The procuradores of all the towns of New Spain urged Cortes, in every possible manner, to take the government into his own hands; and they a.s.sured him they would persuade Aguilar, by fair words, to agree to it, particularly as he was always suffering from ill health, and it was perfectly evident the service of G.o.d and the true interests of his majesty must suffer in his hands. But whatever they might say to Cortes, he would not enter into their schemes, and always repeated that old Aguilar must govern alone.

Aguilar, indeed, was in a rapid decline, and so feeble, that to keep him alive he was obliged to be suckled by a Spanish woman; besides that, he drank quant.i.ties of goats' milk. He likewise about this time lost one of his sons, whom he had brought with him, of the same pestilential fever which hurried Ponce de Leon into the grave.

I must now go back in my history a little, and relate what befel the captain Luis Marin, who, with the troops under his command, had remained behind in Naco, where he was waiting to hear from Sandoval whether Cortes had embarked for Mexico or not; but we never received any tidings from him, as Saavedra, from sheer malice, had omitted to forward us the letters of Sandoval and Cortes, in which they sent us information of their intended departure for Mexico, with orders for us to march thither overland. As we had thus waited in vain for a length of time for some tidings from Truxillo, Luis Marin determined, with our unanimous consent, to despatch a few horse thither, to ascertain how matters stood. There were ten of us that left Naco on this occasion, under the command of Francisco Marmolejo. We had already fought our way through various hostile tribes up to Olancho, which at present is called Guayape, abounding in lucrative gold mines, when we happened to meet two Spanish invalids and a negro, who a.s.sured us that Cortes had set sail several days ago for Mexico, with Sandoval and all the other Conquistadores who were with him. They then added, that he had been induced to embark from the universal solicitations of the citizens of Mexico, who had despatched one of the Franciscan monks to Truxillo, to hasten his departure. Saavedra had been left behind in this latter town as commandant, and was further to subdue the surrounding country.

This intelligence filled all our hearts with joy, and we immediately despatched a letter by some of the inhabitants of Olancho to Saavedra for further information, and in the s.p.a.ce of four days we received an answer from him, confirming the account of the two Spaniards. We offered up thanks to G.o.d for this good news, and instantly set out on our march for the place where Luis Marin was encamped. We found him in the township of Acalteca, and he was not a little rejoiced at the good news we brought him.

We now, without any further delay, broke up our camp, and commenced our march towards Mexico. We took our route over the township of Mariani, where we came up with six men of the troops under Alvarado, who was on his road in search of us. One of these men was Diego de Villanueva, an excellent soldier, and one of the veteran Conquistadores, who had a.s.sisted in the founding of the town of Guatimala: he was a native of Villanueva de la Serena, in the territory of the grand master of the military order of Alcantara. As we were old friends, we gave each other a hearty embrace, and he then told us that Alvarado was marching hither, in company of several cavaliers, in search of Cortes, to hasten his return to Mexico. He likewise gave us full particulars of everything that had taken place in this town during our absence, and how the government of New Spain had been offered to Alvarado, who had not dared to accept of it, from fear of the factor.

After two days' further march, we came up with Alvarado himself, who was encamped, with his men, in a township, called Choluteca Malalaca. It would, indeed, be a difficult task for me to describe the delight he experienced when we told him of Cortes' departure for Mexico, which was the more excessive, as he was now spared the further fatigues of a long march, on which his troops had already suffered many hardships. In this township we likewise met several of Pedro Arias' officers, one of whom was named Garavito, and another Campannon, who said they were despatched by Arias to discover new countries, and to settle about some boundaries with Alvarado. The whole of our troops, and the two officers of Arias, remained three days in Choluteca, from which place Alvarado despatched a certain Gaspar Arias de Avila, who had settled in Guatimala, to the governor Arias, as we understood, respecting the preliminaries of a marriage, which is indeed most likely, as Gaspar Arias was a great adherer to Alvarado.

On the fourth day we left Choluteca, and continued our march to the province of Guatimala, but before we could reach the territory of Cuzcatlan, through which our route immediately lay, the rainy season set in, and we found the river Lempa so greatly swollen, that it seemed an impossibility for us ever to cross it. The only resource we had left was to fell a ceiba tree of very large dimensions, of which we hollowed out a canoe of such magnitude, that nothing was ever seen equal to it in this country before. Even then it took us five whole days before we had all pa.s.sed across, during which time we suffered dreadfully from hunger, as we had not a grain of maise left.

