[Sidenote: B.C. 59, aeT. 47]

I have received several letters from you, which shewed me with what eagerness and anxiety you desired to know the news. We are bound hard and fast on every side, and are no longer making any difficulty as to being slaves, but fearing death and exile as though greater evils, though they are in fact much smaller ones. Well, this is the position--one unanimously groaned over, but not relieved by a word from anyone. The object, I surmise, of the men in power is to leave nothing for anyone to lavish. The only man who opens his mouth and openly disapproves is the young Curio. He is loudly cheered, and greeted in the forum in the most complimentary manner, and many other tokens of goodwill are bestowed on him by the loyalists; while Fufius[249] is pursued with shouts, jeers, and hisses. From such circ.u.mstances it is not hope but indignation that is increased, for you see the citizens allowed to express their sentiments, but debarred from carrying them out with any vigour. And to omit details, the upshot is that there is now no hope, I don't say of private persons, but even of the magistrates being ever free again. Nevertheless, in spite of this policy of repression, conversation, at least in society and at dinner tables, is freer than it was. Indignation is beginning to get the better of fear, though that does not prevent a universal feeling of despair. For this Campanian law[250] contains a clause imposing an oath to be taken by candidates in public meeting, that they will not suggest any tenure of public land other than that provided in the Julian laws. All the others take the oath without hesitation: Laterensis[251] is considered to have shewn extraordinary virtue in retiring from his canva.s.s for the tribuneship to avoid the oath. But I don't care to write any more about politics. I am dissatisfied with myself, and cannot write without the greatest pain. I hold my own position with some dignity, considering the general repression, but considering my achievements in the past, with less courage than I should like. I am invited by Caesar in a very gentlemanly manner to accept a legation, to act as _legatus_ to himself, and even an "open votive legation" is offered me. But the latter does not give sufficient security, since it depends too much on the scrupulousness of Pulch.e.l.lus[252] and removes me just when my brother is returning;[253]

the former offers better security and does not prevent my returning when I please. I am retaining the latter, but do not think I shall use it.

However, n.o.body knows about it. I don't like running away; I am itching to fight. There is great warmth of feeling for me. But I don't say anything positive: you will please not to mention it. I am, in fact, very anxious about the manumission of Statius[254] and some other things, but I have become hardened by this time. I could wish, or rather ardently desire, that you were here: then I should not want advice or consolation. But anyhow, be ready to fly hither directly I call for you.

[Footnote 249: See Letter XIX, p. 35.]

[Footnote 250: _I.e._, Caesar's _agrarian law_, by which some of the Campanian _ager publicus_ was to be divided.]

[Footnote 251: M. Iuventius Laterensis. See Letter L, p. 123.]

[Footnote 252: Pulch.e.l.lus, _i.e._, P. Clodius Pulcher. The diminutive is used to express contempt. Cicero, since his return to Rome, is beginning to realize his danger.]

[Footnote 253: A _libera legatio_ was really a colourable method of a senator travelling with the right of exacting certain payments for his expenses from the Italian or provincial towns. Sometimes it was simply a _legatio libera_, a sinecure without any pretence of purpose, sometimes it was _voti causa_, enabling a man to fulfil some vow he was supposed to have made. It was naturally open to much abuse, and Cicero as consul had pa.s.sed a law for limiting it in time. Clodius would become tribune on 10 December, and this _libera legatio_ would protect Cicero as long as it lasted, but it would not, he thinks, last long enough to outstay the tribuneship: if he went as _legatus_ to Caesar in Gaul, he would be safe, and might choose his own time for resigning and returning to Rome.]

[Footnote 254: Statius, a slave of Quintus, was unpopular in the province. See p. 125.]

XLV (A II, 19)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME (JULY)

[Sidenote: B.C. 59, aeT. 47]

I have many causes for anxiety, both from the disturbed state of politics and from the personal dangers with which I am threatened. They are very numerous; but nothing gives me more annoyance than the manumission of Statius: "To think that he should have no reverence for my authority! But of authority I say nothing--that he should have no fear of a quarrel with me, to put it mildly!"[255] But what I am to do I don't know, nor indeed is there so much in the affair as you would think from the talk about it. For myself, I am positively incapable of being angry with those I love deeply. I only feel vexed, and that to a surprising degree. Other vexations are on really important matters. The threats of Clodius and the conflicts before me touch me only slightly.

