Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins, wife of Master Stephen Hopkins, of Billericay, in Ess.e.x, was delivered of a son, who, on account of the circ.u.mstances of his birth, was named Ocea.n.u.s, the first birth aboard the ship during the voyage.

A succession of fine days, with favoring winds.

MONDAY Nov. 6/16 William b.u.t.ten; a youth, servant to Doctor Samuel Fuller, died. The first of the pa.s.sengers to die on this voyage.

MONDAY Nov. 7/17 The body of William b.u.t.ten committed to the deep. The first burial at sea of a pa.s.senger, on this voyage.

MONDAY Nov. 8/18 Signs of land.

MONDAY Nov. 9/19 Closing in with the land at nightfall.

Sighted land at daybreak. The landfall made out to be Cape Cod the bluffs [in what is now the town of Truro, Ma.s.s.]. After a conference between the Master of the ship and the chief colonists, tacked about and stood for the southward. Wind and weather fair. Made our course S.S.W., continued proposing to go to a river ten leagues south of the Cape Hudson's River. After had sailed that course about half the day fell amongst dangerous shoals and foaming breakers [the shoals off Monomoy] got out of them before night and the wind being contrary put round again for the Bay of Cape Cod. Abandoned efforts to go further south and so announced to pa.s.sengers.

[Bradford (Historie, Ma.s.s. ed. p. 93) says: "They resolved to bear up again for the Cape." No one will question that Jones's a.s.sertion of inability to proceed, and his announced determination to return to Cape Cod harbor, fell upon many acquiescent ears, for, as Winslow says: "Winter was come; the seas were dangerous; the season was cold; the winds were high, and the region being well furnished for a plantation, we entered upon discovery." Tossed for sixty-seven days on the north Atlantic at that season of the year, their food and firing well spent, cold, homesick, and ill, the bare thought of once again setting foot on any land, wherever it might be, must have been an allurement that lent Jones potential aid in his high-handed course.]

SAt.u.r.dAY Nov. 11/21 Comes in with light, fair wind. On course for Cape Cod harbor, along the coast. Some hints of disaffection among colonists, on account of abandonment of location

[Bradford (in Mourt's Relation) says: "This day before we come to harbor Italics the author's, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an a.s.sociation and Agreement that we should combine together in one body; and to submit to such Government and Governors as we should, by common consent, agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for word." Then follows the Compact. Bradford is even more explicit in his Historie (Ma.s.s. ed. p. 109), where he says: "I shall a little returne backe and begin with a combination made by them before they came ash.o.r.e, being ye first foundation of their governments in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontent & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them [i.e. not any of the Leyden contingent had let fall from them in ye ship--That when they came ash.o.r.e they would use their owne libertie: for none had power to command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for New-England which belonged to another Government, with which ye London [or First Virginia Company had nothing to doe, and partly that such an acte by them done . . . might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure." Dr. Griffis is hardly warranted in making Bradford to say, as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 182), that "there were a few people I 'shuffled' in upon them the company who were probably unmitigated scoundrels." Bradford speaks only of Billington and his family as those "shuffled into their company," and while he was not improbably one of the agitators (with Hopkins) who were the proximate causes of the drawing up of the Compact, he was not, in this case, the responsible leader. It is evident from the foregoing that the "appearance of faction" did not show itself until the vessel's prow was turned back toward Cape Cod Harbor, and it became apparent that the effort to locate "near Hudson's River" was to be abandoned, and a location found north of 41 degrees north lat.i.tude, which would leave them without charter rights or authority of any kind. It is undoubtedly history that Master Stephen Hopkins,--then "a lay-reader" for Chaplain Buck,--on Sir Thomas Gates's expedition to Virginia, had, when some of them were cast away on the Bermudas, advocated just such sentiments--on the same basis--as were now bruited upon the MAY-FLOWER, and it could hardly have been coincidence only that the same were repeated here. That Hopkins fomented the discord is well-nigh certain. It caused him, as elsewhere noted, to receive sentence of death for insubordination, at the hands of Sir Thomas Gates, in the first instance, from which his pardon was with much difficulty procured by his friends. In the present case, it led to the drafting and execution of the Pilgrim Compact, a framework of civil self-government whose fame will never die; though the author is in full accord with Dr. Young (Chronicles, p. 120) in thinking that "a great deal more has been discovered in this doc.u.ment than the signers contemplated,"--wonderfully comprehensive as it is. Professor Herbert B. Adams, of Johns Hopkins University, says in his admirable article in the Magazine of American History, November, 1882 (pp--798 799): "The fundamental idea of this famous doc.u.ment was that of a contract based upon the common law of England,"--certainly a stable and ancient basis of procedure. Their Dutch training (as Griffis points out) had also led naturally to such ideas of government as the Pilgrims adopted.

