In the following chapter I will give some further account of the question respecting a distribution of the Indians in perpetuity.

CHAPTER CCXI.

_The deliberations which took place at Valladolid in the year 1550, in the royal council of the Indies, respecting the distribution of Indians in perpetuity._

In the year 1550, the licentiate De la Gasca came from Peru to the court, which was then residing at Valladolid. He was accompanied by a monk of the Dominican order, named father Martin, who was regent of his order, and whom his majesty soon after appointed to the bishopric of las Charcas. At the same time there appeared at the court the bishop of Chiapa, Don Bartolome de las Casas; the bishop of Mechoacan, Don Vasco de Quiroga, and other cavaliers, who came as the representatives of New Spain and Peru; and also certain hidalgos, against whom several accusations had been brought. To this meeting I was also cited, as the oldest of the Conquistadores. The reason for a.s.sembling this council was as follows: De la Gasca, and those who accompanied him from Peru, had brought along with them a large quant.i.ty of gold, partly their own, and partly belonging to the crown. This gold was forwarded to Augsburg, in Germany, where his majesty was then staying with our present most fortunate king Don Philip, his beloved son, to whom G.o.d grant a long life. Several cavaliers repaired with this gold, in order at the same time to present themselves to his majesty as deputies from the Spanish settlers in Peru, and also to beg of him to grant us commendaries in perpetuity, in reward for the services we had rendered to the crown. A pet.i.tion to the same effect had been laid before his majesty by Gonzalo Lopez, Alonso de Villanueva, and other cavaliers, who had purposely been deputed from New Spain.

Shortly after the arrival of the licentiate De la Gasca in Spain, the see of Palencia became vacant, and the emperor, it was said, had given it to this licentiate in remuneration for his having restored tranquillity to Peru, and for his having regained possession of the gold and silver which had been stolen by the Contreras.

With respect to the pet.i.tion of distributing commendaries in perpetuity, his majesty appointed a commission to inquire into its merits, and as to what would be the best possible manner of carrying it into effect. The following were the gentlemen appointed: the marquis of Mondejar as president of the council of the Indies, the licentiates Gutierre Velasquez and Tello de Sandoval, the doctor Hernan Perez de la Fuente, the licentiates Gregorio, Lopez, and Briviesca; and the doctor Riberadeneyra, auditors of the royal council of the Indies; and besides, there were several others of his majesty's privy councillors.

This distinguished body of prelates and cavaliers met together in the residence of Pedro Gonzalez de Leon, where the council of the Indies hold their sittings, and began to deliberate on the subject of the distribution of commendaries in perpetuity in New Spain, Peru, and if I mistake not, also in New Granada and Bobotan. The reasons which were adduced for carrying this into effect were indeed just and Christian.

For it was said, among other things, that those Indians who were distributed in perpetuity would receive better treatment; would be more thoroughly instructed in the Christian doctrine, be attended in sickness as children, and their lives would be altogether made more comfortable to them. It would be an incitement also for those who possessed commendaries to attend more to agriculture and the breeding of cattle.

The endless lawsuits about the possession of Indians would cease altogether; no inspectors would be further required in the townships; and the soldiers would live in peace and friendship with each other as soon as they found that the presidents and governors durst no longer distribute the vacant commendaries among their relations for party purposes, as was too often the case. Besides which, if perpetual distribution were carried into effect, and the commendaries were solely given to men who had rendered services to the crown, his majesty's real views would not only be carried out, but it would be an effectual means of dispossessing the crew of vagabonds in Peru of the lands they had unjustly seized, and put it out of their power to create further dissensions.

After this august body had well argued these points pro and con, the several deputies and we, the other cavaliers, were required to give our opinion, and the greater part voted for the distribution in perpetuity.