After we had pa.s.sed the river, we came to the townships of Chapanastec, where the inhabitants killed one of our men, named Nicuesa, and wounded three others. These men had gone out in search of provisions, and were attacked before we could come up to their a.s.sistance. As we did not wish to be detained any longer, we would not give ourselves the trouble of chastising the inhabitants for their murderous attack. This took place in that province where at present the town of San Miguel is built. From this place we came into the territory of Cuzcatlan, the inhabitants of which we found very hostilely inclined towards us; nevertheless, we had plenty of provisions; and we now came into some townships in the neighbourhood of Petapa, where the Guatimaltecs were lying in wait for us, in deep hollows, between steep rocks. It took us three days before we could succeed in forcing this pa.s.sage. Here I was slightly wounded by an arrow.

In this way we at length reached Petapa, and the day following we arrived in a valley, to which we gave the name of Fuerto, and in which at present the town of Guatimala stands. At that time the whole of Guatimala was up in arms against us, so that we had to fight our way through the country. I shall never forget the dreadful earthquake we felt here. We were marching steadily along the slope of a rising ground, when the earth began to tremble so strongly, that several of our soldiers were no longer able to stand on their legs, and fell down; and this fearful shaking continued for a considerable length of time. From this place we had a good road to Old Guatimala, where the two caziques Sacachul and Cinacan generally resided. However, the whole armed force of Guatimala lay in wait for us, in a deep hollow, near the town, to prevent our entry; but we soon dispersed them with considerable loss, and we took up our quarters for the night in the town, which contained many large and beautiful buildings, owing to the circ.u.mstance of all the caziques, who governed the neighbouring provinces, residing there. The next morning we again quitted the town, and encamped on the plain, where we constructed ourselves huts. Here we lay for the s.p.a.ce of ten days, as Alvarado had twice summoned the inhabitants of Guatimala, and other townships of the surrounding neighbourhood, to submit, and was desirous of knowing what answer they would return; but as they neither sent any message nor amba.s.sadors to him, we again broke up our camp, and continued to move forward by forced marches. We did not, however, pa.s.s any way near to the district where Alvarado had left his brother Gonzalo in command of the great body of his troops, for the whole country had risen up in arms. The township we next came to was Olintepec, where we halted for several days, to rest from our fatigues. From this place we marched to Soconusco and Teguantepec, where two of our countrymen, and the Mexican cazique Juan Velasquez, who had been commander-in-chief under Quauhtemoctzin, died on the road. Here it was that we received the first intelligence of the death of the licentiate Leon, which was the more to be regretted, since so much good was expected from him, and the excellent choice which his majesty had made in his person.

We now marched forward with the utmost expedition, so impatient were we to see Mexico again. As, altogether, we were eighty in number, and that under the command of Alvarado, we immediately sent Cortes notice, when we had arrived in Chalco, that on the following day we intended making our entry into Mexico, and we begged that quarters might be got in readiness for us, as, during an absence of above two years and three months, we should almost be strangers there. As soon as it was known in Mexico that we had arrived in Iztapalapan, Cortes, accompanied by several cavaliers, came out to meet us along the causeway. The first building we visited in the town was the princ.i.p.al church, whither we instantly repaired, to offer up our thanks to the Almighty for our safe return. From the church we were conducted by Cortes to his palace, where a sumptuous repast had been prepared for us. Alvarado took up his quarters in his official dwelling, belonging to the fortifications, of which he was alcalde at that time. Sandoval gave Luis Marin a lodging in his house, and I, and one of my friends, the captain Luis Sanchez, were invited by Andreas de Tapia to take up our abode with him, and we were treated with every mark of respect. I now very soon received from Sandoval, Cortes, and other of my old friends of this town, different articles of wearing apparel, some gold, and a quant.i.ty of cacao, all of which were sent as presents to me. The next day after our arrival, I and my friend Luis Sanchez, having first attended ma.s.s, walked out together in the town, first of all to pay our respects to the governor Marcos de Aguilar. We requested Sandoval and Tapia to accompany us on this occasion, to interest themselves for us with the governor; to which they readily consented, and they explained to him who we were, what important services we had rendered to the crown, and then begged of him to bestow on us Indian commendaries in the neighbourhood of Mexico, as those we possessed in the province of Guacasualco were of very little value.

