The Reign of Henry the Eighth - Part 34
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Part 34

[377] Chose beaucoup plus impossible que possible.

[378] LORD HERBERT, p. 160. RYMER, vol. vi. part ii. p. 171.

[379] Francis seems to have desired that the intention of the interview should be kept secret. Henry found this impossible. "Monseigneur," wrote the Bishop of Paris to the Grand Master, "quant a tenir la chose secrette comme vous le demandez, il est mal aise; combien que ce Roy fust bien de cest advis, sinon qu'il le treuve impossible; car a cause de ces provisions et choses, qu'il fault faire en ce Royaulme, incontinent sera sceu a Londres, et de la par tout le monde. Pourquoy ne faictes vostre compte qu'on le puisse tenir secret.

"Monseigneur, je scay veritablement et de bon lieu que le plus grant plaisir que le Roy pourroit faire au Roy son frere et a Madame Anne, c'est que le dit seigneur m'escripre que je requiere le Roy son dit frere qu'il veuille mener la dicte Dame Anne avec luy a Callais pour la veoir et pour la festoyer, afin qu'ils ne demeurrent ensembles sans compagnie de dames, pour ce que les bonnes cheres en sont tous jours meilleures: mais il fauldroit que en pareil le Roy menast la Royne de Navarre a Boulogne, pour festoyer le Roy d'Angleterre.

"Quant a la Royne pour rien ce Roy ne vouldroit qu'elle vint: Il hait cest habillement a l'Espagnolle, tant qu'il luy semble veoir un diable. Il desireroit qu'il pleust au Roy mener a Boulogne, messeigneurs ses enfans pour les veoir.

"Surtout je vous prie que vous ostez de la court deux sortes de gens, ceulx qui sont imperiaulx, s'aucuns en y a, et ceux qui ont la reputation d'estre mocqueurs et gaudisseurs, car c'est bien la chose en ce monde autant haie de ceste nation."--Bishop of Paris to the Grand Master: LEGRAND, vol. iii.

pp. 555, 556.

[380] Sir Gregory Ca.s.salis to Henry VIII.: BURNET'S _Collectanea_, p. 433.

Valde existimabam necessarium c.u.m hoc Principe (_i.e._, Francis) agere ut duobus Cardinalibus daret in mandatis ut ante omnes Cardinalis de Monte meminissent, eique pensionem annuam saltem trium millium aureorum ex quadraginta millibus quae mihi dixerat velle in Cardinales distribuere, a.s.signaret. Et Rex quidem haec etiam scribi ad duos Cardinales jussit secretario Vitandri. Quic.u.m ego postmodo super iis pensionibus sermonem habui, cognovique sic in animo Regem habere ut duo Cardinales c.u.m Romae fuerint, videant, qui potissimum digni hac Regia sint liberalitate; in eosque quum quid in Regno Galliae ecclesiastic.u.m vacare contigerit ex meritis uniuscujusque pensiones conferantur. Tunc autem nihil in promptu haberi quod Cardinali de Monte dari possit--verum Regio nomine illi de futuro esse promittendum quod mihi certe summopere displicuit; et secretario Vitandri non reticui ostendens pollicitationes hujusmodi centies jam Cardinali de Monte factas fuisse; et modo si iterum fiant nihil effecturas nisi ut illius viri quasi ulcera pertractent; id quod Vitandris verum esse fatebatur pollicitusque est se, quum Rex a venatu rediisset velle ei suadere ut Cardinalem de Monte aliqua presenti pensione prosequatur; qua quidem tibi nihil conducibilius aut opportunius fieri possit.

[381] _State Papers_, vol. iv. p. 612.

[382] Ibid, p. 616.

[383] The _State Papers_ contain a piteous picture of this business, the hereditary feuds of centuries bursting out on the first symptoms of ill-will between the two governments, with fire and devastation.--_State Papers_, vol. iv. p. 620-644.