Of those who were opposed to it the bishop of Chiapa was first and foremost, and was supported by his colleague, brother Rodrigo, of the Dominican order, the new bishop of Palencia, De la Gasca, the marquis de Mondejar, and by two auditors of the royal council of the Indies. These prelates, in opposition to the opinion of all the above-mentioned cavaliers, (with the exception of the marquis de Mondejar, who refused to p.r.o.nounce in favour either of the one or the other party, merely listening to what each had to say, and to see which way the majority would go,) declared that the Indians should not be distributed in perpetuity, and that they should be compelled to deprive many persons of their Indians, who at present derived considerable incomes from them; though, in the first instance even, they had been more deserving of punishment than of reward. This was particularly the case in Peru, they said, where peace would be maintained if these views were carried out; for it was to be feared that the troops there would rise up in open insurrection, if they found no further distribution of Indians was to be allowed.

To this the bishop of Mechoacan, who was on our side, answered, by asking the licentiate De la Gasca, why, instead of punishing all the thieves and vagabonds, whose infamous practices were notorious to the world, he had even presented them with additional Indians?

To this the licentiate smilingly replied: "Indeed, I considered, gentlemen, that it was no little matter for me to maintain peace there, and that I escaped with my life, after I had deprived so many persons of their possessions and punished them as the law required."

After a good deal of further speechifying pro and con, we, supported by several others who were present, proposed that the distribution in perpetuity should at least be carried into effect in New Spain, though only for the benefit of the true Conquistadores, who sailed from Cuba with Cortes, and those of Narvaez's and Garay's troops, who were still living. Of the Conquistadores, we added, there were but few remaining, for the greater part had lost their lives in battle in the service of their monarch. The services which we had rendered to the crown fully merited such distinction; the other troops could be rewarded in some other way.

As the commissioners could not come to any decision among themselves on this point, some of the prelates and royal auditors proposed that the matter should be laid at rest until his majesty returned to Spain, as it was necessary that the emperor should himself be present in discussing a matter of so much importance. We others, the bishop of Mechoacan, and several of the cavaliers present said, however, that the majority, as far as regarded New Spain, had declared in favour of the distribution in perpetuity, and that our affairs must not be mixed up with those of Peru; that it was also very evident, from the commands which his majesty issued in appointing the commission, that he was in favour of this measure. However, all the arguments we adduced, all we might say with regard to the important services we had rendered to the crown was to no purpose; the auditors of the royal council of the Indies, the bishop las Casas, and brother Rodrigo persisted in their opinion, and added, that on his majesty's return from Germany, the Conquistadores would be rewarded in such a manner that they would never find cause of complaint hereafter.

Intelligence as to how this matter had terminated was brought to New Spain by the very next vessel, and the Conquistadores determined to despatch procuradores in their own name to his majesty. I had again returned to Guatimala about this time, when Andreas de Tapia, Pedro Moreno Medrano, and Juan Limpias Carvajal wrote to me on the subject of our memorial, in which I was mentioned as one of the oldest of the Conquistadores. I then communicated with the other Conquistadores staying in Guatimala, desiring them to subscribe what they could to defray the expenses of our procuradores. We could not, however, raise sufficient money for the purpose, and it was therefore determined that the citizens of Mexico should join us in this matter, that we might despatch our procuradores in common; but this also came to nothing, and thus matters remained until our invincible king, Don Philip, whom G.o.d grant a long life, made certain regulations in favour of the Conquistadores and their children; and also of the oldest settlers who had families, as may be seen by the royal decrees which were issued.

CHAPTER CCXII.

_Of various remarks which were made respecting my history, which the reader will be pleased to hear._