Marcos de Aguilar, in reply, promised very kindly to do all he could for us, but at the same time a.s.sured us that it was totally out of his power either to grant or take away any commendary, as Ponce de Leon, in his last will, had particularly ordered that all the lawsuits and the unoccupied commendaries should remain as they were until his majesty had otherwise disposed; and concluded by saying, that as soon as he should receive full powers to distribute the Indians, he would present us with the most lucrative commendaries in the whole country.

About this time, also, Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba in Mexico, and as it was said he had written the letters which the factor sent to Spain, respecting the certainty of our all having perished with Cortes in the late expedition, the latter, Sandoval, and several other cavaliers, reproached him most bitterly for having written things of which he had no certainty, and that by his letters he had brought New Spain to the brink of destruction; but Ordas swore most solemnly that he had never written any letter to that effect. He certainly had been, he said, in a township called Xicalango, and had learnt that two Spanish vessels had lain there for some time; that a dispute had arisen among the men on board, who came to blows, and many on both sides were killed; and that the few who remained were ma.s.sacred by the Indians. It was respecting this unfortunate affair that he had written to New Spain, and this might, indeed, have caused the rumours to be set afloat of our total destruction. Moreover, the letter he had written might still be found among the factor's papers, by which they would best be able to convince themselves of the truth of what he had said, and what bad use the factor must have made of it, to serve his own ends.

As the factor and veedor were still kept in close confinement, and Cortes, according to the arrangements made by Leon in his will, could not at present continue the criminal suits against those two persons, besides that he had many other unpleasant matters to attend to just then, he determined to leave the case as it was until his majesty's further pleasure should be known with regard to the government of New Spain. The whole of his time was occupied for the present in reclaiming a great part of his possessions which had been sold to raise a fund that prayers might be offered up in the churches for his departed soul; but this was done with an evil design, that people might think he was really dead. All this property, besides that which had been set apart for the ma.s.ses for the repose of his soul, was purchased by an inhabitant of Mexico named Juan Caceres the wealthy.

Diego de Ordas finding that Cortes, since the arrival of Leon, had lost his former authority, and that many persons had even the shamelessness to neglect and make him feel the little estimation in which they held him, he, with his usual dexterity of mind, profited by this circ.u.mstance to regain the good graces of our general, and advised him to a.s.sume all the outward splendour of a grandee, to receive his visitors seated on a canopied throne, and not to allow himself to be called merely Cortes, but to be addressed as Don Hernando Cortes. He at the same time particularly reminded him that the factor was a creature of the comendador-mayor Don Francisco de los Cobos, whose influence in Spain was immense. The protection of such a man, he said, might perhaps be of the utmost importance to him, as his majesty and the council of the Indies were much prejudiced against him; it would be altogether injurious to his interests to act more severely against the factor than the law permitted. This counsel Ordas thought proper to give Cortes, as it was generally suspected in Mexico that he intended putting the factor to death in his prison.

Before I proceed with my narrative I must inform the reader why, when speaking of Cortes, I never call him Don Hernando Cortes, or marquis, or by any other t.i.tle, but plainly Cortes. The reason is, that he himself was best pleased when he was simply addressed as Cortes; besides that, he was not created marquis until some time after, and that the name of Cortes stood in equal renown throughout the whole of Spain at that time as in the Roman period the names of Julius Caesar and of Pompey; and in the Carthaginian as that of Hannibal; or, in the earlier part of our history, the name of the valiant and invincible knight Diego Garcia de Paredes; or, in more recent times, the name of Gonzalo Hernandez, surnamed the Great Captain.

I must also not forget to mention that, about this time, the treasurer Alonso de Estrada married one of his two daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and the other to Don Luis de Guzman, son of Don Juan de Saavedra, earl of Castellar. During the preliminaries of the marriage it was likewise settled that Pedro de Alvarado should repair in person to Spain in order to obtain from his majesty the appointment of governor of Guatimala for himself, and that, during his absence, his brother Jorge was to take the chief command of this province, and to continue to subdue the hostile tribes. The latter officer, indeed, immediately made preparations for this purpose, and took along with him two hundred Indian auxiliaries from Tlascalla, Mexico, and other provinces.