[384] If the said Earl of Angus do make unto us oath of allegiance, and recognises us as Supreme Lord of Scotland, and as his prince and sovereign, we then, the said earl doing the premises, by these presents bind ourself to pay yearly to the said earl the sum of one thousand pounds sterling.--Henry VIII. to the Earl of Angus: _State Papers_, vol. iv. p.

613.

[385] A letter of Queen Catherine to the Emperor, written on the occasion of this visit, will be read with interest:--

"HIGH AND MIGHTY LORD,--Although your Majesty is occupied with your own affairs and with your preparations against the Turk, I cannot, nevertheless, refrain from troubling you with mine, which perhaps in substance and in the sight of G.o.d are of equal importance. Your Majesty knows well, that G.o.d hears those who do him service, and no greater service can be done than to procure an end in this business. It does not concern only ourselves--it concerns equally all who fear G.o.d. None can measure the woes which will fall on Christendom, if his Holiness will not act in it and act promptly. The signs are all around us in new printed books full of lies and dishonesty--in the resolution to proceed with the cause here in England--in the interview of these two princes, where the king, my lord, is covering himself with infamy through the companion which he takes with him.

The country is full of terror and scandal; and evil may be looked for if nothing be done, and inasmuch as our only hope is in G.o.d's mercy, and in the favour of your Majesty, for the discharge of my conscience, I must let you know the strait in which I am placed.

"I implore your Highness for the service of G.o.d, that you urge his Holiness to be prompt in bringing the cause to a conclusion. The longer the delay the harder the remedy will be.

"The particulars of what is pa.s.sing here are so shocking, so outrageous against Almighty G.o.d, they touch so nearly the honour of my Lord and husband, that for the love I bear him, and for the good that I desire for him, I would not have your Highness know of them from me. Your amba.s.sador will inform you of all."--Queen Catherine to Charles V. September 18.--MS.

Simancas.

The Emperor, who was at Mantua, was disturbed at the meeting at Boulogne, on political grounds as well as personal. On the 24th of October he wrote to his sister, at Brussels.

_Charles the Fifth to the Regent Mary._

Mantua, October 16, 1532.

I found your packets on arriving here, with the amba.s.sadors' letters from France and England. The amba.s.sadors will themselves have informed you of the intended conference of the Kings. The results will make themselves felt ere long. We must be on our guard, and I highly approve of your precautions for the protection of the frontiers.

As to the report that the King of England means to take the opportunity of the meeting to marry Anne Boleyn, I can hardly believe that he will be so blind as to do so, or that the King of France will lend himself to the other's sensuality. At all events, however, I have written to my ministers at Rome, and I have instructed them to lay a complaint before the Pope, that, while the process is yet pending, in contempt of the authority of the Church, the King of England is scandalously bringing over the said Anne with him, as if she were his wife.

His Holiness and the Apostolic See will be the more inclined to do us justice, and to provide as the case shall require.

Should the King indeed venture the marriage--as I cannot think he will--I have desired his Holiness not only not to sanction such conduct openly, but not to pa.s.s it by in silence. I have demanded that severe and fitting sentence be pa.s.sed at once on an act so wicked and so derogatory to the Apostolic See.--_The Pilgrim_, p. 89.

[386] There can be little doubt of this. He was the child of the only intrigue of Henry VIII. of which any credible evidence exists. His mother was Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Blunt, an accomplished and most interesting person; and the offspring of the connection, one boy only, was brought up with the care and the state of a prince. Henry FitzRoy, as he was called, was born in 1519, and when six years old was created Earl of Nottingham and Duke of Richmond and Somerset, the t.i.tle of the king's father.

In 1527, before the commencement of the disturbance on the divorce, Henry endeavoured to negotiate a marriage for him with a princess of the imperial blood; and in the first overtures gave an intimation which could not be mistaken, of his intention, if possible, to place him in the line of the succession. After speaking of the desire which was felt by the King of England for some connection in marriage of the Houses of England and Spain, the amba.s.sadors charged with the negotiation were to say to Charles, that--

"His Highness can be content to bestow the Duke of Richmond and Somerset (who is near of his blood, and of excellent qualities, and is already furnished to keep the state of a great prince, _and yet may be easily by the king's means exalted to higher things_) to some n.o.ble princess of his near blood."--ELLIS, third series, vol. ii. p. 121.

