in Administration.23 Few converts believed in the above principles more sincerely than Theodore Roosevelt. He had become fascinated with Civil Service Reform shortly after leaving college, and, as an Assemblyman, had helped bring about the first state Civil Service law in the country, closely based on the Pendleton Act. He had joined Civil Service Reform clubs, subscribed to Civil Service Reform journals, and preached the doctrine of Civil Service Reform to numerous audiences. His acceptance of the Commissionership, therefore, seemed natural and inevitable to his colleagues in the movement, although many believed he had sacrificed his political future by doing so.24 There would be times, during the next six years, when he was tempted to agree with them. There would be times, during the next six years, when he was tempted to agree with them.

ON THE MORNING after taking his oath of office, Roosevelt went to pay his respects to the President. He was prepared not to like him, for the little general was famously repellent in manner. With his fat cheeks, weak stoop, and small, suspicious eyes, Benjamin Harrison reminded one visitor of "a pig blinking in a cold wind." after taking his oath of office, Roosevelt went to pay his respects to the President. He was prepared not to like him, for the little general was famously repellent in manner. With his fat cheeks, weak stoop, and small, suspicious eyes, Benjamin Harrison reminded one visitor of "a pig blinking in a cold wind."25 It was hard to believe that this sour, silent Hoosier possessed the finest legal mind in the history of the White House, or that he was capable of reducing large audiences to tears with the beauty of his oratory. It was hard to believe that this sour, silent Hoosier possessed the finest legal mind in the history of the White House, or that he was capable of reducing large audiences to tears with the beauty of his oratory.26 It was even harder to believe the old friend who assured the press, "When he's on a fishing trip, Ben takes his drink of whiskey in the morning, just like anyone else...spits on his worm for luck, and cusses when the fish get away." It was even harder to believe the old friend who assured the press, "When he's on a fishing trip, Ben takes his drink of whiskey in the morning, just like anyone else...spits on his worm for luck, and cusses when the fish get away."27 But during Roosevelt's visit, Harrison made a less dyspeptic impression than usual. He had just returned from a cruise down the Potomac, and looked ruddy and clear-eyed.28 The President must have given his new Commissioner assurances of support, for Roosevelt was ebullient when he burst out of the Executive Office. He nearly collided with the only other member of the Administration whose personal impetus matched his own: big, bustling, baby-faced John Wanamaker, the Philadelphia retail millionaire and new Postmaster General. Roosevelt recognized him, and the two men exchanged hearty greetings. The President must have given his new Commissioner assurances of support, for Roosevelt was ebullient when he burst out of the Executive Office. He nearly collided with the only other member of the Administration whose personal impetus matched his own: big, bustling, baby-faced John Wanamaker, the Philadelphia retail millionaire and new Postmaster General. Roosevelt recognized him, and the two men exchanged hearty greetings.

Other Cabinet officers were arriving to meet with the President, and Wanamaker introduced Roosevelt all around. There were jokes about the young man's presumed authority over federal jobs. "You haven't any power over my place, anyway," said the Secretary of the Navy, in mock relief. "If I had to pass a civil-service examination for mine," Roosevelt answered, "I would never have been appointed." "I'm glad you realize that," growled the Secretary of Agriculture.29 Laughing loudly, the Cabinet filed into Harrison's office, leaving Roosevelt alone with his thoughts. He was aware (as was an unobtrusive reporter) that much cold hostility lurked behind the warm handshakes he had received. John Wanamaker, undoubtedly, would be his major opponent in the fight to enforce Civil Service rules. Wanamaker was a man of charm, pious habits, and magnificent administrative ability; he was also a Republican of the old school, and a staunch defender of the spoils system.30 The President had rewarded him for his lavish campaign contributions, and Wanamaker believed that all loyal Republicans, great or humble, who had given time and money to the party were entitled to similar recognition. As such he had emerged as the leading "spoilsman" in the Cabinet and a benign foe of all "Snivel Service Reformers." The President had rewarded him for his lavish campaign contributions, and Wanamaker believed that all loyal Republicans, great or humble, who had given time and money to the party were entitled to similar recognition. As such he had emerged as the leading "spoilsman" in the Cabinet and a benign foe of all "Snivel Service Reformers."

