"I beg you to kneel and say your prayers," he told her.90 This was the moment. She had perhaps been warned that she must remain very still if she wanted to avoid being horrifically injured by the sword.91 Again, "she appeared dazed" as she kneeled down, upright on both knees in the straw, Again, "she appeared dazed" as she kneeled down, upright on both knees in the straw,92 "fastening her clothes about her feet," "fastening her clothes about her feet,"93 a detail noted decades later by George Wyatt, who says she "prepared to receive the stroke of death with resolution, so sedately as to cover her feet with her nether garments." "She asked that time for prayer should be granted her," a detail noted decades later by George Wyatt, who says she "prepared to receive the stroke of death with resolution, so sedately as to cover her feet with her nether garments." "She asked that time for prayer should be granted her,"94 repeating, "several times, 'O Christ, receive my spirit,'" repeating, "several times, 'O Christ, receive my spirit,'"95 but her fear was evident. "The poor lady kept looking about her. The headsman, being still in front of her, said in French, 'Madam, do not fear. I will wait till you tell me.'" Anne seemed fearful that her coif would be in the way of the blow, and told him, "You will have to take this coif off," pointing to it with her left hand. but her fear was evident. "The poor lady kept looking about her. The headsman, being still in front of her, said in French, 'Madam, do not fear. I will wait till you tell me.'" Anne seemed fearful that her coif would be in the way of the blow, and told him, "You will have to take this coif off," pointing to it with her left hand.96 Although he declined, presumably indicating that he did not need to, she kept her hand on the coif. Although he declined, presumably indicating that he did not need to, she kept her hand on the coif.

Eyewitness accounts of the execution differ; presumably some spectators were closer than others, or had a less restricted view. The "Spanish Chronicle" a.s.serts that Anne refused to have her eyes bandaged, and that her gaze disturbed the executioner, but three other witnesses state that one of her ladies, weeping, "came forward to do the last office" and blindfolded her with "a linen cloth."97 Aless, whose landlord related the details, says that Anne herself "covered her eyes." She was repeatedly saying "with a fervent spirit," Aless, whose landlord related the details, says that Anne herself "covered her eyes." She was repeatedly saying "with a fervent spirit,"98 over and over, "Jesu, have pity on my soul! My G.o.d, have pity on my soul." over and over, "Jesu, have pity on my soul! My G.o.d, have pity on my soul."99 "To Jesus Christ I commend my soul." "To Jesus Christ I commend my soul."100 "The four ladies knelt in silent prayer"; "The four ladies knelt in silent prayer";101 the Portuguese says "they withdrew themselves some little s.p.a.ce, and knelt down over against the scaffold, bewailing bitterly and shedding many tears." According to Aless, Anne now "commanded the executioner to strike." the Portuguese says "they withdrew themselves some little s.p.a.ce, and knelt down over against the scaffold, bewailing bitterly and shedding many tears." According to Aless, Anne now "commanded the executioner to strike."

As she knelt there and "awaited the blow,"102 most of those present followed the example of the Lord Mayor, Sir John Aleyn, and sank to their knees, out of respect for the pa.s.sing of a soul; only the Dukes of Suffolk and Richmond remained resolutely standing. most of those present followed the example of the Lord Mayor, Sir John Aleyn, and sank to their knees, out of respect for the pa.s.sing of a soul; only the Dukes of Suffolk and Richmond remained resolutely standing.103 Anne was still praying aloud, "making no confession of her fault, but saying, 'O Lord G.o.d, have pity on my soul! To Christ I commend my soul!'" Anne was still praying aloud, "making no confession of her fault, but saying, 'O Lord G.o.d, have pity on my soul! To Christ I commend my soul!'"104 Strickland cites an unnamed source that gives her last words as Strickland cites an unnamed source that gives her last words as "In manuas tuas" "In manuas tuas"-Into Thy hands.

