[Sidenote: Nature of the law of wages]

2. _A law of wages is a statement of the relation of the general causes of value to the value of human services._ In real life no one agent is valued independently of other goods. The felt importance of a good depends on the degree to which other wants are gratified. If men are starving, they attach less importance to ornaments; if cold, more importance to clothing and fuel, being willing to part even with some needed food to secure them. That is, man's desire for each thing is affected by his general condition and by the existence of other goods and wants. A similar relation exists between the values of indirect agents, and must exist between wages and rent.

We are to discuss the law of wages. An economic law does not state a command; it is not a political law; it states merely an observed relation. Things do not need to happen actually according to any law of wages that can be formulated, but they will happen in the measure that the a.s.sumed conditions exist. The law states a tendency of wages, just as the law of gravitation states a tendency and does not predict positively whether a given object will fall at a given moment. The "law of wages," therefore, is to be understood as a hypothetical statement of the value that will be attributed to labor under a given set of conditions.

[Sidenote: Economic wages and contract wages]

3. _Economic wages are the value of human services in the broad sense; contract wages are the goods paid by one wages man to another according to an agreement._ In discussing rent and interest, we have become familiar with this important distinction between economic and contract values. Economic wages are fundamental, the primary subject of theoretical study. Contract wages are the wages paid by one man to another in accordance with an agreement, and may not at this moment coincide with economic wages. When the contract was made, one party may have been ignorant or helpless, and have failed to get all he now could; or meantime the conditions may have changed. But contract wages are based on economic wages and tend to conform to them. If one person performs services for another without expecting to receive economic goods or services in return, it is a gift, not wages. A workman can get as contract wages the amount of his economic wage if free compet.i.tion exists and he acts intelligently. Of course, these are important conditions.

Real and nominal wages must be distinguished: real wages are the reward of labor as measured in goods and enjoyments; nominal wages are the reward expressed in terms of money, whose purchasing power varies from time to time and from place to place.

[Sidenote: Scarce services gratify wants]

4. _Human services, being one of the conditions of psychic income, bear the same relation to wants that material goods bear._ As the material agents that are fitted to gratify wants are scarce, labor is applied to the outer world to change and adapt it, thus making it answer desire better. Labor, thus, in many of its applications merely supplements the bounty of nature. Men have a use to and for each other; they have a relation to other men's welfare similar to that borne by material things. The different human actions have all grades of relation to gratification, from harmful to helpful, just as things have. According to their relation to this scale services therefore become ranked either high or low in the estimation of men. Some acts are negative services, to use the term service in a paradoxical sense; they are things to be avoided and escaped. Value then is attributed to the services of men according to their rank in this scale, just as it is to the uses of agents in the case of rent.

Scarcity is the condition of value in labor, as it is of value in any good; but scarcity is a relative term. The commonest kinds of labor would not ordinarily be called scarce, but compared with their possible desirable uses, they are scarce, and this fact is the key to a large part of the wage problem. The question is: how and in what degree does this scarcity cause value to attach to labor?

-- II. THE DIFFERENT MODES OF EARNING WAGES

[Sidenote: The simplest case of economic wages]

1. _The self-employed laborer earns wages in the broad economic sense._ In this sense the isolated workman, Robinson Crusoe on his island, earns wages, but these wages could not be measured at all exactly. They are a part of an indivisible income, and there is no way to determine how much should be attributed to the uses of the wealth employed and how much to the labor. The independent farmer, producing on his own farm nearly everything he consumes, may be said to earn wages in the broad sense.

These can, moreover, be estimated, because they can be compared with what he could get by working for some one else. The farmer, therefore, attributes a certain part of his income to the farm as rent and a certain part to his own labor as wages.

[Sidenote: Wages of the self-employed exchanging worker]

2. _The wages of self-employed labor are often simply the value of the material product it secures by exchange._ Labor has value indirectly because embodied in products. The worker value of these products is reflected to the labor which secures them. The wages of the fisherman day by day, as he follows his vocation, are simply the market value of the fish he catches day by day. The gold-miner, working with simple tools in the days of placer-mining, earned wages exactly expressed by the gold he washed out.

The independent worker with few tools does not think of attributing any considerable part of his income to his tools. The umbrella-mender's "kit" is so small that his true wage is little less than his total receipts. The tinker, the shoemaker, and the tailor, who went from house to house in the old days, thought only in the vaguest way of marking off from their incomes a part to be counted as the rent of their little outfit of tools. Until very recent times the capital invested in tools commonly was small, and usually was owned by the handworker who thus received an undivided income, of which wages were by far the larger part. It was inevitable, therefore, that labor alone should have been thought of as the cause of the value of goods produced by the artisans in the towns and cities. This error, small at first, was magnified as the capital investment of modern industry grew, and it persists in many fallacious notions that still taint modern economic theory.