Roosevelt was already too late to prevent the wholesale looting of Postal Service jobs which had taken place in the first six weeks of the new Republican Administration. (Some said that Harrison had purposely delayed his appointment to allow the Postmaster General a free hand.) The scramble for office was, according to one horrified reformer, "universal and almost unbelievable."31 Wanamaker's assistant, James S. Clarkson, had been replacing Democratic Fourth-Class postmasters at the rate of one every five minutes. Thousands of newspaper editors who had supported Harrison were put on the government payroll. Even ex-jailbirds whose services had been of the "dirty tricks" variety were rewarded with minor positions. Other Cabinet officers, caught up in the fever, also dispensed largesse. Attorney General William H. Miller was reported to have announced that any aspirant to a federal job must be "first a good man, second a good Republican." Wanamaker's assistant, James S. Clarkson, had been replacing Democratic Fourth-Class postmasters at the rate of one every five minutes. Thousands of newspaper editors who had supported Harrison were put on the government payroll. Even ex-jailbirds whose services had been of the "dirty tricks" variety were rewarded with minor positions. Other Cabinet officers, caught up in the fever, also dispensed largesse. Attorney General William H. Miller was reported to have announced that any aspirant to a federal job must be "first a good man, second a good Republican."32 An extension of the Civil Service Law on 1 May-ordered by Cleveland and executed by Harrison-had slowed the pace of looting, but only in the classified quarter of the service. Over the other three-quarters, comprising some 112,000 jobs, Roosevelt had no power whatsoever. His Commission's mandate extended to a mere 28,000 subordinate positions in the departmental, customs, postal, railway mail, and Indian services.33 Its powers, moreover, were slight. A Commissioner might personally investigate cases of examination fraud in Kansas, or political blackmail in Maine (providing he could find enough money in the budget to get there), but even if the evidence uncovered was flagrant, he could do little more than recommend prosecution to the Cabinet officer responsible. And if that officer were a Wanamaker or a Miller, he might as well save his breath. Its powers, moreover, were slight. A Commissioner might personally investigate cases of examination fraud in Kansas, or political blackmail in Maine (providing he could find enough money in the budget to get there), but even if the evidence uncovered was flagrant, he could do little more than recommend prosecution to the Cabinet officer responsible. And if that officer were a Wanamaker or a Miller, he might as well save his breath.

Such, at least, had been the attitude of Roosevelt's eight predecessors, who had all been sedentary bureaucrats, content to supervise the marking of countless examination papers. The Civil Service Commission was a pleasant place to drowse, with its large, quiet offices and views of lawns and trees; there was an excellent fried-oyster restaurant across Louisiana Avenue; and if one did not offend any political bigwigs, one was invited to some decent receptions.34 Roosevelt would have none of this laissez-faire policy. From the moment he returned from the White House on 14 May, he became a blur of high-speed activity. He mastered the Commission's complex operations within days, throwing off a wealth of new ideas, devouring documents at the rate of a page a glance, dictating hundreds of letters with such hissing emphasis that the stenographer did not need to ask for punctuation marks. Staff and visitors alike were dazed by his energy, exuberance, and ruthless outmaneuvering. "He is a wonderful man," said one caller. "When I went to see him, he got up, shook hands with me, and said, 'So glad to see you. Delighted. Good day, sir, good day.' Then he ushered me to the door. I wonder what I wanted to see him about."35 The new Commissioner was not interested in audiences of one. Experience had taught him that he had in abundance the power of mass publicity,36 that it could be as effective, if not more so, than regular political clout. He intended so to dramatize the good gray cause of Civil Service Reform that the electorate would be forced to take notice of it-and if of himself as well, why, so much the better. that it could be as effective, if not more so, than regular political clout. He intended so to dramatize the good gray cause of Civil Service Reform that the electorate would be forced to take notice of it-and if of himself as well, why, so much the better.

As a preliminary attention-getting exercise, Roosevelt went on 20 May to New York, where the press knew him, to check some recent examinations in the Custom House. He found that various questions had been leaked to favored candidates, at $50 a head, and issued a fiery report accusing the local examinations board of "great laxity and negligence," "positive fraud," and mismanagement for "personal, political, or pecuniary" reasons. The report called for the dismissal of three officials and the criminal prosecution of at least one of them. "This report astonished the spoilsmen," wrote one prominent reformer. "It was the first emphatic notice that the Civil Service Act was a real law and was to be enforced."37 Roosevelt returned to the capital and pondered his next move. The Eastern press was watching him now; it was time to get Western newspapers to do the same. On 17 June, therefore, he set off on an investigatory tour of some Great Lakes post offices with Commissioners Lyman and Thompson. Their first scheduled stop, he innocently announced, would be Indianapolis, where there were rumors of incompetence and partisanship involving the local postmaster, William Wallace. It did not take reporters long to realize that Wallace was the close personal friend, and Indianapolis the home city, of the President of the United States.38

