Members of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers present, informed the officers of the American Railway Union that Chief Arthur had issued orders for men to work with scabs, and that he was supplying scabs to take the places of men on strike. In other words, he was running an employment agency for the benefit of the railroads.

The general managers' defeat on the fifth day of the strike was beyond all question of a doubt. They had summoned to their support the federal government with the result previously mentioned, but the government aid was not sufficient to operate their roads. They must have a number of the old men to educate and aid the scabs in the performance of their duties. At this critical time the services of their faithful allies were badly wanted. In this, their time of need they knew that those men who had feted, dined and wined at their expense would prove faithful to them and traitors to the orders they represented.

The d.a.m.nable spirit of treachery that evoked Benedict Arnold to betray his country predominated in the hearts of these double-dyed scoundrels.

They were not only ready and willing but feverishly anxious to a.s.sist the corporations to enslave the men that they were oath-bound as well as duty bound to protect. Grand Chief Arthur, representing the engineers, who had grown old in the service of the corporations, and whose wealth was estimated at half a million dollars, in direct violation of the const.i.tution of his order, ordered his men to work with scab firemen.

Not only this, he ordered all those who were on strike to return at once to their engines and in case of their refusal he would supply men to take their places. This was also true of Grand Chief Sargent of the Firemen and Wilkinson of the Trainmen. Clark of the Conductors, and Barrett of the Switchmen advised their men to return to work as they had no grievance. But only a part of these men would be taken back by the companies, and what under the sun did these chiefs intend to do with the others? Positively nothing. But the result was exactly what they intended it should be, and the men were applying to the companies--in lots of ten and twenty in the different cities--for their positions.

The dark deeds of treachery were now rife in many places especially in the Twin Cities. At this point the blockade, which was on since the strike began, and which was the key to the situation in the Northwest was raised.

The Great Northern was the only line in operation to the coast, and under instructions from J. J. Hill, the president, refused to accept any freight from roads included in the boycott. The men were instructed to decline even to throw a switch or a.s.sist in any manner any road on strike, as the Great Northern company did not wish to be drawn into the difficulty. In fact the men on this line were, almost to a man, members of the American Railway Union, and could not even if asked to do any act that might prove a detriment to their brothers. At this time there happened to be sixty car loads of twine in St. Paul, a greater portion of which was at Minnesota Transfer. This freight was consigned to points on the Great Northern Line and a committee headed by Harry Gray, chairman of the general board of mediation of the American Railway Union on that system, appeared at the rooms of the central strike committee and asked permission to switch out the twine, giving as an excuse that the farmers were in need of it.

This permission the committee was loth to grant as any move toward raising this blockade in the Twin Cities might prove detrimental to their cause, and further action on the matter was deferred until it would be submitted to the different unions interested.

That night at a meeting held at Plummer Post Hall in Minneapolis, the American Railway Union headquarters, a committee of farmers, from the peoples' party convention in session there at that time, were admitted.

When appraised of the nature of the trouble they stated that they had contracts with the twine companies to deliver their twine and on failure to do so the farmers would suffer no loss. They further stated that the farmers would bind their grain by hand before they would ask the men to do anything detrimental to the success of the strike. This settled it as far as the twine was concerned. However, the next day, the officials of the Great Northern took an engine and switched the twine out themselves without any objection being made by the men who stood by while the work was being done.

This was the beginning only.

The next move was a positive a.s.surance of treachery.

The Burlington road had about thirty cars of water pipe for the Great Northern, and this same man Gray again waited on the central committee for permission to move the freight, saying, that he had the a.s.surance of the company that no more concessions would be asked. His request was promptly refused. Later a committee of switchmen called on the central committee for instructions and were told not to move the freight under any conditions.

They left apparently satisfied, but nevertheless the cars were moved; no one seemed to know how but it became apparent to the strikers that a traitor was in their ranks, and took immediate steps to ferret him out, and have the embargo once more placed on business at this point.

Gray of St. Paul, and Foster of St. Cloud, were openly accused of being the traitors to the cause, although others were thought to be implicated. Charges were preferred against Gray in the Union, but nothing ever came of it. Every conceivable means was used to again cause a blockade at this point but to no avail.

The switchmen promised to refuse to handle boycotted freight if the road would support them in case of discharge, which they well knew was inevitable. It would be simply a sacrifice to strike in the yards of St.

Paul and Minneapolis without the support of the whole system, although after a canvas of the road, when it was found that the majority of the men voted against a strike, the switchmen of these cities sent word that they were ready to ask for their time and quit the service of the company if the Union so desired. This proposition the strikers would not accept, not caring to sacrifice a few loyal switchmen whose places could be easily filled if the rest of the employes remained at work.