Marcos de Aguilar at the same time despatched a cavalier named Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, into the province of Chiapa to found a colony there. A similar expedition Aguilar sent out under the command of Baltasar Osorio, a n.o.bleman of Seville, to the province of Tabasco. A third expedition he sent out under the command of Alonso Herrera, one of Cortes' soldiers, to subdue the Zapotecs, who inhabit almost inaccessible mountains. I will relate how far these several officers succeeded, in a subsequent page. I must now speak of the speedy termination of Aguilar's government.

CHAPTER CXCIV.

_Marcos de Aguilar dies, and in his will appoints the treasurer Alonso de Estrada governor; and of other matters._

I have already stated, in the former chapter, that Marcos de Aguilar was in a miserable state of ill health, yet the physicians contrived to keep him alive for the s.p.a.ce of eight months by means of goats' milk and other nourishing food; but, in addition to his other diseases, he was at length attacked by a malignant fever, which soon put an end to all his miseries. By his will he appointed Alonso de Estrada his sole successor in the government, with the same restrictions as he himself had received from Ponce de Leon.

The inhabitants of Mexico, however, and particularly those Spaniards who had settled in the provinces, placed not the slightest confidence in Estrada's capability of governing, as he did not evince sufficient energy to offer any resistance to the tyrannical conduct of Nuno de Guzman, who, a couple of years previously, had arrived from Spain with the appointment of governor of Panuco. This man, without any ceremony, added whole districts from the territory of Mexico to his province; he paid not the least attention to the instructions he had received from the emperor, and altogether behaved like a furious madman. Among other things, he hung a n.o.bleman of distinction named Pedro Gonzales de Truxillo, who had settled in Mexico, without any form or trial, merely because he had declared that his commendary was not subject to his government but to that of Mexico, as his possessions were not comprehended in the province of Panuco. In like manner he had the audacity to serve several other Spaniards, and he paid not the slightest attention to the remonstrances of the governor Estrada.

The chief authorities of Mexico and the rest of the distinguished cavaliers of the town, seeing how little this tyrannical neighbour cared for their governor, and what little support they had to expect from the latter against the oppression and encroachments of the other, they begged Estrada to give Cortes an equal share in the government with himself, a.s.suring him that the service of G.o.d and the true interests of his majesty imperatively demanded this. However, Estrada obstinately refused to listen to their proposal, though others again affirm that Cortes himself was the person who declined in any way to interfere in the government, to put it out of the power of his enemies to say that he was striving by some means or other to raise himself to the head of the government again, and thereby give them an opportunity of confirming their suspicions which they had begun to rumour abroad against him, namely, that Marcos de Aguilar had died by his hand. In short, after many conferences, it was agreed that Sandoval, who was alguacil-mayor, and highly respected by every one, should jointly govern with Estrada, who himself approved of it in every way, though some persons maintained he had merely conceded in the hopes of marrying his daughter to Sandoval, and of obtaining for the latter the appointment of governor of New Spain, which at that time was not considered of so much importance as at the present day.

After every arrangement respecting the government of the country had been settled between Sandoval and Estrada, the latter was advised by his friends to despatch a vessel forthwith to Spain to forward his majesty an account of everything that had taken place, and to draw up this account in such a manner as if he had only taken Sandoval as a colleague in order to avoid giving Cortes a share of the government.

Cortes' enemies also profited by this opportunity to despatch their letters to Spain, in which they calumniated our general in the foulest manner; they stated right out that he had poisoned Garay, Leon, and Aguilar, and that it was his intention to put the veedor and factor to death; the whole of which, however, were most barefaced and scandalous lies. To all this was added, that about the same time the accountant Albornoz, who was never well inclined towards Cortes, went to Spain to injure him in every possible manner. After his majesty and the council of the Indies had read all the letters and despatches, which seemed to vie with each other in their complaints against Cortes, and were moreover confirmed by Albornoz, all the former accusations respecting his treatment of Narvaez, Tapia, and his conduct towards his first wife, Dona Catalina Suarez la Marcaida, were harrowed up again, and actually gained credit in all their distortion. The emperor, therefore, came to the determination to appoint Estrada sole governor of New Spain; he confirmed all his previous acts and deeds, gave him power to distribute the commendaries according to the best of his judgment, and ordered that the factor and veedor should again be set at liberty and reinstated in all their former possessions.