LUCIUS B BURRIE S SWIFT, Indianapolis editor of the Civil Service Chronicle Civil Service Chronicle, was walking downtown on the morning of 18 June when "I saw Theodore Roosevelt coming towards me, his smile of recognition visible half a block away."39 The two men knew each other well: it had been Swift who originally asked the Civil Service Commission to investigate Postmaster Wallace. While Roosevelt completed his postbreakfast "constitutional," Swift went over the main facts of the case again. Three venal ex-employees of the Post Office, fired some years before by Wallace's Democratic predecessor, had been given their jobs back simply because they were Republicans. One was rumored to be the operator of an illegal gambling den-clearly not the sort of civil servant the Commission should favor. The two men knew each other well: it had been Swift who originally asked the Civil Service Commission to investigate Postmaster Wallace. While Roosevelt completed his postbreakfast "constitutional," Swift went over the main facts of the case again. Three venal ex-employees of the Post Office, fired some years before by Wallace's Democratic predecessor, had been given their jobs back simply because they were Republicans. One was rumored to be the operator of an illegal gambling den-clearly not the sort of civil servant the Commission should favor.40 The investigation, held that afternoon in the Indianapolis Post Office, confirmed the truth of Swift's allegations. "These men must be removed today," Roosevelt exclaimed. Wallace strenuously objected, but Commissioners Lyman and Thompson backed their young colleague up. The postmaster had no choice but to capitulate. He agreed to dismiss the offending employees, and promised that in future he would scrupulously observe the Civil Service law.41 Later, when Roosevelt was celebrating at Swift's house, Wallace visited Lyman and Thompson at their hotel. He asked if he might produce "new evidence" exonerating himself before they wrote their final report. The Commissioners agreed, much to Roosevelt's irritation, for he considered Wallace "a well-meaning, weak old fellow," and suspected that he was merely stalling.42 The evidence, in any case, proved to be worthless. Postmaster Wallace's humiliation was duly headlined in the Indianapolis and Washington newspapers. "We stirred things up well," Roosevelt boasted to Lodge. As for President Harrison, "we have administered a galvanic shock that will reinforce his virtue for the future." The evidence, in any case, proved to be worthless. Postmaster Wallace's humiliation was duly headlined in the Indianapolis and Washington newspapers. "We stirred things up well," Roosevelt boasted to Lodge. As for President Harrison, "we have administered a galvanic shock that will reinforce his virtue for the future."43 Whether Harrison would relish this shock remained to be seen. Whether Harrison would relish this shock remained to be seen.

TWO DAYS LATER the Commissioners were in Milwaukee, where the evidence of Post Office corruption was so overwhelming as to make Indianapolis seem trivial. Roosevelt got off the train convinced, on the basis of advance information, that Postmaster George H. Paul was "guilty beyond all reasonable doubt," the Commissioners were in Milwaukee, where the evidence of Post Office corruption was so overwhelming as to make Indianapolis seem trivial. Roosevelt got off the train convinced, on the basis of advance information, that Postmaster George H. Paul was "guilty beyond all reasonable doubt,"44 and as soon as he laid eyes on the man his suspicions were confirmed. "About as thorough-paced a scoundrel as I ever saw," Roosevelt declared. "An oily-Gammon, churchgoing specimen." and as soon as he laid eyes on the man his suspicions were confirmed. "About as thorough-paced a scoundrel as I ever saw," Roosevelt declared. "An oily-Gammon, churchgoing specimen."45 The principal testimony against Paul was supplied that afternoon by Hamilton Shidy, a Post Office superintendent and secretary of the Milwaukee Civil Service Board. Before taking the stand, Shidy said he was a poor man, entirely dependent on his job for support. He asked for a promise of protection, which Roosevelt promptly-and rashly-gave.46 Shidy then went on to describe how Paul had for years "appointed whomsoever he chose" to lucrative Post Office positions. After every such appointment, Shidy was told to "torture" the lists of eligibles so as to make it seem that Paul's men had won their jobs in open examination. On one occasion the postmaster had actually stood looking over his shoulder while Shidy re-marked an examination paper downward. To substantiate his charges, Shidy handed over a sheaf of illegal orders in Paul's own handwriting. Shidy then went on to describe how Paul had for years "appointed whomsoever he chose" to lucrative Post Office positions. After every such appointment, Shidy was told to "torture" the lists of eligibles so as to make it seem that Paul's men had won their jobs in open examination. On one occasion the postmaster had actually stood looking over his shoulder while Shidy re-marked an examination paper downward. To substantiate his charges, Shidy handed over a sheaf of illegal orders in Paul's own handwriting.47 Next morning Roosevelt confronted the fat little postmaster with Shidy's evidence. "Mr. Paul, these are very grave charges, and we should like to hear any explanation you have to make." As he handed them over, item by item, Paul (examining each one disdainfully through his glasses, at arm's length) protested he did not know, or could not remember. "Shidy was the man who was doing all that-you will have to see Shidy." "We are not talking of Shidy," said Roosevelt, "but of what you you did. Why did you make this appointment? Why did you make that appointment?" "You must ask Shidy," was the nonchalant reply. did. Why did you make this appointment? Why did you make that appointment?" "You must ask Shidy," was the nonchalant reply.48 The Commissioners did not bother to question Paul at length, for they had more than enough hard evidence to prove his guilt. It would give President Harrison no alternative but to fire him upon their recommendation. A dramatic, high-level dismissal, followed if possible by criminal prosecution, was just the sort of publicity coup Roosevelt wanted in the Midwest. But then Paul blandly announced that his letter of appointment, signed by President Cleveland four years before, had expired. "My term is out. I am simply waiting for my successor to qualify."49 At this there was nothing for the Commissioners to do but leave town on the next train. On the way back to Washington they drafted an impotent report. Not until after they had returned, and sent it in, did they discover that Postmaster Paul was a liar. His term of office still had several months to run. A supplemental report was accordingly rushed to the White House-and to the Associated Press.50 Although the document bore three signatures, its language was unmistakably Rooseveltian. Although the document bore three signatures, its language was unmistakably Rooseveltian.

