Now mount the chariot, O Lord, We know not where to go.

Thy hand must now uplift the sword And smite the haughty foe.

G.o.d, for thy honor and our land Blast Satan's progeny, And teach thy faithful flock to stand Ever more firm in Thee.

To bitter strife, O put an end!

And waken love anew; Kind hearts to parted brethren send, Old feelings warm and true.

The _Landfriede_ (General Peace) was concluded; quiet appeared to be restored in the Confederacy. Then a foreign country laid claim to the Swiss Reformer. In the spring of 1529, the majority of the princes and cities, a.s.sembled at the Imperial Diet in Spire, endeavored to check the progress of the Reformation in Germany, by stringent resolutions.

Conflicting doctrines in regard to the Lord's Supper especially, should not be allowed. No more ecclesiastical innovations were to be permitted until approved at an ec.u.menical council. The states of the Empire, which were already inclined to the Gospel, entered protests against this compulsory act, and received thence the name of Protestants. The most active of these Protestants was the _landgrave_ Philip of Hesse.

Resolved to carry through the rising opposition, even against the Emperor himself if necessary, he directed his chief attention to the maintenance and establishment of concord among the Protesters themselves. Although the Confederates, from the nature of their special compacts (_buende_) and their struggles after national independence, had actually more and more torn lose from connection with the German Empire, they were still always formally counted as belonging to it,--indeed, said so themselves, whenever it suited their advantage.

But, just before the election of the then reigning Emperor, the Diet, in the name of the collective cantons, wrote a complimentary letter to the Electoral Princes, under cover of the privilege due to them as members of the Empire. Now also the resolutions of the Imperial Diet were communicated by the Emperor, and a demand made upon them for their execution. It is easy to imagine that the Protestant Princes would strive likewise to gain them over to their party. Philip of Hesse especially, looked toward Zurich and Zwingli. Early in April, he had addressed him from Spire. He desired a personal interview. At the same time it might serve to heal the dispute between the Saxon and Swiss Reformers, which had taken a disagreeable turn, and contributed more than anything else to make the cause of the Gospel suspicious in the eyes of the Catholics, yea, even hateful to them. The chief obstacle in the way of an understanding lay in the manner of seeking it--by a general formula, a declaration drawn up in words, though the Gospel itself did not contain such a thing. Few in that age had the sound judgment of the later _landgrave_ William of Hesse, who, in the year 1566, wrote to Bullinger: "What Christ, the Chief Schoolmaster, has not seen fit to explain, we men should not undertake to explain for ourselves." _That_ Christ, offering himself up in love, would continue to live in all the members of his church to the remotest ages, and so declared at the last breaking of bread and pouring out of wine in the circle of his disciples, must be clear to every reader of the Gospel.

_Whether_ and _how_ he continues to live in them, deeds only can show: the confession of the heart, not that of the lips, which Christ himself does not require of us.

But when, in spite of this, such a thing was required, it was necessarily apprehended in a plainer sense by some of the Reformers, and in a more profound one by others, according to the individual peculiarities; at the same time it was regarded as more free or more binding according to the spirit of the nations and the governments, which they represented. This will best appear from the history viewed in its connection.

It has already been intimated in this work that the ma.s.s, in view of its significance and determining power, forms the ground-work of the _cultus_, or form of worship in the Catholic Church. Yet Catholic writers themselves have admitted and publicly expressed it, that, long before the Reformation, dangerous ideas concerning the ma.s.s prevailed among the people, which, fostered designedly by the clergy, and even by the Popes, led to great abuses, being employed, through the founding of ma.s.ses for souls, to entice immense sums of money from pious superst.i.tion. We may suppose, that the Reformers turned their attention chiefly to these abuses, and first of all were obliged to attain for themselves a right view of the design of the Lord's Supper. According to the doctrine of the Catholic Church, the bread and wine were changed, by the consecration of the priest, into the real body and blood of Christ, so that thus, by the transaction of the ma.s.s, the personal Christ was once more sacrificed, as it were, and in this way the redemption of mankind by the sufferings and death of Christ dwelling in ma.s.s, was, in a certain measure, daily renewed, for the salvation of all the living, or even the departed, for whom ma.s.s was founded.