After I had completed this my history, two licentiates called upon me and begged permission of me to peruse it, in order that they might acquaint themselves better with the history of the conquest of Mexico and of New Spain, and that they might judge for themselves in how far my history differed from the representations which Francisco Lopez de Gomara and doctor Illescas have given of the heroic deeds of the marquis del Valle Oaxaca. As ignorant persons, like myself, always learn something from men of learning, I gave it to them, but under the condition that they should neither add nor take anything away from it; as everything I had related was conformable to truth. When the licentiates had read through the whole of my work, one of them who was a great rhetorician, said he was astonished at the sharpness of my memory, that I should not even have forgotten one single circ.u.mstance of the many things that had taken place from my first voyage of discovery under Cordoba down to the present time. With respect to my style of writing, both remarked, that it was plain old Castilian, which was more agreeable at that time than those embellished sentences which are generally affected by historians; and that though my style was plain it was rendered beautiful by the truth which it contained. They were, however, of opinion that I had written too conspicuously about myself, in describing the battles at which I was present, and that I should have left this to others. I ought also, they said, to have quoted other historians to confirm my statements, instead of dryly saying: This I did, This happened to me; for, added they, I was only witnessing for myself. To this I replied, and said as follows: "In certain despatches which Cortes forwarded to the emperor from Mexico in the year 1540, my name and the services I had rendered to the crown were also mentioned, and how I had made two former voyages of discovery to New Spain." In these despatches Cortes spoke as an eyewitness of my conduct in the many battles we fought with the Mexicans, of the courage I had evinced on every occasion, of the many wounds I had received in the numerous engagements, and also how I had accompanied him on the expedition to the Honduras, and said besides several other things in my praise, which it would be tedious to enumerate here. The ill.u.s.trious viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, wrote in a similar strain to his majesty respecting the officers who were then serving in New Spain. His accounts agreed perfectly with those of Cortes; and lastly, I myself in the year 1540 gave the royal council of the Indies sufficient proofs in confirmation of what both had said. But should you senores licentiates, continued I, not feel satisfied with such witnesses as the viceroy and Cortes, and with the proofs I have myself adduced, I can bring forward another witness, who must have greater weight than any other in the world, I mean the emperor Charles the Fifth himself, who, by one of his royal letters bearing his own seal, addressed to the viceroys and presidents, commands that I and my sons shall be munificently rewarded for the many important services which I have rendered to the crown. I myself possess the original letters containing these commands. But if you wish for any further witness, behold the territory of New Spain, which is thrice the size of old Spain; count the numbers of towns and settlements which have all been founded by Spaniards, and sum up the wealth which is continually pa.s.sing from this portion of the new world to Spain. Another reason why I have written this true account is, because the historians Illescas and Gomara never mention a word in our praise, but give to Cortes alone all the glory of our conquests. If they had been honestly inclined they would not have pa.s.sed us, the Conquistadores, by in silence; a share of Cortes' heroic deeds is also due to me, for in all his battles I fought among the first; besides that, I was present in so many other engagements in the provinces under his officers, as you must have seen in the course of this history. I can also claim my share of the inscription which Cortes put on the silver culverin, we called the phoenix, and which Cortes sent a present to his majesty from Mexico. The inscription ran thus:

This bird was born without its equal, As a servant I have not my second, And you have not your equal in this world.

And when Cortes, on his first return to Spain spoke to his majesty of the courageous officers and soldiers who had served under him in the Mexican wars, I was also included in this number. Cortes also took frequent opportunities of speaking to his majesty in our praise during the unfortunate expedition against Algiers, and of this praise a part was also due to me; for I lent also my a.s.sistance in the conquest.

This was my reply to the two licentiates; but with respect to the reproach they made me of having spoken too much in my own praise, and that all this self-praise would have come with a better grace from others, I desired them to bear in mind, that there are indeed certain virtues and excellent qualities which we ought never to praise in ourselves, but let our neighbours do it for us; but how is it possible for a neighbour to mention anything in the praise of another if he was not present at the battle with him? Are the sparrows, said I, to speak of it, who flew over our heads during the engagements? or the clouds, that floated on high? Who can speak better about it than we, the officers and soldiers, the men who themselves fought the battles? Your reproach, gentlemen, would have been very just, continued I, if in my history you had found that I had withheld the praise that was due to the officers and soldiers who were my companions in arms, and I had claimed all the honour to myself; but I have not even said so much in my own praise as I could, and indeed ought to have done; but I write that my name may not be forgotten. Here I feel tempted to make a comparison, though it is between a very great man and a poor soldier like myself; which is, if historians relate of the imperator and celebrated general Julius Caesar, that he fought fifty-three battles, I may say that I fought in many more battles than Julius Caesar, as may be seen from my narrative. Historians also say of Julius Caesar how courageous he was, and always ready for battle at a moment's notice, and how he devoted his nights in writing down his valorous deeds with his own hand; for though there were numbers of historians, he would not trust his fame in their hands. It should therefore be no matter of surprise to any one, when I mention a few words about myself, in describing the battles at which I was present, that future generations may say: this Bernal Diaz del Castillo wrote, in order that his children and descendants might share in the praise of his heroic deeds, in the same way as the fame of those heroes of old has been handed down in their escutcheons to their latest posterity.