For Mr. Paul to plead innocent is equivalent to his pleading imbecility...Mr. Paul alone benefitted from the crookedness of the certifications, for he alone had the appointing power...He has grossly and habitually violated the law, and has done it in a peculiarly revolting and underhanded manner. His conduct merits the severest punishment...and we recommend his immediate removal.51

"I HAVE MADE HAVE MADE this Commission a living force," Roosevelt rejoiced on 23 June. this Commission a living force," Roosevelt rejoiced on 23 June.52 He was in tremendous spirits, as always after battling the ungodly. There was, as yet, no official reaction to his "slam among the post offices." Some rumblings of displeasure over the Indianapolis affair had been heard down Pennsylvania Avenue, but he doubted the President was really upset. "It is to Harrison's credit, all we are doing in enforcing the law. I am part of the Administration; if I do good work it redounds to the credit of the Administration." He was in tremendous spirits, as always after battling the ungodly. There was, as yet, no official reaction to his "slam among the post offices." Some rumblings of displeasure over the Indianapolis affair had been heard down Pennsylvania Avenue, but he doubted the President was really upset. "It is to Harrison's credit, all we are doing in enforcing the law. I am part of the Administration; if I do good work it redounds to the credit of the Administration."53 This cheerful optimism was not shared by his Republican friends, nor by Postmaster General Wanamaker, who was reported "enraged" by the press coverage enjoyed by Roosevelt on tour.54 To investigate discreetly was one thing; to cross-examine senior Post Office executives in public, and express his contempt for them afterward, at dictating speed, was another. Even the loyal Cabot Lodge warned him to keep out of the headlines until he was more settled in his job. "I cry To investigate discreetly was one thing; to cross-examine senior Post Office executives in public, and express his contempt for them afterward, at dictating speed, was another. Even the loyal Cabot Lodge warned him to keep out of the headlines until he was more settled in his job. "I cry peccavi," peccavi," Roosevelt replied, "and will assume a statesmanlike reserve of manner whenever reporters come near me." Roosevelt replied, "and will assume a statesmanlike reserve of manner whenever reporters come near me."55 Reserved or not, he could not quell his bubbling good humor. Things were going particularly well for that other Roosevelt, the man of letters. Volumes One and Two of The Winning of the West The Winning of the West had been published during his absence, to panegyrical newspaper reviews. "No book published for many years," remarked the had been published during his absence, to panegyrical newspaper reviews. "No book published for many years," remarked the Tribune Tribune, "has shown a closer grasp of its subject, a more thorough fitness in the writer, or more honest and careful methods of treatment. Nor must the literary ability and skill displayed throughout be overlooked. Many episodes...are written with remarkable dramatic and narrative power. The Winning of the West The Winning of the West is, in short, an admirable and deeply interesting book, and will take its place with the most valuable and indispensable works in the library of American history." is, in short, an admirable and deeply interesting book, and will take its place with the most valuable and indispensable works in the library of American history."56 He would have to wait for several months for more learned opinions, but in the meantime he could cherish a complimentary letter from the great Parkman himself. "I am much pleased you like the book," Roosevelt wrote in acknowledgment. "I have always intended to devote myself to essentially American work; and literature must be my mistress perforce, for although I enjoy politics I appreciate perfectly the exceedingly short nature of my tenure."57 If John Wanamaker had had his way, Roosevelt's tenure would have been the shortest in the history of the Civil Service Commission. The Postmaster General was reluctant-and the President even more so-to fire Postmaster Paul for abuse of the merit system, even though that individual was a Democratic holdover. The precedent thus established would mean that Roosevelt, in future, could demand the dismissal of Republican postmasters for the same reason. In any case, Wanamaker did not like being told what to do in his own department by a junior member of the Administration. His chance for revenge came at the beginning of July, when Roosevelt came to him in great agitation to report that Paul had dismissed Hamilton Shidy for treachery and insubordination. Wanamaker curtly refused to intervene.58 This placed Roosevelt in a highly embarrassing position. As Shidy's promised protector, he was in honor bound to find him another federal job. But as Civil Service Commissioner, he was in honor bound to enforce the law. How could he give patronage to a confessed falsifier of government records? How could he, in all conscience, not do so? Wanamaker, of course, understood his dilemma, and knew that the best way out was for him to resign. "That hypocritical haberdasher!" Roosevelt exploded. "He is an ill-constitutioned creature, oily, with bristles sticking up through the oil."59 On 10 July a telegram summoned the three Commissioners to the White House. Roosevelt may have wondered if he was about to go the same way as Shidy, but he was pleasantly surprised by Harrison's attitude. "The old boy is with us," he told Lodge. "The Indianapolis business gave him an awful wrench, but he has swallowed the medicine, and in his talk with us today did not express the least dissatisfaction with any of our deeds or utterances."60 Fortified by these signs of Presidential approval, Roosevelt was able to persuade the Superintendent of the Census to find a place for Hamilton Shidy in his bureau.61 Wanamaker philosophically agreed to the transfer, and Roosevelt, feeling that he had settled a gentlemanly debt, doubtless thought no more about it. Wanamaker philosophically agreed to the transfer, and Roosevelt, feeling that he had settled a gentlemanly debt, doubtless thought no more about it.

