By 1000 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow (Friday), the 18th day of April, 1919, every shop and business establishment (except only _langare_ referred to in martial law notice No. 5, dated 15th April, 1919) in the area under my command, shall open and carry on its business _and thereafter daily shall continue to keep open and carry on its business_ during the usual hours up to 2000 hours (8 P.M.) in exactly the same manner as before the creation of the said _hartal_.

And likewise I order that every skilled or other worker will from 1030 hours (10.30 A.M.) tomorrow, resume and continue during the usual hours his ordinary trade, work or calling.

And I warn all concerned that if at 1000 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow, or at any subsequent time I find this order has been without good and valid reason disobeyed, the persons concerned will be arrested and tried under the summary procedure of martial law, and shops so closed will be opened and kept open by force, any resultant loss arising from such forcible opening will rest on the owners and on occupiers concerned.

And I further warn all concerned that this order must be strictly obeyed in spirit as well as in letter, that is to say, that to open a shop and then refuse to sell goods and to charge an exorbitant or prohibitive rate, will be deemed a contravention of this order.

[Note: Shops had evidently remained closed for seven days.]

NO. 15

Whereas it has come to my knowledge that the present state of unrest is being added to and encouraged by the spreading of false, inaccurate or exaggerated reports or rumours:

Now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law I give notice that _any person_ found guilty of publishing, spreading or repeating, false, inaccurate or exaggerated reports in connection with the military or political situation, will be arrested and summarily dealt with under martial law.

NO. 16

Whereas I have reason to believe that certain students of the Dyal Singh College in Lah.o.r.e are engaged in spreading seditious propaganda directed against his Majesty's Government and whereas I deem it expedient in the interest of the preservation of law and order to restrict the activities of such students, I make the following order:--

_All students of the said college_ now in this command area will report themselves to the officer commanding troops at the telegraph office daily at the hours specified below and remain there until the roll of such students has been called by the princ.i.p.al or some other officer approved by me acting on his behalf, and until they have been dismissed by the Officer Commanding Troops at the telegraph office:--

0700 hours. (7 A.M.) 1100 hours. (11 A.M.) 1500 hours. (3 P.M.) 1900 hours. (7 P.M.)

First parade at 1100 hours (11 A.M.) on the (?) April, 1919.

"The latest order under martial law pa.s.sed today makes it unlawful for more than two persons to walk abreast on any constructed or clearly defined pavement or side-walk in such area. Disobedience to this order will be punished by special powers under martial law. It shall also be illegal for any male person to carry or be found in possession of an instrument known as a _lathi_. All persons disobeying this order will be arrested and tried by summary proceedings under martial law."

NO. 24

Whereas I deem it expedient to make provision for the preservation of health and the greater comfort of British troops stationed in the area under my command,

And whereas a number of electric fans and lights are required in the buildings in which some of such troops are quartered,

Now therefore by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law I authorize any officer appointed by me for that purpose to enter any college, public building, hostel, hotel, private or other residence or building and remove such number of electric lights and fans required for the purpose aforesaid,

And any attempt to obstruct such removal, or to hide, or to damage or to impair the immediate efficiency of any such fans or lights, will be summarily dealt with under martial law,

But nothing in this order shall authorize the removal of any fan or light from a room usually inhabited by a woman.

These are only a few of the orders we have been able to obtain.

For weeks the Punjab was in a state of terror. Almost all of the Native papers were either directly or indirectly suppressed or terrorized into silence. Numerous persons were arrested and placed for trial before military commissioners. Among them were a large number of the most honored men in the province. Legal counsel from outside the province was denied to them, and admission of newspapermen into the province barred. In punishing the persons found guilty the military commissioners have awarded sentences, the parallel of which can only be found in the history of Czarism in Russia. Flogging in the public was resorted to in more than one place. In short, a complete reign of terror was established. So great was the terrorism that the whole country was thrown into such a paroxysm of rage, anger and despair as to make the people forget the desire for a political const.i.tution at this terrible price.