This mode of representation was unanimously rejected by the Reformers; but in order to prove it invalid, they had to resort to explaining the words of the Gospel, and here they began to diverge more and more from each other. We all know, that Christ simply expressed himself thus: "Take, eat; this is my body, broken for you; do this in remembrance of me;" that after supper he also took the cup, saying: "This cup is the New Testament in my blood; as oft as ye drink of it, do it in remembrance of me." Zwingli, with his searching glance, his methods of examination, strengthened by the study of the lively, vigorous authors of antiquity, his penetration into the spirit of language and his dislike to everything contrary to the course of nature, ordained by G.o.d himself, soon arrived at a mere allegorical exposition of these words, and understood by the expression, _This is_, simply, _This signifies_.

But he did not entertain this view alone. Before he ventured to utter it publicly, a Dutch jurist, Cornelius Horn, had actually done it.

Zwingli caused his work to be printed in Switzerland, and promoted its circulation. In the Conference at Zurich touching the ma.s.s, he for the first time came out openly as an advocate of this view; but he did not satisfy the bulk of his hearers. The not unlearned under-clerk, Joachim am Gruet, opposed him, even attacked him, in a second Conference before the Councils and scholars, with tolerable success, and availed himself of the objection, against the reference of the Reformer to a mult.i.tude of Scripture pa.s.sages, where Christ in parables likewise made use of the word "_is_," plainly instead of "signifies," that they were only parables, whilst the Supper was a transaction so solemn, that such an arbitrary, audacious mode of interpretation could in no wise be admitted. How Zwingli was at first embarra.s.sed by this objection, and how he afterward succeeded in refuting it, he may tell us in his own language.

"Undoubtedly," says he in one of his works,[4] "no easy task was before me, namely, to cite an example for my mode of interpretation, derived from no parable. I began to think over it, to look for it everywhere; in vain! I could find nothing. The 13th of April was at hand;[5] I tell the truth; (willingly would I keep silent, for I well know many will make a mock of it; but it is G.o.d's finger; my conscience constrains me to speak), early in the morning, before the break of day, I dreamed that I, yet full of chagrin, was once more attacked in battle with the under-clerk, and so beaten that I could discover no way of escape, and my tongue refused to do its office. This anguish tormented me in an incredible manner, as such things do in dreams, during the deceitful night. (I wish to tell it only as a dream, although it concerns me much; although that is important enough for me; which I have learned, thanks be to G.o.d! through whose power alone anything is possible). As by the stroke of an enchanter's wand, I saw a comforter stand before me, (whether he was white or black, I cannot say; I relate a dream).

'Wherefore, thou awkward one,' he asks, 'dost thou not oppose him with the pa.s.sage in the twelfth chapter of the second book of Moses? It _is_ the Lord's pa.s.sover.' I awoke, sprang out of bed, looked at the pa.s.sage, thought over it and preached from it in the morning before the congregation, and, as I hope with sufficient power. The sermon swept the mists from the eyes of all those, who, on account of the above-mentioned difficulty, had not been able to obtain a clear view, and three days after, on the festival of the resurrection, such a pa.s.sover of the Lord was celebrated, as I have never yet seen, and the number of those, who hankered after the flesh-pots of Egypt was less than any one would have ventured to hope."

In the beginning, Luther also had looked at this mode of interpretation, but discovered in the bias of his mind greater difficulties, to which others of an external nature were added. As early as the year 1524, he had written to the "Christians at Stra.s.sburg:" "This I confess--if any one had been able to a.s.sure me five years ago that there was nothing in the Sacrament but bread and wine, he would have done me the greatest service. I then endured such a severe temptation and so struggled and writhed, that I would willingly have been delivered, for I plainly saw that by it I could have dealt the heaviest blow against the Papacy; but I am fast and cannot get out.