DAILY THE SUN GREW hotter, softening the asphalt in the streets and glaring on marble and whitewash. Slum dwellers began to sweep out their shanties, filling the air with acrid dust. Pleasure-boats on the Potomac hoarsely encouraged office-workers to play hooky. Every evening millions of mosquitoes left the marshes south of the White House and fanned out in search of human blood. As August approached, the city's population decreased by almost one-third, and the tempo of government business slowed almost to a standstill. hotter, softening the asphalt in the streets and glaring on marble and whitewash. Slum dwellers began to sweep out their shanties, filling the air with acrid dust. Pleasure-boats on the Potomac hoarsely encouraged office-workers to play hooky. Every evening millions of mosquitoes left the marshes south of the White House and fanned out in search of human blood. As August approached, the city's population decreased by almost one-third, and the tempo of government business slowed almost to a standstill.62 Roosevelt was unable to prevent the Civil Service Commission from lapsing into what he called "innocuous desuetude." The evidence is he did not try very hard, for his own duties were light. "It is pretty dreary to sizzle here, day after day, doing routine work that the good Lyman is quite competent to attend to himself." He tried to begin his history of New York, but found he could not write. He spent $1.50 on a new volume of Swinburne, read a few voluptuous lines, then threw it away in disgust. "My life," he mourned, "seems to grow more and more sedentary, and I am rapidly sinking into fat and lazy middle age."63 Clearly he was in need of his annual vacation in the West. If President Harrison would only hurry up and announce the dismissal of Postmaster Paul, he could take the next train out of town "with a light heart and a clear conscience."64 But the White House preserved an enigmatic silence. Then, as Roosevelt chafed at his desk, a thunderbolt struck him. But the White House preserved an enigmatic silence. Then, as Roosevelt chafed at his desk, a thunderbolt struck him.