This result was wired to Chicago, and Director Goodwin was sent out to see what could be done. His efforts were fruitless. The road was again canva.s.sed with the same result, and Goodwin returning to Chicago, Mr.

Burns, another director of the Union, was sent to take his place, but with no better success.

They positively refused to strike. The traitors with the price of their treachery in their pockets had been there first and accomplished their purpose.

The d.a.m.nable traitors responsible for the raising of the blockade were also responsible for the suffering and untold misery of the n.o.ble men whose sympathetic hearts went out to their brothers in Pullman, and who without money were obliged to leave their homes (in many cases only partly paid for) and seek employment elsewhere in order to provide for their families.

The switchmen in the employ of the Milwaukee road at Minneapolis, now--fearing that the treachery of the men on the Great Northern Line would lose the strike in the Northwest--applied for their positions, and all who were wanted were taken back. The men who were employed by the Omaha Railway at East St. Paul, took the same course, but all others declared their intention of standing out until the American Railway Union called off the strike.

Disasters seemed to follow one another in rapid succession at this time.

In many places the weak-kneed men were applying for work and circulating false stories to induce others to do the same. The news went flashing over the wires that Debs, Howard, Rogers and Kelliher were in jail. But this news did not have the depressing effect on the men that was expected, in fact it only caused a feeling of indignation and the strikers were now more determined than ever to stand up for their rights and fight out the battle with renewed energy.

In making this statement I do not refer to the poltroons who were continually raising the cry: We are lost, but I refer to the n.o.ble men who spoke from their manly hearts, and with words of no uncertain sound declared their intention to go down to defeat if need be with those grand, n.o.ble, generous hearted men, who signified their willingness to rot in jail, or even mount the scaffold in defence of the just and righteous cause they had wrapped their lives in.

Could it be charged that they were actuated by selfish motives in the cause in which they had enlisted? No! A thousand times no! If Eugene V.

Debs could be induced to turn his magnificent executive abilities over to the railroads instead of the poor enslaved workingmen, these corporations would place him upon the highest pinnacle of plutocratic fame, and no one can dispute George W. Howard's t.i.tle to being a workingman's friend, for by his actions on more than one occasion he has proven himself to be a friend indeed, and actions speak louder than words.

Yes; the four officers of the American Railway Union were in jail.

United States Attorney Milchrist appeared before Judge Seaman in the United States district court on the morning of July 17, and on behalf of the government filed information presented by George R. Peck, who represented the general managers and receivers of the Santa Fe system.

In response to the prayer of the district attorney, Judge Seaman issued writs of attachment for the appearance of Debs, Howard, Rogers and Kelliher, directing them to be present at the afternoon session of the court and show causes why they should not be punished for contempt in continuing to disregard the injunction of the court. W. W. Erwin, of St.

Paul, W. A. Shoemaker and S. S. Gregory, of Chicago, were retained to defend the men on behalf of the American Railway Union. The voluminous information made up of telegrams, copies of injunctions, etc., was read by Attorney Milchrist, after which the court ruled that two separate attachments be issued and separate records be kept.

Mr. Gregory stated that he failed to see why the government should interfere to protect property rights of railroads, and this called forth a retort from Mr. Walker that Uncle Sam was seeking to protect only the interstate commerce and the mails and not the railroad property.

The information embodied almost everything pertaining to the strike, and over an hour was consumed in its reading. Telegrams sent out to strike leaders by President Debs were submitted but contained no startling facts.

One of these addressed to H. E. Sarion, Garrett, Ind., read as follows: "Have all cla.s.ses of employes withdrawn from service at once." Another to Charles Fink, Oakland, Cal., says: "Commit no violence." Mr. Debs'

communication to the railway managers suggesting a settlement of the strike was incorporated in the information as was also the question of Chicago public health in the matter of removing dead animals from the city. Several newspaper interviews and a copy of the original injunction issued by Judges Wood and Grosscup was also contained therein, and after Peck of the Santa Fe had sought to bolster up the information with an argument, Mr. Gregory urged that the defendants had not been charged with violence, and declared that it was his belief that the testimony should be taken by a master. Mr. Walker opposed this in favor of a hearing in open court and was sustained. This led up to a long legal wrangle partic.i.p.ated in by both sides, and a fiery speech by Mr. Irwin of the defence, in which he denied the jurisdiction of the court, and hinted at monarchy and dictatorial methods. Mr. Walker pressed his motion that the defendants be placed under bonds to appear before the court and Judge Seaman fixed the bail in each case at $3,000. Mr. Debs, declining a score of offers from prominent men to furnish the necessary security, decided to go to jail. In reply to a question Mr. Debs said: "This is the first time in my life that I have been incarcerated in a jail, but with us it is a matter of principle. We have had many offers of bail but have refused them all. The poor striker if arrested would be thrown into jail and we are certainly no better than he, we will eat regularly, prison fare, and expect to be treated as any other prisoners would be."