For I think I can either confront them with perfect dignity or decline them without any embarra.s.sment. You will say, perhaps, "Enough of dignity, like the proverb, 'Enough of the oak':[256] an you love me, take thought for safety!" Ah, dear me, dear me, why are you not here?

Nothing, certainly, could have escaped you. I, perhaps, am somewhat blinded, and too much affected by my high ideal. I a.s.sure you there never was anything so scandalous, so shameful, so offensive to all sorts, conditions and ages of men alike, as the present state of affairs. It is more so, by Hercules, than I could have wished, but not more than I had expected. Your _populares_ have now taught even usually quiet men to hiss. Bibulus is praised to the skies: I don't know why, but he has the same sort of applause as his

"Who by delays restored alone our State."[257]

Pompey--the man I loved--has, to my infinite sorrow, ruined his own reputation. They hold no one by affection, and I fear they will be forced to use terror. I, however, refrain from hostility to their cause owing to my friendship for him, and yet I cannot approve, lest I should stultify my own past. The feeling of the people was shewn as clearly as possible in the theatre and at the shows. For at the gladiators both master and supporters were overwhelmed with hisses. At the games of Apollo the actor Diphilus made a pert allusion to Pompey, in the words:

"By our misfortunes thou art--Great."

He was encored countless times. When he delivered the line,

"The time will come when thou wilt deeply mourn That self-same valour,"

the whole theatre broke out into applause, and so on with the rest. For the verses do seem exactly as though they were written by some enemy of Pompey's to hit the time. "If neither laws nor customs can control,"

etc., caused great sensation and loud shouts. Caesar having entered as the applause died away, he was followed by the younger Curio. The latter received an ovation such as used to be given to Pompey when the const.i.tution was still intact. Caesar was much annoyed. A despatch is said to have been sent flying off to Pompey at Capua.[258] _They_ are offended with the equites, who rose to their feet and cheered Curio, and are at war with everybody. They are threatening the Roscian law,[259]

and even the corn law.[260] There has been a great hubbub altogether.

For my part, I should have preferred their doings being silently ignored; but that, I fear, won't be allowed. Men are indignant at what nevertheless must, it seems, be put up with. The whole people have indeed now one voice, but its strength depends rather on exasperation than anything to back it up. Farthermore, our Publius is threatening me: he is hostile, and a storm is hanging over my head which should bring you post haste to town. I believe that I am still firmly supported by the same phalanx of all loyal or even tolerably loyal men which supported me when consul. Pompey displays no common affection for me. He also a.s.serts that Clodius is not going to say a word about me. In which he is not deceiving me, but is himself deceived. Cosconius having died, I am invited to fill his place.[261] That would indeed be a case of "invited to a dead man's place." I should have been beneath contempt in the eyes of the world, and nothing could be conceived less likely to secure that very "personal safety" of which you speak. For those commissioners are disliked by the loyalists, and so I should have retained my own unpopularity with the disloyal, with the addition of that attaching to others. Caesar wishes me to accept a legateship under him. This is a more honourable method of avoiding the danger. But I don't wish to avoid it. What do I want, then? Why, I prefer fighting.

However, I have not made up my mind. Again I say, Oh that you were here!

However, if it is absolutely necessary I will summon you. What else is there to say? What else? This, I think: I am certain that all is lost.

For why mince matters any longer? But I write this in haste, and, by Hercules, in rather a nervous state. On some future occasion I will either write to you at full length, if I find a very trustworthy person to whom to give a letter, or if I write darkly you will understand all the same. In these letters I will be Laelius, you Furius; the rest shall be in riddles. Here I cultivate Caecilius,[262] and pay him a.s.siduous attention. I hear Bibulus's edicts have been sent to you. Our friend Pompey is hot with indignation and wrath at them.[263]

[Footnote 255: Terence, _Phorm._ 232.]

[Footnote 256: ???? d????, _i.e._, feeding on acorns is a thing of the past, it is out of date, like the golden age when they fed on wild fruit _et quae deciderant patula Iovis arbore glandes_ (Ovid, _Met._ i. 106); and so is dignity, it is a question of _safety_ now.]