What happened next happened "suddenly":105 "immediately, the executioner did his office." "immediately, the executioner did his office."106 "The Queen was beheaded according to the manner and custom of Paris, that is to say, with a sword," "The Queen was beheaded according to the manner and custom of Paris, that is to say, with a sword,"107 which was probably of the finest Flemish steel, which was probably of the finest Flemish steel,108 and had been "hidden under a heap of straw." and had been "hidden under a heap of straw."109 It would have been blunt-tipped, around three or four feet in length, with a two-inch-wide double-edged blade and a leather-bound handle long enough to be gripped by both hands. A groove or "fuller" was normally scored the whole length of the blade on either side of an execution sword, its purpose being to channel the blood away from the razor-sharp edge of the blade and so prevent it being blunted. It would have been blunt-tipped, around three or four feet in length, with a two-inch-wide double-edged blade and a leather-bound handle long enough to be gripped by both hands. A groove or "fuller" was normally scored the whole length of the blade on either side of an execution sword, its purpose being to channel the blood away from the razor-sharp edge of the blade and so prevent it being blunted.110 The intention plainly was to distract Anne at the final moment. The executioner's English a.s.sistant had been "told beforehand what to do," and as the headsman turned to the scaffold steps and called to the a.s.sistant, "Bring me the sword," Anne blindly moved her head "toward the steps, still with her hand on her coif, and the headsman made a sign with his right hand for them to give him the sword."111 She was aware neither of him taking it, nor of his approach, for he had removed his shoes and come up stealthily behind her. She was aware neither of him taking it, nor of his approach, for he had removed his shoes and come up stealthily behind her.112 With his hand trembling, With his hand trembling,113 for he was "himself distressed," for he was "himself distressed,"114 he raised the sharp, heavy sword aloft, grasping it with both hands, and swung it in a circling motion around his head once or twice to gain the necessary momentum, he raised the sharp, heavy sword aloft, grasping it with both hands, and swung it in a circling motion around his head once or twice to gain the necessary momentum,115 then "without being noticed by the lady." then "without being noticed by the lady."116 who was expecting the blow to descend from the other direction and "not so much as shrinking at it," who was expecting the blow to descend from the other direction and "not so much as shrinking at it,"117 he brought it down and swiftly "divided her neck at a blow," he brought it down and swiftly "divided her neck at a blow,"118 that "fair neck" that the poet Wyatt had once praised in his admiring verse. Smitten "off at a stroke," that "fair neck" that the poet Wyatt had once praised in his admiring verse. Smitten "off at a stroke,"119 her head was struck straight into the straw. her head was struck straight into the straw.120 "He did his office very well, before you could say a paternoster," reported Sir John Spelman, who was among the watching crowd. He added that as the Queen's head "fell to the ground," he and other horrified onlookers witnessed "her lips moving and her eyes moving," while Gregorio Leti, writing in the late seventeenth century, rather dramatically claims that those eyes seemed mournfully to look down on the broken body on the scaffold before glazing over in death, although his account presupposes that the executioner held up the head in the customary manner and cried, "So perish all the King's enemies!" There is no record of that happening at Anne Boleyn's execution.

It may be that some sentient feeling briefly remained, although the movements Spelman witnessed could possibly have been a convulsive response of the body's reflexes to the shock of decapitation, rather than the last flickerings of consciousness, and they have been observed in various other victims of beheading down the centuries, particularly during the Terror in the French Revolution. Research undertaken in the late nineteenth century suggested that most die within two seconds, while a more modern estimate would be an average of thirteen seconds. Severing the spinal cord causes death, but not until the brain has been completely deprived, through ma.s.sive hemorrhaging, of the oxygen in the blood that nourishes it. While that is happening, neurons are firing off in a vain attempt to counteract the blow that has precipitated the adrenaline rush and repair the damage done to the body, and the brain uses the oxygen that remains in the head.

In 1905 a French doctor observed that a decapitated criminal's eyelids and lips worked for five seconds before the face relaxed and the eyes rolled back, at which point he called out the man's name, only to see the eyes fixing themselves on him and the pupils focusing before the lids fell and the pupils glazed over. The whole process had taken twenty-five to thirty seconds. In 1989 the face of a man decapitated in a car accident registered shock, then terror, then grief, as the living eyes looked directly at the witness before dimming. In 1956 two French doctors concluded: "Death is not instantaneous: every element survives decapitation. It is a savage vivisection." In 1983 another medical study found that "no matter how efficient the method of execution, at least two to three seconds of intense pain cannot be avoided." However, once the spine is severed, the perception of pain recedes. Some victims have not responded at all to stimuli, so it must therefore be concluded that they were knocked unconscious by the impact of the blow, or fainted due to the dramatic loss in blood pressure, and felt virtually nothing, while others-including perhaps Anne Boleyn-did experience a few dreadful moments of awareness of what was happening.

"When the head fell, a white handkerchief was thrown over it" by one of the Queen's ladies.121 The body lay slumped beside it. At a given signal, the cannon along Tower Wharf were fired, announcing Anne's death to the world. The body lay slumped beside it. At a given signal, the cannon along Tower Wharf were fired, announcing Anne's death to the world.

The Queen was dead. Justice had to all intents and purposes been done. "It is said that, although the bodies and heads of those executed the day before yesterday have been buried, her head will be put upon the bridge [London Bridge], at least for some time," Chapuys wrote later that day,122 but Anne was to be spared that final indignity. Immediately, "at the moment the poor lady expired," her women made haste decently to dispose of her remains, but Anne was to be spared that final indignity. Immediately, "at the moment the poor lady expired," her women made haste decently to dispose of her remains,123 refusing to allow any man to touch her. refusing to allow any man to touch her.124 An oft-repeated popular tale has old women rushing forward from the crowd to catch drops of Anne's blood for their charms and potions, the blood of the condemned being regarded as especially potent, An oft-repeated popular tale has old women rushing forward from the crowd to catch drops of Anne's blood for their charms and potions, the blood of the condemned being regarded as especially potent,125 but again, there is no mention of this in contemporary sources. but again, there is no mention of this in contemporary sources.