The text is too powerful here and will not suffer itself to be wrested of its meaning by words." The thing, which had especially awakened his dislike to the Zwinglian view, and which he does not here tell us, was the circ.u.mstance, that, before Zwingli had yet expressed himself publicly in regard to the Lord's Supper, Doctor Carlstadt had come out in Saxony with a still bolder interpretation, by which he attempted to break up the connection of Christ's own words of inst.i.tution in such a way, that half of them lost all their meaning. In a violent work, that met with approval in many places, he then spread abroad this interpretation. This Carlstadt was to Luther a glowingly-hated stone of offence, which everywhere laid in his way. Whilst Luther was in the Wartburg, he had headed the furious image-stormers in Wittemberg. He now made his home in Orlamuend, where he supplanted the preacher, disregarded all the ordinances of the Elector, and excited the people to such a degree, that when Luther went into the country, at the command of the Prince, to restore order, he was pelted with dirt and stones, and pursued with the cry: "Drive off, in the name of a thousand devils, and break your neck!" Deprived of his situation, after such doings, Carlstadt went to Stra.s.sburg, and then to Switzerland.

Meanwhile, his writings were forbidden by the Council at Stra.s.sburg.

Zwingli, on the other hand, declared this to be unjust, because Carlstadt's writings contained neither G.o.dless nor fanatical errors.

Henceforth Luther began to transfer his hatred against Carlstadt more and more to Zwingli, although the latter, in his work, "On true and false Religion," only excused Carlstadt's interpretation, but in no wise approved, rather a.s.sailed it; and whencolampadius also issued his treatise on the Lord's Supper, Luther came out openly in the most pa.s.sionate letters against the Swiss Reformers. "For myself," says he, in one of them, "I confess, that I do not think Zwingli a Christian with all his doctrines, for he holds and teaches no part of the Christian faith rightly, and has become seven times worse than when he was a Papist, according to Christ's judgment: 'The last state of that man shall be worse than the first.' I make such a confession, that I may be without blame before G.o.d and the world, because I have no share in Zwingli's doctrines, nor will have to all eternity!"[6]

To allay this strife was the task which the _landgrave_ Philip of Hesse, proposed to himself. This Prince, then in his twenty-fifth year, a man of scientific culture, an indefatigable ruler, beloved by his people and feared by his more powerful neighbors, on account of his decided and enterprising character, was the soul of the Protestant party. To the Elector of Saxony, who, possessed of more prudence and timidity, stood along with him at its head, he wrote: "Rather would I give up body and life, land and people, than abandon G.o.d and his Word."

At his court lived Duke Ulric, of Wuertemberg, an exile, driven from his country by the Emperor, and the Swabian League, but undaunted, eager for war, and continually busied with plans for recovering his princely seat. At an earlier period he had spent some time in Switzerland and became personally acquainted with Zwingli, and through him the _landgrave_ was also brought into connection with the Reformer.

Thinking clearly and feeling dearly; imbued also with the spirit of the Holy Scriptures, he thought, if stubbornness did not prevent it, a mutual understanding was yet possible, and resolved to spare no pains in order to attain it. Zwingli andcolampadius willingly consented to his proposal of a Conference. They only wished it to be held in Stra.s.sburg, because Zwingli especially despaired of receiving permission from the Zurich Council for the dangerous journey to Marburg, the residence of the _landgrave_, and so long an absence. The consent of the Saxons was more difficult to obtain. Melancthon from timidity, and because he did not wish to break fully with the Catholics, reconciliation with whom he thought yet possible, and Luther from dislike avoided the Conference; the former even privately requested the Elector not to permit them to go. "It is not well," he said, "for the _landgrave_ to have much to do with the Zwinglians; he has taken, moreover, a greater liking to them, than is necessary; for the matter has come to such a point, that acute people, like the _landgrave_, regard it with the deepest interest, and the understanding seizes readily upon what it comprehends, especially if men of learning, who can give the matter from Holy Scripture, are inclined that way, and we know that many scholars now adhere to Zwingli."

It is clear that the Swiss were regarded by the Saxons as radical stormers, unprincipled innovators, who, amid their mountains and their republican affairs had forgotten all respect for law and order. "I am sick;" wrote Melanchton to one friend, "an indescribable anguish of soul torments me; I can scarcely breathe. Thou knowest wherefore. The Elbe has fearfully overflowed its banks. Even in Hesse I saw a great stone torn out of the side-walk of a church by the might of the floods, as though done by the contrivances of art. Still other signs happen.