[Sidenote: Both impersonal and personal causes of contract wages]

3. _Contract wages, paid by an employer, rest on the same cause of value, the direct or indirect effect of labor in the gratifying of wants._ When contract wages come to be spoken of, the personal element of bargaining between man and man comes in to obscure somewhat the impersonal causes that are operating. If the fisher and the miner bring their products to the general markets, the impersonal part of the problem is uppermost and the wages are recognized to be the market value of the material products. But if an employer hires a number of workmen, and the labor of each becomes merged and lost to view in a complex product, the uncritical mind stops, loses all hold on a guiding principle of value, and sees only the superficial fact of a personal bargain between employer and workman. Such a view overlooks the logical cause of value, and the network of impersonal forces which enwraps and binds the personal acts.

[Sidenote: A single direct personal service]

To begin with the simplest case: workers often are temporarily employed to produce for others means of gratification at once consumed. The barber shaves his patron, the ferryman takes the traveler across the river, the boy carries a message, the surgeon sets a broken bone. Each performs a useful service, but produces no long-abiding material result outside of the beneficiary, and no separable, salable material good.

When each is paid according to the value of the gratification afforded, the first step is taken toward the regular contract-wage relation between man and man.

[Sidenote: The continued wage contract for personal services]

In ordinary domestic service the only condition not present in the cases just given is the more abiding character of the contract relation.

The employer does not hire a coachman each time he wishes to take a ride, but having summed up the advantages of a coachman's services, he buys them by the month or the year. The price is determined in the market for coachmen of the needed ability, qualities ranging from stupid to bright, from weak to strong, and from drunk to sober. Instead of buying flowers from day to day, a wealthy man hires a gardener to cultivate them in a conservatory. The average market price of flowers influences the wages paid to the gardener, his wages being but the sum of the values (or of his contribution to the values) of flowers, well-kept lawn, and garden products. According to the conditions of each household and of the general market, the one or the other mode of buying these utilities is the more advantageous.

[Sidenote: Labor employed on products exchanged]

4. _The payment of the laborer to produce goods for exchange is the most common modern case of wages._ The relation of wages to the value of the product is in this case more complex, for the employer is directing the labor to gratifying the wants of others, not his own wants. It is the desire of prospective customers for the product, and the chance of exchanging it, that will eventually enable the employer to recover the amounts paid to laborers. Labor is only one of the elements entering into the product. Within limits it may be subst.i.tuted for the other elements, fewer machines being used and more laborers, or vice versa. No more will be given for any labor than it is expected to add to the value of the product. As employers test by experience the contribution of the marginal labor to the value of the product, labor is constantly compared with the value of other things.

When industry becomes complex, the connection between the wages and the value ultimately realized in the product may be broken for a time, but rarely for a very long time. Because of miscalculations, labor is employed on things that prove to be quite valueless, and on other things that have a much greater value than was expected. When months or years intervene before the value of the labor is realized in the sale of the product, the employer must forecast the outcome as best he can, and employ labor only when the wages promise to be recovered. These are complicating facts, but in any logical view they do not falsify the principle that wages are determined by their prospective contribution to the utility of goods.

[Sidenote: Various methods of remuneration, but one general rule]

5. _The wages paid by the various methods of remuneration--as, by time, by the piece, by premium for output--all conform in a general way to the economic value of the service._ Many methods are employed to measure the services of wage workers. If time is used, a general or average output is a.s.sumed, and the workman must come up to that standard if he is to hold his place. If payment is by the piece, the price per piece must be enough to make possible the prevailing time-wage to workers of that grade if the supply is to be maintained in that industry. The convenience of the different methods of payment varies from industry to industry, and even from task to task within the same factory, so that now one, now another method is followed. In any case, however, the aim is to find some convenient measurement of the rate of labor, and of its contribution to the value of the product.

-- III. WAGES AS EXEMPLIFYING THE GENERAL LAW OF VALUE

[Sidenote: Ratio of exchange of services adjusted to their marginal utility]

1. _Each grade of labor is a potential supply of desirable things and its wage is determined in essentially the same way as if it were an actual supply._ If all the various psychic goods that labor produces were spread out before men in visible form, some would be in great demand, some would exchange in a very unfavorable ratio with others. The exchange would come to equilibrium at a point where each buyer had adjusted his supply of enjoyments in the most favorable way, had so distributed his purchasing power as to get those kinds and amounts of services which afford him the highest possible sum of enjoyment.