FRANK H HATTON, editor of the Washington Post Washington Post, was an exPostmaster General and an enemy of Civil Service Reform.65 He was also a shrewd promoter who knew the value of a running fight in boosting circulation. On 28 July he suddenly decided to launch an attack on Roosevelt. His lead editorial derided the Commissioner as "this young 'banged' (and still to be banged more) disciple of counterfeit reform." He accused Roosevelt of personally condoning many violations of the Civil Service Law, and of misappropriating-or misspending-large sums of federal money. Without being specific as to any recent crimes, Hatton said that "the Fifth Avenue sport" had bribed his way into the New York mayoralty campaign, and made "disreputable" deals with machine politicians. He was also a shrewd promoter who knew the value of a running fight in boosting circulation. On 28 July he suddenly decided to launch an attack on Roosevelt. His lead editorial derided the Commissioner as "this young 'banged' (and still to be banged more) disciple of counterfeit reform." He accused Roosevelt of personally condoning many violations of the Civil Service Law, and of misappropriating-or misspending-large sums of federal money. Without being specific as to any recent crimes, Hatton said that "the Fifth Avenue sport" had bribed his way into the New York mayoralty campaign, and made "disreputable" deals with machine politicians.66 Nostrils dilated, Roosevelt rushed to the podium to deny these "falsehoods." He was tempted, he said, to use "a still stronger and shorter word."67 Hatton's reply, published the following day, shrewdly played upon that temptation. Hatton's reply, published the following day, shrewdly played upon that temptation.

THE POST regrets that this spangled and glittering reformer, if he is bound to get mad, should not do so in more classic style. You are not a ranchman now, Mr. Theodore Roosevelt...Banish your cowboy manners until the end of your trip, which the evening papers announce you are to take in a few days. And, by the way...have you made the proper application for a leave of absence, or have you ordered yourself West, that you may have the Government pay your 'legitimate' travelling expenses?THE POST had an idea that it would bring to the raw the surface of the callow Roosevelt...For you to say that the [Civil Service] law has not been violated is to advertise yourself as a classical ignoramus, and the sooner you hie yourself West to your reservation, where you can rest your overworked brain, the more considerate you will be to yourself.Now, Mr. Commissioner Roosevelt, you can mount your broncho and be off. Personally, THE POST wishes you well. It enjoys you.

On the same day this editorial appeared, Roosevelt bumped into President Harrison, who had doubtless read it with amusement over breakfast. Psychologically the moment was unsuitable for a speech in Western dialect, but Roosevelt, hoping he could persuade Harrison not to take Wanamaker's side in the Paul case, made one anyhow. He quoted the prayer of a backwoodsman battling a grizzly: "Oh Lord, help me kill that b'ar, and if you don't help me, oh Lord, don't help the b'ar."68 But Harrison reserved the Almighty's right of no reply, and walked on, leaving Roosevelt no wiser than before. But Harrison reserved the Almighty's right of no reply, and walked on, leaving Roosevelt no wiser than before.

July ended, and August began, with the offending postmaster still in office. Roosevelt vented his frustration in an interview with the New York Sun New York Sun, accusing "a certain Cabinet officer" of working against the cause of Civil Service Reform.69 Hatton reprinted his words in the Hatton reprinted his words in the Post Post, and commented that if this charge by "the High, Joint, Silver-Plated Reform Commissioner" was true, it reflected upon the entire Cabinet, and upon President Harrison himself. "It is all very well for this powdered and perfumed dude to be interviewed every day, but what the public would like to know is whom he meant, what Cabinet officer he referred to, when he said that the Civil Service law was being evaded...This is a very serious charge for you, Mr. Commissioner Roosevelt, to make against the Administration."70 Hatton sent a squad of reporters to ask all the Cabinet members whom they thought Roosevelt was accusing. "I would have to be a mind-reader to guess," said John Wanamaker smoothly.71 On 5 August Roosevelt was summoned to the White House and told that God had decided in favor of the grizzly. Rather than dismiss Postmaster Paul outright, Harrison had merely accepted a letter of resignation. "It was a golden chance to take a good stand; and it had been lost," Roosevelt wrote bitterly.72 That night he headed West to clear his mind and recondition his body. With unconscious symbolism, he proclaimed himself "especially hot for bear."73

JUST AS THE SUN sank behind the Rockies, and dusk crept down into the Montana foothills, he came across a brook in a clearing carpeted with moss and sank behind the Rockies, and dusk crept down into the Montana foothills, he came across a brook in a clearing carpeted with moss and kinni-kinic kinni-kinic berries. berries.74 He spread his buffalo-bag across a bed of pine needles, dragged up a few dry logs, and then strolled off, rifle on shoulder, to see if he could pick up a grouse for supper. He spread his buffalo-bag across a bed of pine needles, dragged up a few dry logs, and then strolled off, rifle on shoulder, to see if he could pick up a grouse for supper.

Walking quickly and silently through the August twilight, he came to the crest of a ridge and peeped over it. There, in the valley below, was his grizzly. It was ambling along with its huge head down-a perfect shot at sixty yards. Roosevelt fired. His bullet entered the flank, ranging forward into the lungs. There was a moaning roar, and the bear galloped heavily into a thicket of laurel. He raced down the hill in pursuit, but the grizzly disappeared before he could cut it off. A peculiar savage whining told him it had not gone far. Unwilling to risk death by following, he began to tiptoe around the thicket, straining for a glimpse of fur through the glossy leaves. Suddenly they parted, and man and bear encountered each other.