Christ defend us!" and to another: "Rather would I die, than live to see this Zwinglian affair pollute our just cause." Luther spoke thus against the _landgrave_ himself: "I know well what the devil is after.

G.o.d grant I may be no prophet; for if it were not a false trick, but a real purpose among them to seek peace, they would not attempt it in such a glorious fashion through great and mighty princes; for we, by G.o.d's grace, are not so savage and wild, that they could not long ago have tendered to us, as they yet can, the humble endeavors for peace, of which they boast; but I know that I will not basely give way to them. I cannot; because I am so fully persuaded that they err, and are themselves, moreover, unsettled in their opinions." At last, Melanchton made the proposal to invite some Papists to the Conference as witnesses, though in fact rather to pave the way for their final consent; and for a long while yet, both he and Luther wished to have ]colampadius as an opponent, and protested against the appearance of Zwingli.

But such spectres were not visible to the _landgrave_ Philip. He was one of those princes, who, conscious of their own power and of love to their people, by whom in turn they are beloved, can look without fear even on republican affairs; a man in whom faith lived, and who without hesitation, therefore, suffered the spirit to live; and, acting thus, hoped, with youthful a.s.surance, to calm down the violent combatants by his influence, if he could only get a personal interview with them.

This appears best from his own words: "Dear Master Erhard," so he wrote some years after this period, to another of the zealots in the Eucharistic controversy, the Wuertemberg preacher, Erhard Schnepf, "I hear that you will not leave Blarer (preacher at Constance) unmolested in the confession, with which Luther and Philip (Melanchton) are still satisfied, but press upon him with sophistical language, and have made many persons anxious lest you would break down more than you build up, which I myself do not yet accuse you of, but should it happen, it will grieve many a pious man. Hence, it is my prayer, that you will proceed gently; be no disputer of words, but a promoter of faith, love and good works, and not, as the old proverb says, 'raise a spoon and break a bowl;' for you might have a zeal, when you have reached a sure understanding, to press it upon others and yet not reach the heart; and besides, to speak humanly, do great injury to the Gospel; as, for example, many pious people might be brought thereby to persecution and ruin, when the matter was not even worth talking about. Therefore proceed wisely, that you may not become a partaker of such blood and such destruction. It will not do to plunge thus into matters. The Apostles acted prudently; they did not thus reject people for trifling errors. I point this out to you, as one, who heartily desires you to treat of things, that will promote the cause of the Gospel, unity, and love also. Understand yourself, and do not go further than G.o.d allows.

Let not the old Adam lord it over the new. You have not been preaching long. It is needful to exhort you. Adieu."

Guided by such a n.o.ble endeavor to restore harmony among the Protestants, he pursued his mark with unwearied zeal, and obtained the consent of the Elector of Saxony, (who now required his learned men to attend the Conference), and at length that also of Luther and Melanchton, who, under date of July 8th, 1529, wrote to him as follows: "Since Your Princely Grace has received our two letters, and still insist upon our coming to Marburg, in the confident hope that concord will result from it, we wish with a cheerful and ready mind to contribute our part thereto, and by G.o.d's grace, if sound and well, will appear at Marburg on the day appointed. The Father of all mercy and unity grant His spirit that we may come together not in vain--for profit and not injury. Amen. Christ be Your Princely Grace's Governor and Guide!"

Zwingli also, when Philip had repeated the invitation to Marburg and pledged himself for the security of the journey, set out. He ventured to say nothing to the government; had even entreated the _landgrave_ to confine his request to the Privy Council. On the first day after his departure, he began a letter to the Council, in which he apologises for not communicating the request to them, and says in addition: "It was not done with any intention to slight your Worships, but in order to discharge my duties with greater fidelity to you, since I foresaw you would not grant me permission, because of the interest you take in my welfare; for the distance by the route we go is 60 miles,[7] and the place strange to us on account of its religion, though secure enough, being in the territory of the _landgrave_, and the learned there all hostile to us, and our number is only three. So also friends, in whom we could confide, are few, from Zurich until very far down the Rhine.