A vessel was immediately despatched from Spain with these his majesty's commands, which soon arrived in Mexico; but this was not all, for his majesty also ordered the comendador-mayor of the order of Alcantara, Don Pedro de la Cueva, to equip three hundred soldiers at Cortes' expense, to repair with these to New Spain, there to make inquiries into the complaints which had been made against Cortes, with full power, if he should find them founded in truth, to cut off his head. In the same way the comendador was to punish all those who had acted against the real interests of the crown; he was to take away all the townships in possession of Cortes, and to distribute them among the veteran Conquistadores. His majesty likewise ordered that a royal court of audience should be appointed at Mexico, as a supreme court of justice.

The departure of the comendador-mayor, however, was so long deferred, that at last it was given up altogether; for it met with great opposition at court, and the comendador was either not supplied with so large a sum of money as he had asked for, or perhaps the duke of Bejar had again espoused Cortes' cause, as on former occasions.

But to return to the treasurer Estrada. He grew excessively vain and proud when he found himself so highly favoured by his majesty as to be appointed sole governor of New Spain; and he had been a.s.sured that the emperor knew he was a son of his catholic majesty king Ferdinand. The first thing he did therefore was to despatch his cousin Diego de Mazariegos as captain to Chiapa, to inst.i.tute an inquiry into the conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, to whom Marcos de Aguilar had intrusted the chief command in that province, but who plundered and oppressed the inhabitants in the most shameful manner. In the same way he began to make preparations to subject the townships of the Zapotecs and of the Minxes, and to make success more sure they were to be attacked from two different points at the same time. The troops which were to operate on the north side he gave in command to a certain Barrios, who had previously been captain in Italy. He was a man of great courage, had but recently arrived from Spain, and must not be confounded with Cortes' cousin Barrios, of Seville. The number of his troops, on this expedition, amounted to above one hundred men, including several musketeers and crossbow-men. But this expedition terminated very unfortunately, for scarcely had he arrived in the Tiltepec townships, when one night he was suddenly attacked by the natives, and Barrios himself killed, with seven of his men. The greater part of the remaining troops were wounded, and the whole of them would undoubtedly have been cut to pieces if they had not made a precipitate retreat to Villa-Diego and the neighbouring friendly districts.

This, I think, is a sufficient proof of the difference between the veteran Conquistadores and the troops newly arrived from Spain, who have not the slightest notion of a war with Indians or of their artifices; and thus miserably did this expedition terminate.

The second body of troops were to fall into the Zapotec territory from the side of Guaxaca, and were commanded by an officer named Figuero, who, it was said, had likewise previously been a captain in Spain; one thing is certain, he stood on a most confidential footing with the governor Estrada. He had a like number of troops under his command as Barrios, but also men recently arrived from Spain. As soon as he reached the territory of the Zapotecs, he despatched a messenger to a certain Alonso Herrera to repair to his camp. This Herrera had been sent with a detachment of thirty men into these provinces, during the administration of Marcos de Aguilar.

Figuero had, no doubt, been empowered to take the command over Herrera, for the latter obeyed his orders and arrived in his camp; but they had not been long there together before a terrible dispute arose between them, which ended in their drawing swords, and in Herrera severely wounding Figuero, besides three soldiers who came up to defend him. As the latter officer, on account of his wounds was unable to use his arm, he gave up all idea of marching to the mountains of the Minxes, which were very difficult of access; besides which, his men had no notion of the warfare of this country; so that in the end he solely turned his attention towards discovering the burial places of the caziques, to open their graves for the sake of the gold ornaments which the inhabitants of olden times were accustomed to bury with their chiefs. This employment he prosecuted with so much vigour, and his endeavours proved so successful, that he collected in this manner above 100,000 pesos worth of gold, and with this treasure, added to some other valuable matters he had found in two of the townships, he determined to retire, and he consequently relinquished the expedition against the Zapotecs and Minxes altogether. He then returned to Mexico with the intention of spending his money quietly in Spain; for which purpose he shortly after set sail from Vera Cruz, but had not been long at sea before he was overtaken by so terrific a storm that the vessel, he himself, with five other pa.s.sengers and all his gold went to the bottom.