He turned his head stiffly toward me; scarlet strings of froth hung from his lips; his eyes burned like embers in the gloom. I held true, aiming behind the shoulder, and my bullet shattered the point or lower end of his heart, taking out a big nick. Instantly the great bear turned with a harsh roar of fury and challenge, blowing the bloody foam from his mouth, so that I saw the gleam of his white fangs; and then he charged straight at me, crashing and bounding through the laurel bushes so that it was hard to aim. I waited till he came to a fallen tree, raking him as he topped it with a ball, which entered his chest and went through the cavity of his body, but he neither swerved nor flinched, and at that moment I did not know that I had struck him. He came steadily on, and in another second was almost upon me. I fired for his forehead, but my bullet went low, entering his open mouth, smashing his lower jaw and going into the neck. I leaped to one side almost as I pulled the trigger; and through the hanging smoke the first thing I saw was his paw as he made a vicious side blow at me. The rush of his charge carried him past. As he struck he lurched forward, leaving a pool of bright blood where his muzzle hit the ground; but he recovered himself and made two or three jumps onward...his muscles seemed suddenly to give way, his head drooped, and he rolled over and over like a shot rabbit.75 Next morning Roosevelt laboriously hacked off the grizzly's head and hide. Somehow, en route back to Oyster Bay, he lost the skull, and had to replace it with a plaster one before proudly laying the pelt at Edith's feet. Of all his encounters with dangerous game, this had been his most nearly fatal; of all his trophies, this-with the possible exception of his Dakota buffalo-was the one he loved best.76