Yet it would not be right for me to remain away, since by this the whole plan would be frustrated, and many excellent men of the opposition brought thither on a fruitless journey. Then it would be interpreted, as if we were afraid of a friendly conference. Therefore, I pray your Worships, in the most humble manner, not to take my going off amiss, for I was loth to hear others despise you; and remember too that my staying away might result in injury to the truth and the disparagement of your good name. Otherwise you may hope in G.o.d, that we, by His aid, will give a faithful, undaunted support to the truth and bring no scandal on our church." He then apologized likewise for the departure of Collin, the professor of the Greek language, whom he had taken with him asked, since Basel had granted a member of the Council tocolampadius, that the same might be done for his a.s.sistance; and nominated the treasurer, Ulric Funk, on account of his cleverness and knowledge of the Latin language, who, as soon as he had received permission, hastened to join him. Immediately after his departure from Zurich, his enemies crept out of their hiding-places.

Nonsensical reports were circulated. "He has run away with a party of rogues," said some; the "Devil has carried him off," said others. In Basel they metcolampadius and the deputy of the Council, Rudolph Frei. The plan was, that from thence he should proceed along with ]colampadius by water to Stra.s.sburg. He asked for a moderate advance of money; because riding "on a hired horse cost a great deal," he would be obliged to buy one at Stra.s.sburg, which would leave him little for the expenses of the journey, and then, being compelled to borrow, would "become a laughing-stock." "To my wife," he concluded, "let Master Stall tell as much of the matter as a woman ought to know, for when I left her, I said no more than that I was going to Basel on business."

In Basel, where he tarried nearly two weeks, he preached to a great concourse of people. The time was also employed by him in political negotiation. This imperial city desired then admission into the Christian _Buergerrecht_ on the same terms as Constance. The mayor, Sturm, likewise invited to the Conference by the _landgrave_, along with Bucer and Hedio, was an experienced statesman, and not without influence at the Imperial Diet. He had connections in France. Reports had been received concerning the reconciliation of the Emperor with the Pope, against whom he had been carrying on war, and his arrival in Italy and the general sweeping measures toward the Protestants, to be apprehended from this combination of spiritual and temporal power. They were communicated confidentially to the Zurichers. Some of them Zwingli wrote down. The most important he sent to the Privy Council with the postscript: "This comes from the real cabinet of art." "Were it not wicked," he again wrote from Stra.s.sburg, "we might encourage the Venetians to withstand them so boldly, that the Emperor would be finished in Italy, and not able to escape over the mountains." On the 18th of September they left the city and, by a circuitous route, which they had to choose for safety, reached Marburg on the 29th. The day after, the Saxon scholars, Luther, Melanchton, Justus Jonas, from Wittemberg, and several others, made their appearance. From Nuremberg, came Andrew Osiander; from Swabian Halle, John Brenz; from Augsburg, Stephen Agricola; all likewise invited by the _landgrave_. In an humble letter, signed "Your Princely Grace's obedient servant and poor little worm," Carlstadt also begged for admission, but received a polite refusal. The entire company was lodged in the castle. A Latin poem written by Professor Curicius conjured them to begin the Conference with such calmness, and prosecute it with such dignity, that the world may know the Spirit of G.o.d had presided over it.

Strangers from various countries had arrived in considerable numbers; but no one received admittance, except those who were invited; the Duke of Wuertemberg, the Count of Fuerstenberg, several courtiers, the professors of the University and the Hessian preachers. Zwingli's request, that the proceedings should be written down by secretaries under oath, and the Latin language used, was declined by the _landgrave_; likewise the wish of Luther and Melanchton, for the aid of respectable Papists. Immediately after his arrival, Luther had received a visit of courtesy fromcolampadius, Bucer and Hedio; Zwingli remained without a greeting from the side of his opponents. Justus Jonas studied physiognomy and manners. He pretended "to see in Zwingli a certain tincture of rustic arrogance; incolampadius a wonderfully mild nature; in Hedio, no less humanity and liberal culture; in Bucer, under the mantle of sagacity and penetration, fox-like cunning."