It is to be feared that Griffis's inference (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 184), that all who signed the Compact could write, is unwarranted. It is more than probable that if the venerated paper should ever be found, it would show that several of those whose names are believed to have been affixed to it "made their 'mark.'" There is good reason, also, to believe that neither "sickness" (except unto death) nor "indifference" would have prevented the ultimate obtaining of the signatures (by "mark," if need be) of every one of the nine male servants who did not subscribe, if they were considered eligible. Severe illness was, we know, answerable for the absence of a few, some of whom died a few days later.

The fact seems rather to be, as noted, that age--not social status was the determining factor as to all otherwise eligible. It is evident too, that the fact was recognized by all parties (by none so clearly as by Master Jones) that they were about to plant themselves on territory not within the jurisdiction of their steadfast friends, the London Virginia Company, but under control of those formerly of the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company, who (by the intelligence they received while at Southampton) they knew would be erected into the "Council for the Affairs of New England." Goodwin is in error in saying (Pilgrim Republic, p. 62), "Neither did any other body exercise authority there;" for the Second Virginia Company under Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as noted, had been since 1606 in control of this region, and only a week before the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod (i.e.

on November 3) King James had signed the patent of the Council for New England, giving them full authority over all territory north of the forty-first parallel of north lat.i.tude, as successors to the Second Virginia Company. If the intention to land south of the forty-first parallel had been persisted in, there would, of course, have been no occasion for the Compact, as the patent to John Pierce (in their interest) from the London Virginia Company would have been in force. The Compact became a necessity, therefore, only when they turned northward to make settlement above 41 deg. north lat.i.tude.

Hence it is plain that as no opportunity for "faction"--and so no occasion for any "a.s.sociation and Agreement"--existed till the MAY-FLOWER turned northward, late in the afternoon of Friday, November to, the Compact was not drawn and presented for signature until the morning of Sat.u.r.day, November 11. Bradford's language, "This day, before we came into harbour," leaves no room for doubt that it was rather hurriedly drafted--and also signed--before noon of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Sat.u.r.day--hardly three weeks from the shortest day in the year--to reach and encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was signed "in the harbor of Cape Cod." It is noticeable that the instrument itself simply says, "Cape Cod," not "Cape Cod harbour,"

as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.]

for settlement on territory under the protection of the patent granted in their interest to John Pierce, by the London Virginia Company.

[The patent granted John Pierce, one of the Merchant Adventurers, by the London Virginia Company in the interest of the Pilgrims, was signed February 2/12, 1619, and of course could convey no rights to, or upon, territory not conveyed to the Company by its charter from the King issued in 1606, and the division of territory made thereunder to the Second Virginia Company. By this division the London Company was restricted northward by the 41st parallel, as noted, while the Second Company could not claim the 38th as its southern bound, as the charter stipulated that the nearest settlements under the respective companies should not be within one hundred miles of each other.]

Meeting in main cabin of all adult male pa.s.sengers except their two hired seamen, Trevore and Ely, and those too ill--to make and sign a mutual 'Compact"

[The Compact is too well known to require reprinting here (see Appendix); but a single clause of it calls for comment in this connection. In it the framers recite that, "Having undertaken to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia," etc.