Thus terminated all the governor Estrada's warlike undertakings against these provinces, nor was the rebellion put down until we, the inhabitants of Guacasualco, marched against them and completely subdued the country; though it was no very easy matter for us either, and as the cavalry was of no use among the high mountains there: I was obliged three several times to march out against these tribes; for if we did subdue them during the spring and summer months, they were sure to revolt again when the rainy season set in, and they put every Spaniard they could lay hold of to death. But as we each time vigorously pursued them to their retreats, they at length sued for peace, and then it was that the town of San Alfonso was founded in their country.

The governor Estrada, in the meantime, was determined that Herrera should not go unpunished for wounding his friend Figuero, and issued orders for his apprehension; but he had escaped to the mountains before the arrival of the alguacils, who, in order not to return with empty hands to Mexico, brought back with them in chains a soldier, whom Herrera had generally about his person. This man's name was Cortejo, and he was a hidalgo by birth, yet the governor without so much as bringing him to trial, ordered his right hand to be cut off.

About this time also one of Sandoval's grooms got into high words with one of the governor's servants, so that at length they drew swords and wounded each other. Even this paltry affair the governor thought it worth his while to resent, and he ordered one of the groom's hands to be cut off. Cortes and Sandoval were not then in Mexico, but had retired to Quauhnahuac, partly to enjoy more peace and get out of the way of the constant cabals, and partly to bring about a good understanding between two caziques of the latter place who had come to blows with each other.

They were, however, immediately informed of what had taken place in Mexico, and with the severe punishment with which Sandoval's groom was threatened. They hastened, therefore, to Mexico, but too late to prevent the sentence being put into execution.

Cortes was so enraged at this insult, that he said the most bitter things to the governor in Sandoval's presence, which alarmed him to such a degree that he considered his life in danger from him, and he formed a body guard for the protection of his person, and only selected for this purpose men in whose fidelity he could place implicit reliance. In order, however, still further to strengthen his party against Cortes, he liberated the veedor and factor, who, in acknowledgment for this, hinted to him that he ought to banish Cortes from Mexico, for he would never be able to govern in peace, and the demon of party-spirit would always be sowing discord as long as this man was allowed to remain in the city.

This counsel was followed by the governor, who signed the banishment of Cortes, and ordered it to be notified to him. Cortes said he gladly obeyed these commands, and thanked G.o.d from the bottom of his heart that things had now come to such a pa.s.s, that persons of worthless character, unworthy of the offices they filled, should banish him from a country and a city, in the conquest of which he and his companions in arms had endured every species of hardship, fought numerous severe engagements, and so many brave soldiers had lost their lives. He was now himself determined to repair to Spain, there to acquaint his majesty with what was going on in Mexico, and to demand justice against people who repaid all the past favours he had bestowed upon them with base ingrat.i.tude.

Cortes quitted Mexico without delay, and repaired to the township of Cojohuacan, which was his own property, where, however, he only stayed for a short time, but travelled from thence to Tezcuco, and a few days after to Tlascalla. The governor Estrada, in the meantime, began to repent of what he had done; for when his wife, Dona Marina Gutierrez de la Caballeria, a most excellent and virtuous woman, learnt that her husband had liberated the veedor and factor, and had then banished Cortes from Mexico, she was seized with sudden grief, and said to her husband, she hoped the Almighty would forgive him his ingrat.i.tude towards a man who had befriended him in every way, and bestowed upon him so many lucrative commendaries. She advised him to do all in his power to regain his friendship, and to persuade him to return to Mexico; for otherwise his own life would be in constant danger. These circ.u.mstances are said to have made a deep impression on the governor, and he regretted exceedingly that he had banished Cortes, and liberated the factor and veedor; though they, as sworn enemies of the former, were ready to serve him in every possible manner.

About this time, also, father Don Julian Garces arrived from Spain, in order to enter upon the new bishopric of Tlascalla, of which he was appointed bishop. He was a native of Arragon, and a very eloquent preacher, and, in honour of the emperor, he took the name of Carolense.