On the 20th of September, the _landgrave_ first joined his guests at the supper-table. Here he expressed the wish that on the following morning Luther would hold a special conversation withcolampadius and Zwingli with Melanchton. He hoped by thus placing a vehement character over against a gentle one in each case, to render the after approach of the chief combatants more easy perhaps. The Saxons were the complainants. They accused the Swiss of errors in various points. But everything soon gave way to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. For three hours Luther tried his fortune withcolampadius, and Melanchton with Zwingli for six. Agreement continued impossible. Yet Luther sent the news in a letter, that the conflict had been carried on in separate chambers, in a friendly tone.

On the morning of the 2d of October, at six o'clock, the discussion began in the presence of from 50 to 60 persons, invited or admitted, in the Hall of the Knights. At a special table, opposite to Zwingli and ]colampadius, sat Luther and Melanchton; in their immediate neighborhood, the _landgrave_, surrounded by his courtiers; the others rather behind. Feige, the chancellor of state, opened the Conference in the name of the Prince, with an address. After unfolding the pure, successful, grand beginning of the Reformation, he then continued: "but now, some of the leaders themselves, animated by a schismatic spirit, have hurried on too rashly, and been so far misled, that they, who were bound ever to remain faithful at the head of the cause, and, by their common power and mutual support, sweep away every vestige of error, have now not only deserted their post, but even attacked each other, to the great joy and delight of the enemy. Therefore, if they cannot find sufficient reasons for concord in the Gospel itself, and their duty to promote the welfare of the Church they ought not to give their bitterest enemies occasion to rejoice and exhibit so sad a spectacle of disunion. His Princely Grace wishes to prescribe neither aim nor measure to this Conference; but would remind the members, that wherever similar transactions have taken place, men of true learning, even if they had written somewhat roughly and severely against each other before, had then laid aside wrath and bitterness, so the unlearned might the better perceive, that they sought truth and love more than a mere defence of their own opinions with sharp and quick words. Those who now take this course, cannot fail to win praise and thanks, whilst the others, who do not like unity, but obstinately persist in a delusion once embraced, from which all heresies spring, will thereby give an undoubted proof, that the Holy Spirit does not reign in their hearts, and has never been among them with his gifts. His Princely Grace hopes that the present Conference will have a happier termination, and closes with the gracious desire, that the very learned Masters will understand and receive all this in the best spirit." On their side thanks were now given to the _landgrave_ for his trouble, and a promise made, to carry on the discussion without any bitterness, in a respectful and friendly manner; but, although unity should be sought with the most ardent zeal, this at the same time could not be effected at the expense of divine and revealed truth, and Christ's words would be preferred before all others.

After this, the discussion was commenced by Luther's writing on the table with chalk, these words in the Latin language: "_Hoc est corpus meum_" (This is my body). With great mildness and learning ]colampadius now unfolded his view, which Luther, however, in spite of every challenge, refused to contradict, falling back always upon the verbal expression. "Beloved sirs," said he, "as long as these words stand, I cannot really get over them, but must confess and believe, that the body of Christ is there."--Springing up, Zwingli asked: "Is He indeed _there_, Doctor, corporeally there? _There_ also in the sacrament, is He daily broken anew? In what then do you differ from the Papists?" The scene became more lively; Luther's replies more bitter.

He complained that Zwingli wished to trip him, to give his words wantonly another meaning than he had intended. The latter controlled himself somewhat, brought up pa.s.sages of Scripture for explanation, came forward with remarks on the grammar, with interpretations of the Church Fathers and carried the discussion even into the sphere of philosophy and physics. In no way did Luther permit himself to be caught; turned back always to the letter, and declared, that he would do it; that we durst not in this case deviate therefrom, because the Lord had so expressed himself; and unconditional faith must transcend all doubt; and "if the Lord G.o.d placed crab-apples before me and commanded me to take and eat, I durst not ask, wherefore?" "G.o.d commands us to eat neither dirt nor crab-apples," said Zwingli.--When it came to such sharp words, the _landgrave_ interposed somewhat, or one of the others present,colampadius occasionally relieving his friend, and Melanchthon Luther. For two whole days the discussion lasted, with a diminishing prospect of agreement. The Saxons were evidently irritated by Zwingli's unconstrained behavior and bold language. He gave them plainly to understand, that he feared in Luther a sort of new Pope. "I will not have it," once dropped from the lips of the latter, "Must you then have everything just as you wish?" asked Zwingli.