From this phraseology it would appear that they here used the words "northern parts of Virginia" understandingly, and with a new relation and significance, from their connection with the words "the first colony in," for such declaration could have no force or truth except as to the region north of 41 deg. north lat.i.tude. They knew, of course, of the colonies in Virginia under Gates, Wingfield, Smith, Raleigh, and others (Hopkins having been with Gates), and that, though there had been brief attempts at settlements in the "northern plantations," there were none there then, and that hence theirs would be in a sense "the first," especially if considered with reference to the new Council for New England. The region of the Hudson had heretofore been included in the term "northern parts of Virginia," although in the southern Company's limit; but a new meaning was now designedly given to the words as used in the Compact, and New England was contemplated. ]

to regulate their civil government. This done, they confirmed Master Carver their "governour" in the ship on the voyage, their "governour" for the year. Bore up for the Cape, and by short tacks made the Cape [Paomet, now Provincetown] Harbor, coming to an anchorage a furlong within the point. The bay so circular that before coming to anchor the ship boxed the compa.s.s [i.e. went clear around all points of it].

Let go anchors three quarters of an English mile off sh.o.r.e, because of shallow water, sixty-seven days from Plymouth (Eng.), eighty-one days from Dartmouth, ninety-nine days from Southampton, and one hundred and twenty from London. Got out the long-boat and set ash.o.r.e an armed party of fifteen or sixteen in armor, and some to fetch wood, having none left, landing them on the long point or neck, toward the sea.

[The strip of land now known as Long Point, Provincetown (Ma.s.s.) harbor.]

Those going ash.o.r.e were forced to wade a bow-shot or two in going aland. The party sent ash.o.r.e returned at night having seen no person or habitation, having laded the boat with juniper wood.

SUNDAY, Nov. 12/22 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. All hands piped to service. Weather mild.

MONDAY, Nov. 13/23 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor, unshipped the shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her.

[Bradford (Historie, Ma.s.s. ed. p. 97) says: "Having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship they now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up: but being much brused and shatered in ye ship with foule weather, they saw she sould be longe in mending." In 'Mourt's Relation' he says: "Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down, in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened, with the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there: for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished her." Goodwin says she was "a sloop-rigged craft of twelve or fifteen tons." There is an intimation of Bradford that she was "about thirty feet long." It is evident from Bradford's account (Historie, Ma.s.s. ed. p. 105) of her stormy entrance to Plymouth harbor that the shallop had but one mast, as he says "But herewith they broake their mast in 3 pieces and their saill fell overboard in a very grown sea."]

Many went ash.o.r.e to refresh themselves, and the women to wash.

TUESDAY, Nov. 14/24 Lying at anchor. Carpenter at work on shallop. Arms and accoutrements being got ready for an exploring party inland.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 15/25 Lying at anchor in harbor. Master and boat's crew went ash.o.r.e, followed in the afternoon by an armed party of sixteen men under command of Captain Myles Standish.

Masters William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley being joined to him for council. The party to be gone from the ship a day or two. Weather mild and ground not frozen.

THURSDAY, Nov. 16/26 Lying at anchor in harbor. Exploring party still absent from ship. Weather continues open.

FRIDAY, Nov. 17/27 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Weather open.

Saw signal-fire on the other side of bay this morning, built by exploring party as arranged. The Master, Governor Carver, and many of the company ash.o.r.e in afternoon, and met exploring party there on their return to ship. Hearing their signal-guns before they arrived at the sh.o.r.e, sent long-boat to fetch them aboard. They reported seeing Indians and following them ten miles without coming up to them the first afternoon out, and the next day found store of corn buried, and a big ship's kettle, which they brought to the ship with much corn. Also saw deer and found excellent water.

SAt.u.r.dAY, Nov. 18/28 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Planters helving tools, etc. Carpenter at work on shallop, which takes more labor than at first supposed. Weather still moderate.

Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Nov. 19/29 At anchor, Gape Cod harbor. Second Sunday in harbor. Services aboard ship. Seamen ash.o.r.e. Change in weather. Colder.

MONDAY, Nov. 20/30 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter and others at work on shallop, getting out stock for a new shallop, helving tools, making articles needed, etc.

TUESDAY, Nov. 21/Dec. 1 At anchor in harbor. Much inconvenienced in going ash.o.r.e. Can only go and come at high water except by wading, from which many have taken coughs and colds.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 22/Dec. 2 At anchor in harbor. Weather cold and stormy, having changed suddenly.

THURSDAY, Nov. 23/Dec. 3 At anchor in harbor. Cold and stormy.

Work progressing on shallop.

FRIDAY, Nov. 24/Dec. 4 At anchor in harbor. Continues cold and stormy.

SAt.u.r.dAY, Nov. 25/Dec. 5 At anchor in harbor. Weather same. Work on shallop pretty well finished and she can be used, though more remains to be done.

Another exploration getting ready for Monday. Master and crew anxious to unlade and return for England. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Nov. 26/Dec. 6 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Third Sunday here. Master notified Planters that they must find permanent location and that he must and would keep sufficient supplies for ship's company and their return.

[Bradford, Historie, Ma.s.s. ed. p. 96. The doubt as to how the ship's and the colonists' provisions were divided and held is again suggested here. It is difficult, however, to understand how the Master "must and would" retain provisions with his small force against the larger, if it came to an issue of strength between Jones and Standish.]

MONDAY, Nov. 27/Dec. 7 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Rough weather and cross winds. The Planters determined to send out a strong exploring party, and invited the Master of the ship to join them and go as leader, which he agreed continued to, and offered nine of the crew and the long-boat, which were accepted. Of the colonists there were four-and-twenty, making the party in all four-and-thirty.

Wind so strong that setting out from the ship the shallop and long-boat were obliged to row to the nearest sh.o.r.e and the men to wade above the knees to land. The wind proved so strong that the shallop was obliged to harbor where she landed. Mate in charge of ship. Blowed and snowed all day and at night, and froze withal.

Mistress White delivered of a son which is called "Peregrine." The second child born on the voyage, the first in this harbor.

TUESDAY, Nov. 28/Dec. 8 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Master Jones and exploring party absent on sh.o.r.e with long-boat and colonists' shallop. The latter, which beached near ship yesterday in a strong wind and harbored there last night, got under way this morning and sailed up the harbor, following the course taken by the long-boat yesterday, the wind favoring. Six inches of snow fell yesterday and last night. Crew at work clearing snow from ship.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 29/Dec. 9 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Foul weather threatening. Master Jones with sixteen men in the long-boat and shallop came aboard towards night (eighteen men remaining ash.o.r.e), bringing also about ten bushels of Indian corn which had been found buried. The Master reports a long march, the exploration of two creeks, great numbers of wild fowl, the finding of much corn and beans,' etc.

[This seems to be the first mention of beans (in early Pilgrim literature) as indigenous (presumably) to New England. They have held an important place in her dietary ever since.]

THURSDAY, Nov. 30/Dec. 10 At anchor in harbor. Sent shallop to head of harbor with mattocks and spades, as desired by those ash.o.r.e, the seamen taking their muskets also. The shallop came alongside at nightfall with the rest of the explorers--the tide being out--bringing a lot of Indian things, baskets, pottery, wicker-ware, etc., discovered in two graves and sundry Indian houses they found after the Master left them. They report ground frozen a foot deep.

FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter finishing work on shallop. Colonists discussing locations visited, as places for settlement.

SAt.u.r.dAY, Dec. 2/12 At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among colonists as to settlement, the Master insisting on a speedy determination.

Whales playing about the ship in considerable numbers. One lying within half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the Planters shot at her, but the musket of the one who gave fire first blew in pieces both stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt.

Fetched wood and water.