He was a gallant, high-spirited boy. A letter is extant from him to Wolsey, written when he was nine years old, begging the cardinal to intercede with the king, "for an harness to exercise myself in arms according to my erudition in the Commentaries of Caesar."--Ibid. p. 119.

He was brought up with Lord Surrey, who has left a beautiful account of their boyhood at Windsor--their tournaments, their hunts, their young loves, and pa.s.sionate friendship. Richmond married Surrey's sister, but died the year after, when only seventeen; and Surrey revisiting Windsor, recalls his image among the scenes which they had enjoyed together, in the most interesting of all his poems. He speaks of

The secret grove, which oft we made resound Of pleasant plaint and of our ladies' praise; Recording oft what grace each one had found, What hope of speed, what dread of long delays.

The wild forest; the clothed holts with green; With reins availed, and swift y-breathed horse, With cry of hounds, and merry blasts between, Where we did chase the fearful hart of force.

The void walls eke that harboured us each night, Wherewith, alas! reviveth in my breast The sweet accord, such sleeps as yet delight The pleasant dream, the quiet bed of rest; The secret thought imparted with such trust.

The wanton talk, the divers change of play, The friendship sworn, each promise kept so just, Wherewith we past the winter nights away.

[387] Compare LORD HERBERT with A Paper of Instructions to Lord Rochfort on his Mission to Paris: _State Papers_, vol. vii. p. 427, etc.; and A Remonstrance of Francis I. to Henry VIII.: LEGRAND, vol. iii. p. 571, etc.

It would be curious to know whether Francis ever actually wrote to the pope a letter of which Henry sent him a draft. If he did, there are expressions contained in it which amount to a threat of separation. In case the pope was obstinate Francis was to say, "Lors force seroit de pourvoir audict affaire, par autres voyes et facons, qui peut etre, ne vous seroint gueres agreable."--_State Papers_, vol. vii. p. 436.

[388] A nostre derniere entrevue sur la fraternelle et familiere communication que nous eusmes ensemble de noz affaires venant aux nostres, Luy declarasmes comme a tord et injustment nous estions affligez, dilayez, et fort ingratemeut manniez et troublez, en nostre dicte grande et pesante matiere de marriage par la particuliere affection de l'empereur et du pape.

Lesquelz sembloient par leurs longues r.e.t.a.r.dations de nostre dicte matiere ne sercher autre chose, sinon par longue attente et laps de temps, nous frustrer malicieus.e.m.e.nt du propoz, qui plus nous induict a poursuivir et mettre avant la dicte matiere; c'est davoir masculine succession et posterite en laquelle nous etablirons (Dieu voulant) le quiet repoz et tranquillite de notre royaulme et dominion. Son fraternel, plain, et entier advis (et a bref dire le meilleur qui pourroit estre) fut tel; il nous conseilla de ne dilayer ne protractor le temps plus longuement, mais en toute celerite proceder effectuellement a laccomplisment et consummation de nostre marriage.--Henry VIII. to Rochfort: _State Papers_, vol. vii. p.

428-9.

[389] The extent of Francis's engagements, as Henry represents them, was this:--He had promised qu'en icelle nostre dicte cause jamais ne nous abandonneroit quelque chose que sen ensuyst; ainsi de tout son pouvoir l'establiroit, supporteroit, aideroit et maintiendroit notre bon droict, et le droict de la posterite et succession qui sen pourroit ensuyr; et a tous ceulz qui y vouldroyent mettre trouble, empeschement, encombrance, ou y procurer deshonneur, vitupere, ou infraction, il seroit enemy et adversaire de tout son pouvoir, de quelconque estat qu'il soit, fust pape ou empereur,--avecque plusieurs autres consolatives paroles. This he wished Francis to commit to paper. Car autant de fois, que les verrions, he says, qui seroit tous les jours, nous ne pourrions, si non les liscent, imaginer et reduire a notre souvenance la bonne grace facunde et geste, dont il les nous p.r.o.noncait, et estimer estre comme face a face, parlans avecque luy.--_State Papers_, vol. vii. p. 437. Evidently language of so wide a kind might admit of many interpretations.