It had become clear to the _landgrave_ that a mutual understanding was impossible, and still more clear, when the Mayor of Stra.s.sburg rose up with a complaint, that Luther had also charged the preachers of his city with teaching error. This accusation should not be permitted to lie against them; he could not return home with such news. Bucer and Hedio themselves desired Luther to speak out decidedly, and prove wherein they taught falsely; but he would not do it, nor testify that they were true pastors. "I am," said he, "neither your lord nor your judge; you wish neither me nor my doctrines; our spirit and yours do not accord; therefore I will give you no testimonial. You also do not need it, for you boast everywhere, you have learned nothing from us.

This, moreover, every man can see for himself, and we would not have such disciples."

"No!" exclaimed the _landgrave_ with warmth, "you shall not separate in such a fashion, my Lords. You must draw up certain points, acceptable to both, and give them your common signature, so that an evidence, at least, of your external agreement is at hand, if that which is internal cannot be reached. Confer among yourselves how and as long as you please; but before this I cannot suffer you to depart." The theologians came together, and on the 4th of October produced fifteen articles on the chief doctrines, which were signed by Luther, Melanchton, Jonas, Osiander, Brenz, and Agricola, on the one side, andcolampadius, Zwingli, Bucer and Hedio on the other. The last words of it ran thus: "and although we have not been able now to agree, as to whether the true body and blood of Christ are corporeally present in the bread and wine, yet one party ought to exercise Christian charity toward the other, as far as each conscience can possible allow it, and both parties ought to beseech Almighty G.o.d fervently, to lead us by His Spirit to a right understanding. Amen."

In conclusion, the _landgrave_ exhorted them to part as brethren. "Then Zwingli said," as Bullinger narrates, "there were no people on earth, with whom he would rather be united than the Wittenbergers, and he would cheerfully acknowledge Luther and his friends as brethren.

]colampadius, Bucer and Hedio had also the same feeling; but Luther was by no means willing to acknowledge them as brethren in return, and said: It took him by surprise, that they would call him brother, whose doctrine on the sacrament they esteemed false; they could not themselves think much of their own." In regard to the same event, he wrote to Jacob Probst of Bremen: "They promised with many words, they would yield this much to us, that the person of Christ was really, though spiritually, present in the Holy Supper, if we would only esteem them worthy of the name of brother, and in this way feign a reconciliation. Zwingli begged it with tears in his eyes before the _landgrave_ and all present, whilst he added: 'There are no men with whom I would rather be united than with the Wittenbergers.' With the greatest zeal and as urgently as possible they endeavored to appear in harmony with us and never could endure my saying: 'You have another spirit than we.' As often as they heard it they were inflamed. Finally, we granted so much, that it might stand at the conclusion of the article, not indeed that we were brethren, but that we would not withdraw from them our love, which is due even to an enemy. So now, the shame rests on them, that they would not receive the name of brother and must separate as heretics; meanwhile we agreed, in our controversial writings, no more to make war on each other, in the hope that the Lord would open their hearts. Thou canst tell this confidentially. As a preacher of Christ, who is the Truth, I write the truth. By it thou canst quietly oppose all liars and disturbers. They behaved toward us with incredible humanity and compliance. But, as it now appears, all was show, in order to bring about a hypocritical concord and make us the partners of their errors. O how cunning Satan is! But Christ is still wiser. He has preserved us. I am no longer surprised, if they lie shamelessly. I see that they could not do otherwise, and am glad of it; for they have reached this point under the guidance of Satan, that they betray themselves not merely by their secret intrigues, but openly before all the world."