ROOSEVELT FOUND HIMSELF something of a literary celebrity in the fall of 1889. His something of a literary celebrity in the fall of 1889. His Winning of the West Winning of the West was not only a bestseller (the first edition disappeared in little more than a month) was not only a bestseller (the first edition disappeared in little more than a month)77 but a but a succes d'estime succes d'estime on both sides of the Atlantic. In Britain, where it rated full-page notices in such periodicals as the on both sides of the Atlantic. In Britain, where it rated full-page notices in such periodicals as the Spectator Spectator and and Saturday Review Saturday Review, Roosevelt was hailed as a historian of model impartiality; the Athenaeum Athenaeum went as far as to call him George Bancroft's successor. went as far as to call him George Bancroft's successor.78 In America, scholars of the caliber of Fredrick Jackson Turner and William F. Poole praised In America, scholars of the caliber of Fredrick Jackson Turner and William F. Poole praised The Winning of the West The Winning of the West as a work of originality, scope, and power. Turner called it "a wonderful story, most entertainingly told." He commended the author for his "breadth of view, capacity for studying local history in the light of world history, and in knowledge of the critical use of material." as a work of originality, scope, and power. Turner called it "a wonderful story, most entertainingly told." He commended the author for his "breadth of view, capacity for studying local history in the light of world history, and in knowledge of the critical use of material."79 Dr. Poole, representing the older generation of historians, wrote a rather more balanced criticism in Dr. Poole, representing the older generation of historians, wrote a rather more balanced criticism in The Atlantic Monthly: The Atlantic Monthly: The Winning of the West will find many appreciative readers. Mr. Roosevelt's style is natural, simple, and picturesque, without any attempt at fine writing, and he does not hesitate to use Western words which have not yet found a place in the dictionary. He has not taken the old story as he finds it printed in Western books, but has sought for new materials in manuscript collections...Few writers of American history have covered a wider or better field of research, or are more in sympathy with the best modern method of studying history from original sources; and yet...we have a feeling that he might profitably have spent more time in consulting and collating the rich materials to which he had access.... will find many appreciative readers. Mr. Roosevelt's style is natural, simple, and picturesque, without any attempt at fine writing, and he does not hesitate to use Western words which have not yet found a place in the dictionary. He has not taken the old story as he finds it printed in Western books, but has sought for new materials in manuscript collections...Few writers of American history have covered a wider or better field of research, or are more in sympathy with the best modern method of studying history from original sources; and yet...we have a feeling that he might profitably have spent more time in consulting and collating the rich materials to which he had access....It is evident from these volumes that Mr. Roosevelt is a man of ability and of great industry. He has struck out fresh and original thoughts, has opened new lines of investigation, and has written paragraphs, and some chapters, of singular felicity...Mr. Roosevelt, in writing so good a work, has clearly shown that he could make a better one, if he would take more time in doing it.80 But the review which, paradoxically, gave Roosevelt the most satisfaction was a vituperative and error-filled notice in the New York Sun New York Sun. Its pseudonymous author accused him of plagiarism and fraud: Theodore Roosevelt could not have written The Winning of the West The Winning of the West alone. "It would have been simply impossible for him to do what he claims to have done in the time that was at his disposal." Another scholar, at least, must be responsible for the book's voluminous footnotes and appendices. alone. "It would have been simply impossible for him to do what he claims to have done in the time that was at his disposal." Another scholar, at least, must be responsible for the book's voluminous footnotes and appendices.81 Roosevelt had no difficulty in guessing the critic behind the pseudonym: James R. Gilmore, a popular historian whose own works had been rendered obsolete by The Winning of the West. The Winning of the West.82 He sent the He sent the Sun Sun a long and humiliating rebuttal, identifying Gilmore by name and demolishing his charges, one by one, with ease. In conclusion he offered a thousand dollars to anybody who could prove he had a collaborator. "The original manuscript is still in the hands of the publishers, the Messrs Putnams, 27 West 23rd Street, New York; a glance at it will be sufficient to show that from the first chapter to the last the text and notes are by the same hand and written at the same time." a long and humiliating rebuttal, identifying Gilmore by name and demolishing his charges, one by one, with ease. In conclusion he offered a thousand dollars to anybody who could prove he had a collaborator. "The original manuscript is still in the hands of the publishers, the Messrs Putnams, 27 West 23rd Street, New York; a glance at it will be sufficient to show that from the first chapter to the last the text and notes are by the same hand and written at the same time."83 Gilmore was forced to issue an answer over his own signature.84 Unable to substantiate any of his charges, or refute any of Roosevelt's answers, he desperately accused the latter of pirating certain "facts" hitherto published only by himself. Roosevelt annihilated him in a letter too long and too scholarly to quote here-unfortunately, for it is a classic example of that perilous literary genre, the Author's Reply. He begged Mr. Gilmore to identify the "facts," if any, that he had unwittingly plagiarized from him, for he did not wish Unable to substantiate any of his charges, or refute any of Roosevelt's answers, he desperately accused the latter of pirating certain "facts" hitherto published only by himself. Roosevelt annihilated him in a letter too long and too scholarly to quote here-unfortunately, for it is a classic example of that perilous literary genre, the Author's Reply. He begged Mr. Gilmore to identify the "facts," if any, that he had unwittingly plagiarized from him, for he did not wish The Winning of the West The Winning of the West to contain any fiction. In passing he noted that the critic had not taken up his challenge to examine the manuscript. "It makes one almost ashamed to be in a controversy with him. There is a half-pleasurable excitement in facing an equal foe; but there is none whatever in trampling on a weakling." to contain any fiction. In passing he noted that the critic had not taken up his challenge to examine the manuscript. "It makes one almost ashamed to be in a controversy with him. There is a half-pleasurable excitement in facing an equal foe; but there is none whatever in trampling on a weakling."85

ROOSEVELT HAD NO SOONER blotted the last line of this letter, in his Washington office on 10 October, than a telegram from Oyster Bay announced the premature birth of his second son, Kermit. blotted the last line of this letter, in his Washington office on 10 October, than a telegram from Oyster Bay announced the premature birth of his second son, Kermit.86 He left at once for Sagamore Hill, chartering a special train in order to be at Edith's bedside that night. For the next two weeks he stayed home while she "convalesced," reading to her and trying to conceal his renewed worries about money. He left at once for Sagamore Hill, chartering a special train in order to be at Edith's bedside that night. For the next two weeks he stayed home while she "convalesced," reading to her and trying to conceal his renewed worries about money.87 The time for their general move to Washington was approaching; how he would finance it he simply did not know. The time for their general move to Washington was approaching; how he would finance it he simply did not know.

What was worse, for the first time he felt really insecure in his job. A "scream for his removal"88 was gathering in the capital. Inevitably, word had gotten out that he had found a favored place for Hamilton Shidy, the Milwaukee informer. Frank Hatton of the was gathering in the capital. Inevitably, word had gotten out that he had found a favored place for Hamilton Shidy, the Milwaukee informer. Frank Hatton of the Post Post was going to demand a House investigation; the majority of spoilsmen would undoubtedly agree; it was not farfetched to imagine himself being humiliated in a Congressional witness-box just when his wife arrived in town and began to receive Washington society. was going to demand a House investigation; the majority of spoilsmen would undoubtedly agree; it was not farfetched to imagine himself being humiliated in a Congressional witness-box just when his wife arrived in town and began to receive Washington society.