This prelate highly disapproved of Cortes' banishment, and as soon as he heard of it he determined to bring about peace and friendship between the former and the governor. With this good object in view, he repaired to Tezcuco, where he embarked in a couple of canoes, with two priests and a monk, who had accompanied him, for Mexico. As intelligence of his approach had reached this town, the whole of the clergy in grand pomp, the chief authorities, the Conquistadores, and all the officers and soldiers then in Mexico went out to meet him. Nor had he scarcely been a couple of days here before the governor begged of him to become mediator between himself and Cortes, and to persuade the latter to return to Mexico; for which purpose he then withdrew the order of banishment. The bishop, indeed, tried his utmost in this matter; but Cortes would listen to no adjustment of differences, and continually moved about from place to place, always accompanied by a considerable number of cavaliers and other persons. Cortes' princ.i.p.al object at the present moment was to collect as much gold as possible for his journey to Spain; for which purpose he not only mortgaged his own property, but even that of his friends who were resolved to stand by him. His example was followed by Sandoval and Tapia, who were determined to accompany him on his journey.

Cortes, during his stay in Tlascalla, was likewise visited by several of the inhabitants of Mexico and of other towns, as also by all those soldiers who had not received any commendaries; even the caziques of Mexico waited upon him, and offered him their services: and as at all times there are persons fond of change and rebellion, who are most pleased when everything is in uproar and confusion, many likewise advised him to set himself up for king of New Spain, for which, they said, he could not choose a more favorable opportunity than the present, and they would lend him every support. Cortes, however, showed so little inclination to listen to proposals of this nature, that he ordered two persons, who had made similar proposals to him, to be imprisoned, as guilty of high treason, and for a length of time made every semblance as if he intended to hang them.

A proposal of the same nature was made to him, in a letter from Mexico, by some turbulent characters of this town; though many persons were of opinion that this was merely the vile attempt of a certain party to catch some expression from Cortes which would lay him open to suspicion.

But as his fidelity to the emperor was not to be shaken, he dismissed every one with indignation from his presence who durst whisper such thoughts to him, threatening to have them hung immediately if they ever again durst mention such things to him.

In the same way these rebellious spirits sought to arouse Cortes by their vile projects; they did their utmost to alarm the governor and the factor, a.s.suring them that Cortes had not the remotest idea of leaving for Spain, but had merely spread this rumour to hide his real intentions, which were, to a.s.semble as large a body of men as he possibly could, to fall suddenly upon them; and that the caziques of Mexico, Tezcuco, Tlascalla, and of all the townships situate on the lake, were only awaiting the word from him to commence hostilities. The governor, the factor, and the veedor were so excessively alarmed at this, that they repeatedly importuned the bishop to inquire what Cortes'

real designs were; they even wrote to the latter himself, begged his pardon, and made all manner of offers to him.

The bishop, therefore, repaired to Cortes, in order to make another attempt to bring about a good understanding between all parties; but when he found how kindly he was received in every part of the province, when he found the excellent spirit which reigned among the inhabitants themselves, and was informed how indignantly Cortes had sent away those evil counsellors from his presence, he wrote word to the governor that he was the most loyal cavalier and the most faithful servant of his majesty, and that the present age could not show a second person of his worth. The governor might rest a.s.sured that Cortes positively intended to repair in person to the imperial court in Spain, and that he had no other design whatever. For the rest, continued the bishop, he could a.s.sure him that he had drawn universal odium on himself by Cortes'

banishment. This letter the bishop concluded with these words: "O, senor tesorero Estrada, what a terrible affair is this, which you have so wantonly caused!"

I forget whether Cortes, before leaving for Spain, again returned to Mexico, to make the necessary arrangements for the care of his property during his absence; I only know that he intrusted the licentiate Altamirano, Diego de Ocampo, Alonso Valiente, and Santacruz Burgales, but particularly the first mentioned, with the conduct of those matters.

Cortes had, among other things, a curious collection of the various kinds of birds found in New Spain, besides two tigers, several small jars of liquid amber, dried and fluid balsam, four expert Indian clowns, several rope-dancers, and three dwarfs of so monstrous a shape, that one could scarcely recognize the human form in them; also several Albinos of both s.e.xes, who could scarcely see out of their eyes: all of which were objects that could not fail to create universal astonishment in Spain, and the whole of them he intended as a present to his majesty. The caziques of Tlascalla likewise begged he would take along with him three young men of the most distinguished families of their country, one of whom was the son of the old blind Xicotencatl. Besides these, several of the Mexican caziques followed in his suite.

Cortes was just about preparing for his departure, when intelligence arrived that two fast-sailing vessels had put into Vera Cruz, direct from Spain, with letters, the contents of which will be found in the following chapter.

CHAPTER CXCV.