Sad of heart, the _landgrave_ left Marburg before Luther and Melanchton. Since concord was not to be restored among the theologians, it became so much the more necessary to secure a closer connection of the governments. He held various consultations on this subject with Zwingli, Sturm and several of their a.s.sociates. The political consequences flowing from the Conference, will be detailed in the next chapter; concerning those of a religious and scientific nature, this much may be yet said:

The enemies of the combatants alone derived gain from it. Their hatred against the Reformation appeared now to be wholly justified. "Here you have," said they, "the effects, when children tear loose from the Everlasting Mother. They now turn against themselves the intellectual weapons, so highly bepraised, which they have used against us. What others are left for them against us, save those of iron?" Now, to these neither Luther nor Melanchton would have recourse. But Zwingli tried it, and--fell. The Reformation seemed about to go backward. Paralyzing formulas took the place of the living Gospel: first, the Augsburg Confession; then, the Helvetic, and for others again, the x.x.xIX Articles of the Episcopal Church of England. Protestant Popes rose up beside the Catholic, who, from this time forth, wore his triple crown with greater security. It is true, indeed, that Zwingli also handed in a confession of faith at the Imperial Diet, but only in defence, not to force it upon others. He expressly said, in the letter to the Emperor, which accompanied it: "I _alone_ deliver it, without encroaching on the rights of my people." According to his view the Gospel only is una.s.sailable. Whatever of true or false man adds to the interpretation of the Divine law, he does it on his own responsibility. With this view tolerance and love, as well as progressive science, are possible; all others lead to stiffness and intolerance, and such was the result then on all sides. Or is it perchance an evangelical spirit, which breathes in Calvin's article: "That the heretic should be punished with death,"

and in the funeral pile of Servetus? Were the rack-chambers of Queen Elizabeth[8] much more Christian than the dragonades of Louis XIV., and did Ireland live more happily under the yoke of a High Church forced upon her, than Spain under the Inquisition? Were the persecutions begun at the Synod of Dort, justified by the anathemas, with which the Council of Trent disgraced itself?

All have erred. Instead of kindling new pa.s.sions, the call of our age goes forth, to unite rather in a common acknowledgment of sin. This is the confession in which all can again find themselves; but the Gospel is the light that shows the way to reconciliation. What is there yet to hinder it? Two enemies, and in two verses a spirited poet (Goethe) has thus portrayed them:

Thou must reign through victory, Or a servant kneel and lose, Suffering or triumph choose, Th' anvil or the hammer be.

This is the one; the principle of the absolutist, in a spiritual or worldly mantle; and the other, the principle of the demagogue in the Jacobin's cap, as well as in the Jesuit's garb, forms the counter-part:

'Tis foolish to wait for improvement in fools; Ye children of prudence, make them your tools.

Of such wisdom the Gospel knows nothing; it demands fraternal a.s.sistance and love, and does not permit rank without humility, requiring from those, who stand in the highest places, subordination under G.o.d. Perhaps (for who can fathom the ways of Providence?) the adherents of the above-named principles will yet again reach out the hand of friendship to each other. Then will begin the last, severest battle; but the Gospel must triumph, for the Church of Christ, under her _one_, _Divine_ Head, perpetually revealing himself in history and the power of love, is founded upon a rock; then also will all _human_ order be custom refined by science and enn.o.bled by art and nature, a unity in substance, with endless diversity in form--the adversary of all revolutions.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SEVENTH:

Footnote 1: Which, according to the Gospel and Zwingli's views elsewhere unfolded, (see M. Huldr. Zwingli's Schriften im Auszug v.

_Usteri_ und Vglin, Bd. I. Abth. 2, S. 387,) is one with Love.

Footnote 2: For the German translation of this pa.s.sage from the Latin of Zwingli, the author was indebted to the above-mentioned work of _Usteri Vglin_.

Footnote 3: All activity of the understanding is in its nature formal. Hence in order to pa.s.s over into reality, if it would become more than an exercise of the mind, which can be endlessly prolonged, it needs positive material. As soon as it transcends the positive and enters the region of so-called pure ideas, the dominion of the intellect, it runs into nothing, becomes a negation. The natural consequence of this _dominion_ of the intellect, of which many now dream, is the popular doctrine: "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." To this the very wisest legislation of all nations has given too little attention.

Footnote 4: _De Eucharistia_. Zwingli's Works, by Schuler and Schultheiss, _Latinorum scriptorum pars prima_, p. 341.

Footnote 5: Thursday of Pa.s.sion-week, 1525.

Footnote 6: Martin Luther's Works, edited by Pfizer, p. 600.

Footnote 7: Equal to 270 English miles.--_Translator_.

Footnote 8: Lingard's History of England, Vol. VIII. Ch. 3 and 6.