Just as I am writing these lines I learn from the London _Times_ that the reports of the two committees that were sent to India to inquire into (_a_) questions connected with the franchise and (_b_) the division of functions between the Government of India and local governments, and between the official and the popular elements in the local governments, have been published in Great Britain. In one of the Appendices is given a rather brief and inadequate summary of the recommendations of these committees published by the London _Times_. At this stage it is impossible to make any comments except that the franchise is by no means as broad as it could have been, the restriction of local residence on candidates for the provincial Legislative Councils extremely unreasonable, and the strength of the Provincial Councils very meagre.

The recommendations are unsatisfactory in other respects also, specially the power granted to the Governor to dismiss ministers.

The question, however, is, "Will the Cabinet stand by these recommendations or will they allow them to be whittled down?" Mr.

Montagu's bill, which is promised to be introduced in the House of Commons early in June, will answer the question.

In conclusion, I have to tender my thanks to my friend Dr. J. T.

Sunderland for having read my proofs.

_June 2, 1919._

LAJPAT RAI

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This Hindu happened to be the leader of a section of the Arya Samaj--an organization known for its bitter att.i.tude towards Mohammedanism.

CONTENTS

PREFACE, v I INTRODUCTORY, 1 II DEMOCRACY IN INDIA, 16 III THE PRESENT IDEALS, 30 IV THE STAGES, 36 V THE CONDITIONS OF THE PROBLEM, 39 VI THE PUBLIC SERVICES IN INDIA, 62 VII THE INDIAN ARMY AND NAVY, 84 VIII THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY IN INDIA, 91 IX THE NATIVE STATES, 98 X THE PROPOSALS, 110 XI INDIA'S CLAIM TO FISCAL AUTONOMY, 136 XII THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT, 146 XIII THE PUNJAB, 164 XIV RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION, 175 XV THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY, 181 XVI EDUCATION, 190 XVII THE PROBLEM, 197 XVIII THE INTERNATIONAL ASPECT, 205 APPENDIX A, 209 APPENDIX B, 225 APPENDIX C, 231

The Political Future of India

I

INTRODUCTORY

Now we are faced with the greatest and the grimmest struggle of all. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, not amongst men, but amongst nations--great and small, powerful and weak, exalted and humble,--equality, fraternity, amongst peoples as well as amongst men--that is the challenge which has been thrown to us.... My appeal to the people of this country, and, if my appeal can reach beyond it, is this, that we should continue to fight for the great goal of international right and international justice, so that never again shall brute force sit on the throne of justice, nor barbaric strength wield the sceptre of right.

DAVID LLOYD GEORGE

"Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom of that city, June 29, 1917

We are told that the world is going to be reconstructed on entirely new lines; that all nations, big or small, shall be allowed the right of self-determination; that the weaker and backward peoples will no longer be permitted to be exploited and dominated by the stronger and the more advanced nations of the earth; and that justice will be done to all.

"What we seek," says President Wilson, "is the reign of law, based upon the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind."

The Indian people also form a part of the world that needs reconstructing. They const.i.tute one-fifth of the human race, and inhabit about two million square miles of very fertile and productive territory.

They have been a civilized people for thousands of years, though their civilization is a bit different from that of the West. We advisedly say "a bit different," because in fundamentals that civilization has the same basic origin as that of Greece and Rome, the three peoples having originally sprung from the same stock and their languages, also, being of common descent. For the last 150 years, or (even) more, India has been ruled by Great Britain. Her people have been denied any determining voice in the management of their own affairs. For over thirty years or more they have carried on an organized agitation for an autonomous form of Government within the British Empire. This movement received almost no response from the responsible statesmen of the Empire until late in the war. In the meantime some of the leaders grew sullen and downhearted, and, under the influence of bitter disappointment and almost of despair, took to revolutionary forms. The bulk of the people, however, have kept their balance and have never faltered in their faith in peaceful methods. When the war broke out the people of India at once realized the world significance of this t.i.tanic struggle and in no uncertain voice declared their allegiance to the cause of the Allies.

Our masters, however, while gratefully accepting our economic contributions and utilizing the standing Indian army, spurned our offers for further military contributions. In the military development of the Indians they saw a menace to their supremacy in India.