Their trial was set for the following Monday.

CHAPTER XV.

BLACKLISTING BEGINS.

The strike situation was now in the balance. The managers and their faithful allies the press, had given it out that the strike was off. One fact that could not be denied, was that P. M. Arthur, of the General Managers a.s.sociation,--though still representing the engineers--was doing great work for the companies, as the engineers were returning to work pretty generally throughout the country. Sargent of the firemen was also playing his cards well, but not meeting with the same success as the "grand old chief." Wilkinson of the trainmen was sending out his orders and ultimatums, thick and fast and his men were now fast returning to their old positions.

It was now a question of whether the men would prove loyal to themselves and their best interests, or loyal to the companies who were putting forth their best efforts to trample them to earth, and it is a painful fact that many of them were so blinded to their own interests,--through their craven cowardice--that they returned to work, and, to what will be in the near future beyond a question of a doubt, longer hours, less wages, and the complete annihilation of all semblance of rights.

The strike was fast resolving itself into a switchmen's fight against the railroads. The yards were in the worst imaginable shape, and the engines were sadly in need of repairs. Shopmen, freight handlers, trackmen, and car-repairers were still out. Office men were now back at work with the exception of a few. The majority of the strikers were still loyal to the cause and the American Railway Union was sure of winning. The Knights of Labor did not respond to the call of Grand Master Workman Sovereign as generally as was expected, and the Federation of Labor had decided not to strike at present, perhaps this may be accounted for by the reports given out by the general managers that the strike was off and trains running as usual.

The United States troops in the pay of the government were still doing service for the railroad corporations.

Authenticated reports--given out by the striking committees--from different parts of the country would not seem to bear out the statements of the general managers.

These committees had reports in regards to the operation of the roads, as complete as the officials of the roads themselves. They were thoroughly posted on the number of cars moved each day by each company, the number and character of switch crews at work and the number of strikers who had gone back to work. In short, everything that had a bearing on the result. This was part of the duties imposed upon them and they were faithfully carried out.

Thirteen Pan Handle switchmen brought to Chicago from Pittsburg through misrepresentation, when informed of the true state of affairs, refused to go to work, and demanded transportation back to Pittsburg. They were given orders for the necessary transportation, but on presentation the companies refused to honor them. This was also true in the case of half a dozen men brought in by the Ft. Wayne road.

The scabs on the Chicago & Eastern Illinois, through ignorance and incompetency burned up five engines and wrecked as many more. One splendid new engine was blown up twenty miles from Terre Haute, while en route to Chicago. Yard service was of the worst possible kind.

The Illinois Central was doing no freight business to speak of, in fact the condition of this road was still worse than the Chicago & Eastern Illinois.

The Northwestern shops at Fortieth street, employing over 2300 men, were idle, only about twelve men signifying their willingness to work. The Galena division of this road, while making quite a bluff at handling freight, was not accomplishing very much, as it took them two days to unload a stock train.

The Milwaukee road was doing better, having at work fifteen engines days and fourteen nights, but being manned mostly by green and incompetent men, were not making great headway. In all some 350 cars were gotten out and about 300 received in one day which is very small business for this line.

The Wabash had only one engine at work nights, and this was guarded by a company of troops and about twenty deputy police. They succeeded in breaking down two posts, one at Polk street and another at Taylor street station, causing a damage of some $300 which was all accomplished in one night. The Chicago and Blue Island were now working two engines (this company generally worked ten), manned by scabs, one of whom was a n.i.g.g.e.r.

A committee man from the Grand Trunk reported that only three men had returned to work.

He said a personal friend of mine, a business man from Valparaiso, and whom I know, is in touch with the Grand Trunk, informed me that a Grand Trunk official had said in his presence that his company could not do business unless they made some kind of a settlement with the switchmen.

Through John Downey and Miles Barrett, of the Switchmen's Mutual Aid a.s.sociation, a meeting of switchmen was called in a hall at Eden to induce the switchmen to return to work. This meeting was "packed" in order to secure a majority vote in favor of returning but the scheme did not work.