[390] LEGRAND, vol. iii. p. 571, etc.

[391] Note of the Revelations of Eliz. Barton: _Rolls House MS. Suppression of the Monasteries_, p. 17.

The intention was really perhaps what the nun said. An agent of the government at Brussels, who was watching the conference, reported on the 12th of November:--"The King of England did really cross with the intention of marrying; but, happily for the emperor, the ceremony is postponed. Of other secrets, my informant has learned thus much. They have resolved to demand as the portion of the Queen of France, Artois, Tournay, and part of Burgundy. They have also sent two cardinals to Rome to require the Pope to relinquish the tenths, which they have begun to levy for themselves. If his Holiness refuse, the King of England will simply appropriate them throughout his dominions. Captain ---- heard this from the king's proctor at Rome, who has been with him at Calais, and from an Italian named Jeronymo, whom the Lady Anne has roughly handled for managing her business badly. She trusted that she would have been married in September.

"The proctor told her the Pope delayed sentence for fear of the Emperor.

The two kings, when they heard this, despatched the cardinals to quicken his movements; and the demand for the tenths is thought to have been invented to frighten him.

"They are afraid that the Emperor may force his Holiness into giving sentence before the cardinals arrive. Jeronymo has been therefore sent forward by post to give him notice of their approach, and to require him to make no decision till they have spoken with him."--_The Pilgrim_, p. 89.

[392] 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 12.

[393] Revelations of Eliz. Barton: _Rolls House MS._

[394] _State Papers_, vol. vii. pp. 435, 468.

[395] Letter from ----, containing an account of an interview with his Holiness: _Rolls House MS._

[396] This proposal was originally the king's (see chapter 2), but it had been dropped because one of the conditions of it had been Catherine's "entrance into religion." The pope, however, had not lost sight of the alternative, as one of which, in case of extremity, he might avail himself; and, in 1530, in a short interval of relaxation, he had definitely offered the king a dispensation to have two wives, at the instigation, curiously, of the imperialists. The following letter was written on that occasion to the king by Sir Gregory Ca.s.salis:--

Serenissime et potentissime domine rex, domine mi supreme humillima commendatione premissa, salutem et felicitatem. Superioribus diebus Pontifex secreto, veluti rem quam magni faceret, mihi proposuit conditionem hujusmodi; concedi posse vestrae majestati, ut duas uxores habeat; cui dixi nolle me provinciam suscipere ea de re scribendi, ob eam causam quod ignorarem an inde vestrae conscientiae satisfieri posset quam vestra majestas imprimis exonerare cupit. Cur autem sic responderem, illud in causa fuit, quod ex certo loco, unde quae Caesariani moliantur aucupari soleo exploratum certumque habebam Caesarianos illud ipsum quaerere et procurare. Quem vero ad finem id quaerant pro certo exprimere non ausim. Id certe totum vestrae prudentiae considerandum relinquo. Et quamvis dixerim Pontifici, nihil me de eo scripturum, nolui tamen majestati vestrae hoc reticere; quae sciat omni me industria labora.s.se in iis quae n.o.bis mandat exequendis et c.u.m Anconitano qui me familiariter uti solet, omnia sum conatus. De omnibus autem me ad communes literas rejicio. Optime valeat vestra majestas.--Romae die xviii.

Septembris, 1530.

Clarissimi vestrai Majestatis, Humillimus servus,

GREGORIUS Ca.s.sALIS,