[Sidenote: Differences in wages persist]

In this situation the real wages of some being so much more than those of others, the low-paid workers will have a motive to change their occupations. But the various laborers have limited abilities and cannot change at will and, despite the unfavorable ratio, they may be compelled to continue at the same work. Just as apples cannot become peaches or sheep become horses when there is a change in their price, so the unskilled workman cannot become skilled quickly, if he ever can, and the possibility of changing occupations within any reasonable period is very small indeed. Labor is constantly trying to adjust itself, to get into the better-paid industries. It moves, it emigrates, it seeks training and education. Especially the workers between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five choose the callings that promise the highest reward. Within limits an adjustment is possible, but these limits are not wide and not quickly shifted, and the wages of labor continue diverse in different occupations for an indefinite time.

[Sidenote: Various grades of labor and rates of wages]

2. _The term general rate of wages can be used only of a certain grade of labor and of the rate for the average worker._ Every grade and kind of ability has its rate of wages. To be sure, it is sometimes convenient to speak in a broad but inexact way of "a general rate of wages," when comparing different countries and periods. When it is said that the rate of wages is higher in America than in England, in England than in France, in France than in India, the comparison is between men of the same occupation in the different countries; _e.g._, the unskilled laborer or the mechanic gets more here than the same grade of laborer gets in England. There is no such thing as a general rate of wages extending throughout all industries.

The different grades of ability differ more markedly in wages than do industries compared as wholes. In the manufacture of cloth all grades of ability are required, from the highly paid artist and engineer, down to the roustabout in the yard. The industries of manufacturing, commerce, and education alike require the cooperation of bookkeepers, janitors, carpenters, and superintendents. It is easy in most cases to pa.s.s from any grade of occupation in one industry to a corresponding grade in another industry; but it is difficult to pa.s.s from a lower grade to a higher grade in the same or another industry.

[Sidenote: Equilibrium of services and wages]

Abstractly considered, that is, wherever free compet.i.tion exists, there is a constant tendency toward a state of equilibrium; each workman is moving into the industry where he earns the highest possible amount, and where he receives just what his fellow-men estimate his importance to be, judged by the service he performs. Each man's place is determined by his specific gravity, just as the place of liquids poured into a gla.s.s is determined by their density. There is much reason to believe that this condition is approached actually in a far greater degree than is thought by those who come to the question with preconceived notions of what ought to be, or of what they would like to see. This principle of the economic wage does not preclude the questioning of the justice of existing inst.i.tutions, but it is a guide in the discussion of all practical problems of wages.

[Sidenote: Wages follow the law of marginal valuation]

3. _The law of wages may be stated thus: in any state of the labor market the wages of any labor or cla.s.s of labor is equal to its marginal contribution--that is, to the value of its products._ Each agent in industry, whether it be a plough, a horse, or a man, is valued in connection with other agents, never apart or isolated. It is not the total service any one of them performs that can be got at; all that can be got at is the utility attributed to the last unit of supply. Their marginal contribution determines their importance. Each agent is considered in combination with other things at a given moment under existing conditions of supply.

[Sidenote: Wages exemplify the general law of value]

This statement of the law of wages is broad, and appears to be modified in many ways in practice: by changes in industry, by ignorance on the part of the worker, by unequal skill in bargaining; but the law of wages just stated allows for these modifications, and is a guide amid the complexity of facts, for it gives a place to the influence of trade unions, caste, and everything else that affects the labor-supply. The law of wages is but the general law of value, working itself out amid the special conditions accompanying the gratification of wants by human effort.

CHAPTER 24

THE RELATION OF LABOR TO VALUE

-- I. RELATION OF RENT TO WAGES

[Sidenote: Concrete conditions of industry must be studied with wages]

1. _The law of wages must be considered in connection with other far-reaching influences._ One may use the sentence, "the marginal productivity of labor determines wages," without having a true understanding of its meaning. Memorizing a definition is only the first step toward economic reasoning. Till that definition becomes a real thing in the student's thought it helps him but little. The law of wages is an abstract statement of the logical relation of wages to utility; it is not a concrete statement of the industrial conditions in which labor works, yet these are more nearly in the nature of true causes of value.

The marginal utility is itself determined by forces and conditions outside of labor that are constantly changing. The more thorough is the student's knowledge of the actual conditions of industry, the more correctly he can apprehend the relations of wages to other incomes, and the more wisely he will apply the abstract law to practical life.