I will not, however, say anything further on this head; for what I have already said will not be relished by malice and envy, who will be of opinion that I have praised myself too much. What I have said of myself has, so to say, happened but yesterday, and not centuries ago, as the exploits of the Romans. There are still sufficient of the Conquistadores living to confirm what I have related. If they found any untruths, or even any obscure pa.s.sage, they would not allow it to pa.s.s unnoticed.

However, it is so in the world; malice always maligns truth. I will now enumerate in their regular order all the battles at which I was present, from the first discovery of New Spain, down to the pacification of the whole country, in order that the reader may have a short and clear view of them all at once; however, there were many hostile rencontres at which I was not present, either because I was wounded or knocked up with fatigue, or while the provinces were so numerous, that we were obliged to march out against them in different bodies.

The first was the pretty sharp conflict at the Punta de Cotoche, during my first voyage of discovery, under Cordoba. Next followed the severe battle at Champoton, where we lost the half of our troops; I myself was dangerously wounded, and our captain had two severe wounds, of the consequences of which he died.

On our return to Cuba, when we landed on the coast of Florida in search of water, we had another sharp conflict, in which I was wounded, and one of our men was carried off alive by the Indians.

In the expedition under Grijalva, we fought a second battle in Champoton, on the same spot; ten of our men were killed, and Grijalva himself wounded.

In the third expedition under Cortes, I was present at the following engagements:

The two battles on the Tabasco, subsequently called the river Grijalva.

The battle of Tzinpantzinco.

A few days after, the three pitched battles against the Tlascallans.

The conspiracy and chastis.e.m.e.nt of the inhabitants of Cholulla.

Entrance into Mexico, and seizure of the person of Motecusuma. I do not count this exactly among the battles, yet it was a bold step to take so mighty a cazique prisoner.

The great victory over Narvaez, whose troops amounted to nearly 1400; we were only 226 in number.

On our return to Mexico, to the relief of Alvarado, we were attacked by the whole armed force of Mexico. The battles continue, without intermission, for eight days and nights. I will, however, say, that I only fought six battles during this time. We lost 860 of our troops.

The battle of Otumpan, and that in our expedition to the province of Tepeaca.

The expedition against Tezcuco, where, in the two battles we fought, I was each time severely wounded in the throat by the thrust of a lance.

Two battles against the Mexicans, on our march to the a.s.sistance of some townships in the province of Tezcuco. These battles were respecting the possession of some maise fields.

Second campaign of Mexico, and our battles against the wild tribes of the marquis mountains. Here we had eight men killed, and the whole of us were in the utmost danger.

The battle of Quauhnahuac.

The three battles of Xochimilco, where likewise we stood in great danger, and four of our men were killed.

The siege of Mexico, which lasted ninety-three days, during the whole of which time the battles continued, almost without intermission, day and night. Here I may, at least, say that I fought in eighty severe engagements and skirmishes.

Expeditions to the provinces of Guacasualco, Chiapa, and Zapoteca. Here we fought three battles, and I was also at the taking of Chiapa.

The two conflicts near Chamula and Quitlan.

The two similar rencontres near Teapa and Cimatan. Here I lost two of my companions, and was myself severely wounded in the throat.

I had almost forgotten to mention that, in our disastrous retreat from Mexico, we were continually attacked, for the s.p.a.ce of nine days, by the enemy, and we fought four severe battles with them.

Expedition to the Honduras and Higueras, in which two years and three months elapsed before we again reached Mexico. Near the township of Culacotu we fought a severe engagement, in which I lost my horse, which had cost me 600 pesos.