III. FREEHOLDER'S QUESTIONS TO GENERAL MARSHALL

VIRGINIA. Fredericksburg, Oct. 2

POLITICAL QUESTIONS

_Addressed to General_ MARSHALL _with his Answer thereto_

To J. MARSHALL, Esq.

RICHMOND, Sept. 12.

DEAR SIR,

Under a conviction that it will be of utility, should the answers to the following questions be such as I antic.i.p.ate, I state them with a confidence of your readiness to give replies. They will, at all events, greatly satisfy my mind.

_1st._ Do you not in heart, and sentiment, profess yourself an American--attached to the genuine principles of the Const.i.tution, as sanctioned by the will of the people, for their general liberty, prosperity and happiness?

_2d._ Do you conceive that the true interest and prosperity of _America_, is materially, or at all, dependent upon an alliance with any foreign nation? If you do, please state the causes, and a preference, if any exists, with the reasons for that preference.

_3d._ Are you in favor of an alliance, offensive and defensive, with _Great Britain_? In fine, are you disposed to advocate any other, or a closer connection with that nation, than exists at the ratification of the treaty of 1794? If so, please state your reasons.

_4th._ By what general principles, in your view, have the measures of our Administration and Government, in respect to _France_, been consistent with true policy or necessity? And could not the consequences have been avoided by a different line of conduct on our part?

_5th._ Are you an advocate for the Alien and Sedition Bills? Or, in the event of your election, will you use your influence to obtain a appeal of these laws?

A FREEHOLDER

(_Columbian Centinel_, Boston, Ma.s.s., Sat.u.r.day, October 20, 1798.)

MARSHALL'S ANSWERS TO FREEHOLDER'S QUESTIONS

RICHMOND, Sept. 20, '98.

DEAR SIR:--

I have just received your letter of yesterday, [_sic_] and shall with equal candor and satisfaction, answer all your queries. Every citizen has a right to know the political sentiments of the man who is proposed as his representative; and mine have never been of a nature to shun examination. To those who think another gentleman more capable of serving the district than myself, it would be useless to explain my opinions because whatever my opinions may be, they will, and ought, to vote for that other; but I cannot help wishing that those who think differently, would know my real principles, and not attribute to me those I never possessed; and with which active calumny has been pleased to asperse me.

_Answ._ 1. In heart and sentiment, as well as by birth and interest, I am an American, attached to the genuine principles of the const.i.tution, as sanctioned by the will of the people, for their general liberty, prosperity and happiness. I consider that const.i.tution as the rock of our political salvation, which has preserved us from misery, division and civil wars; and which will yet preserve us if we value it rightly and support it firmly.

_2._ I do not think the interest and prosperity of America, at all dependent on the alliance with any foreign nation; nor does the man exist who would regret more than myself the formation of such an alliance. In truth, America has, in my opinion, no motive for forming such connection, and very powerful motives for avoiding them. Europe is eternally engaged in wars in which we have no interest; and with which the fondest policy forbids us to intermeddle.

We ought to avoid any compact which may endanger our being involved in them. My sentiments on this subject are detailed at large in the beginning of the memorial addressed by the late envoys from the United States to the minister of foreign affairs of the French Republic, where the neutrality of the United States is justified, and the reasons for that neutrality stated.

_3rd._ I am not in favor of an alliance offensive and defensive with Great Britain nor for closer connection with that nation than already exists. No man in existence is more decidedly opposed to such an alliance, or more fully convinced of the evils that would result from it. I never have, in thought, word, or deed, given the smallest reason to suspect I wished it; nor do I believe any man acquainted with me does suspect it. Those who originate and countenance such an idea, may (if they know me) design to impose on others, but they do not impose on themselves.

The whole of my politics respecting foreign nations are reducible to this single position. We ought to have commercial intercourse with all, but political ties with none. Let us buy cheap and sell as dear as possible. Let commerce go wherever individual, and consequently national interest, will carry it; but let us never connect ourselves politically with any nation whatever.

I have not a right to say, nor can I say positively, what are the opinions of those who administer the Government of the United States; but I believe firmly that neither the President, nor any one of those with whom he advises, would consent to form a close and permanent political connection with any nation upon earth.

Should France continue to wage an unprovoked war against us, while she is also at war with Britain, it would be madness and folly not to endeavor to make such temporary arrangements as would give us the aid of the British fleets to prevent our being invaded; but I would not, even to obtain so obvious a good, make such a sacrifice as I think we should make, by forming a permanent political connection with that, or any other nation on earth.

_4th._ The measures of the administration and government of the United States with respect to France have in my opinion been uniformly directed by a sincere and unequivocal desire to observe, faithfully, the treaties existing between the two nations and to preserve the neutrality and independence of our country.--Had it been possible to maintain peace with France without sacrificing those great objects, I am convinced that our government would have maintained it.

Unfortunately it has been impossible. I do not believe that any different line of conduct on our part, unless we would have relinquished the rights of self government, and have become the colonies of France, could have preserved peace with that nation.--But be a.s.sured that the primary object of France is and for a long time past has been, dominion over others. This is a truth only to be disbelieved by those who shut their eyes on the history and conduct of that nation.

The grand instruments by which they effect this end, to which all their measures tend, are immense armies on their part, and divisions, which a variety of circ.u.mstances have enabled them to create, among those whom they wish to subdue. Whenever France has exhibited a disposition to be just toward the United States, an accurate attention to facts now in possession of the public, will prove that this disposition was manifest in the hope of involving us in her wars, as a dependent and subordinate nation.

_5th._ I am not an advocate for the alien and sedition bills; had I been in Congress when they pa.s.sed, I should, unless my judgment could have been changed, certainly have opposed them. Yet, I do not think them fraught with all those mischiefs which many gentlemen ascribe to them. I should have opposed them because I think them useless; and because they are calculated to create unnecessary discontents and jealousies at a time when our very existence, as a nation, may depend on our union--

I believe that these laws, had they been opposed on these principles by a man, not suspected of intending to destroy the government, or being hostile to it, would never have been enacted. With respect to their repeal, the effort will be made before I can become a member of Congress.

If it succeeds there will be an end of the business--if it fails, I shall on the question of renewing the effort, should I be chosen to represent the district, obey the voice of my const.i.tuents. My own private opinion is, that it will be unwise to renew it for this reason: the laws will expire of themselves, if I recollect rightly the time for which they are enacted, during the term of the ensuing Congress. I shall indisputably oppose their revival; and I believe that opposition will be more successful, if men's minds are not too much irritated by the struggle about a repeal of laws which will, at the time, be expiring of themselves.

J. MARSHALL.

(From _Times and Virginia Advertiser_, Alexandria, Va., Oct. 11, 1798.)

WORKS CITED IN THIS VOLUME

WORKS CITED IN THIS VOLUME

_The material given in parentheses and following certain t.i.tles indicates the form in which those t.i.tles have been cited in the footnotes._

ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS, _editor_. _See_ Adams, John. Works.

ADAMS, HENRY. The Life of Albert Gallatin. Philadelphia. 1879. (Adams: _Gallatin_.)

_See also_ Gallatin, Albert. Writings.

ADAMS, JOHN. Works. Edited by Charles Francis Adams. 10 vols. Boston.

1856. (_Works_: Adams.)

---- Old Family Letters. Copied from the originals for Alexander Biddle.

Philadelphia. 1892. (_Old Family Letters._)

---- Correspondence between the Honorable John Adams, late President of the United States, and the late William Cunningham. Boston. 1823.

(_Cunningham Letters._)