[Footnote 257: Ennius on Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator.]

[Footnote 258: Pompey was in Campania acting as one of the twenty land commissioners.]

[Footnote 259: The _lex Roscia theatralis_ (B.C. 67), which gave fourteen rows of seats to the equites.]

[Footnote 260: That is, the law for distribution of corn among poorer citizens. There were many such. Perhaps the most recent was the _lex Ca.s.sia Terentia_ (B.C. 73). Caesar, who, when in later years he became supreme, restricted this privilege, may have threatened to do so now.]

[Footnote 261: _I.e._, as one of the twenty land commissioners. The next clause seems to refer to some proverbial expression, "to be invited to a place at Pluto's table," or some such sentence. Cicero means that his acceptance would be equivalent to political extinction, either from the obscurity of Cosconius or the inconsistency of the proceeding.]

[Footnote 262: The uncle of Atticus. See p. 15.]

[Footnote 263: After the scene of violence in which Bibulus, on attempting to prevent the agrarian law being pa.s.sed, was driven from the rostra, with his lictors' fasces broken, he shut himself up in his house and published edicts declaring Caesar's acts invalid, and denouncing the conduct of Pompey (Suet. _Caes._ 20; Dio, x.x.xviii. 6).]

XLVI (A II, 20)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME (JULY)

[Sidenote: B.C. 59, aeT. 47]

I have done everything I could for Anicatus, as I understood was your wish. Numestius, in accordance with your earnestly expressed letter, I have adopted as a friend. Caecilius I look after diligently in all ways possible. Varro[264] does all I could expect for me. Pompey loves me and regards me as a dear friend. "Do you believe that?" you will say. I do: he quite convinces me. But seeing that men of the world in all histories, precepts, and even verses, are for ever bidding one be on one's guard and forbidding belief, I carry out the former--"to be on my guard"--the latter--"to disbelieve"[265]--I cannot carry out. Clodius is still threatening me with danger. Pompey a.s.serts that there is no danger. He swears it. He even adds that he will himself be murdered by him sooner than I injured. The negotiation is going on. As soon as anything is settled I will write you word. If I have to fight, I will summon you to share in the work. If I am let alone, I won't rout you out of your "Amaltheia." About politics I will write briefly: for I am now afraid lest the very paper should betray me. Accordingly, in future, if I have anything more to write to you, I shall clothe it in covert language. For the present the state is dying of a novel disorder; for although everybody disapproves of what has been done, complains, and is indignant about it, and though there is absolutely no difference of opinion on the subject, and people now speak openly and groan aloud, yet no remedy is applied: for we do not think resistance possible without a general slaughter, nor see what the end of concession is to be except ruin. Bibulus is exalted to the skies as far as admiration and affection go. His edicts and speeches are copied out and read. He has reached the summit of glory in a novel way. There is now nothing so popular as the dislike of the popular party. I have my fears as to how this will end.

But if I ever see my way clearly in anything, I will write to you more explicitly. For yourself, if you love me as much as I am sure you do, take care to be ready to come in all haste as soon as I call for you.

But I do my best, and shall do so, to make it unnecessary. I said I would call you Furius in my letters, but it is not necessary to change your name. I'll call myself Laelius and you Atticus, but I will use neither my own handwriting nor seal, if the letter happens to be such as I should not wish to fall into the hands of a stranger. Diodotus is dead; he has left me perhaps 1,000 sestertia. Bibulus has postponed the elections to the 18th of October, in an edict expressed in the vein of Archilochus.[266] I have received the books from Vibius: he is a miserable poet,[267] but yet he is not without some knowledge nor wholly useless. I am going to copy the book out and send it back.

[Footnote 264: M. Terentius Varro, "the most learned of the Romans," and author of very large numbers of books. He was afterwards one of Pompey's _legati_ in Spain. He survived most of the men of the revolutionary era.]

[Footnote 265: See Letter XXIV, p. 56.]

[Footnote 266: _I.e._, in biting language. _Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo_ (Hor. _A. P._ 79).]

[Footnote 267: The _Cosmographia_ of Alexander of Ephesus. See Letter XLVIII, p. 120.]

XLVII (A II, 21)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)