As the spectators began to disperse, the Portuguese stayed and watched as "one of the four ladies" took up the severed head, still covered with the white cloth, "and carried it away. The other three lifted the bleeding body of the dead woman, which had for so long been the object of the King's ardent desire, and, having reverently "wrapped [it] in a white covering,"126 placed the remains "in a chest which stood here ready, and carried them to the chapel that is within the Tower"; placed the remains "in a chest which stood here ready, and carried them to the chapel that is within the Tower";127 Spelman says this was an old elm chest that had been used for storing bow staves, and it would have been just long enough to take a headless corpse; no provision had been made for a proper coffin, so this chest had probably been fetched at the last minute from the Tower armories, and left lying ready beside the scaffold. Spelman says this was an old elm chest that had been used for storing bow staves, and it would have been just long enough to take a headless corpse; no provision had been made for a proper coffin, so this chest had probably been fetched at the last minute from the Tower armories, and left lying ready beside the scaffold.128 "The head and body were taken up by the ladies, whom you would have thought bereft of their souls, so languid and weak were they with anguish, but, fearing that their mistress might be handled unworthily by inhuman men, they forced themselves to do this duty."129 Jean Hannaert of Lyons also reported that "the Queen's head and body were taken to a church in the Tower, accompanied by four ladies."130 That church was the royal chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula, where Anne Boleyn was buried in the earth beneath the chancel pavement "the same day at afternoon," That church was the royal chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula, where Anne Boleyn was buried in the earth beneath the chancel pavement "the same day at afternoon,"131 in the presence of her ladies, who were "sobbing woefully;" as it was gone noon, after which time ma.s.s could not be celebrated, one of Anne's chaplains, Father Thirlwall, merely p.r.o.nounced a blessing over the chest before it was interred. in the presence of her ladies, who were "sobbing woefully;" as it was gone noon, after which time ma.s.s could not be celebrated, one of Anne's chaplains, Father Thirlwall, merely p.r.o.nounced a blessing over the chest before it was interred.132 Since the execution was over by nine o'clock in the morning, and Anne's body was taken immediately into the chapel, we might wonder why there was at least a three-hour delay before it was buried. Perhaps Kingston had been expected to attend but was busy all morning in the aftermath of the execution. What is most likely is that someone had to be found to lift the paving stones in the chancel and dig a shallow grave; Kingston, being very busy with his state prisoners and the arrangements for their executions, may have neglected to make provision for this earlier, just as he neglected to provide Anne with a proper coffin.

What is certain is that Anne's attendants were made to strip the body of its expensive-and probably bloodstained-garments and jewelry, which were then distributed to the Tower officials as perquisites, as was customary after executions.133 Later, these items would be redeemed by the King for a substantial sum. Possibly Henry did not want people cherishing mementoes of his dead wife. The sumptuary laws banned the lower orders from wearing such attire anyway-rich materials, furs, and embroideries being reserved for those of high rank-so cash was probably very welcome in exchange. Later, these items would be redeemed by the King for a substantial sum. Possibly Henry did not want people cherishing mementoes of his dead wife. The sumptuary laws banned the lower orders from wearing such attire anyway-rich materials, furs, and embroideries being reserved for those of high rank-so cash was probably very welcome in exchange.

Lancelot de Carles states that Anne was buried beside her brother; his evidence may not be entirely accurate, as will be seen, and the authorities surely would not have thought it fitting for an incestuous brother and sister to lie together in death. Other evidence suggests they were buried some distance apart, before the altar, and as theirs were the first bodies to be buried in the chancel, there was plenty of s.p.a.ce. "G.o.d provided for her corpse sacred burial, even in [a] place as it were consecrate to innocence," p.r.o.nounced George Wyatt.

After the burial, observed Lancelot de Carles, Anne's ladies "were as sheep without a shepherd," but they would not be left in that state for long because "already the King has taken a fancy to a choice lady. Other great things are predicted, of which the people are a.s.sured. If I see them take place, I will let you know, for never were such news. People say it is the year of marvels."

"The Queen," Husee reported only hours afterward, "suffered with sword this day ... and died boldly."134 Referring to all who had died, he added, "Jesu take them to His mercy." Even Cromwell was impressed by Anne's bravery, and that of Rochford, and "greatly praised the intelligence, wit, and courage of the Concubine and her brother." Referring to all who had died, he added, "Jesu take them to His mercy." Even Cromwell was impressed by Anne's bravery, and that of Rochford, and "greatly praised the intelligence, wit, and courage of the Concubine and her brother."135 "She had reigned as queen three years lacking fourteen days, from her coronation to her death," Wriothesley observed. The Imperialist witness believed that he had "seen the prophecy of Merlin fulfilled." "She had reigned as queen three years lacking fourteen days, from her coronation to her death," Wriothesley observed. The Imperialist witness believed that he had "seen the prophecy of Merlin fulfilled."136 Sometime after Anne's execution, in his prison in the Byward Tower, a distressed Thomas Wyatt again put pen to paper to write of the woman he had once pa.s.sionately courted, his verses an outpouring of woe at the unforeseen twists of fortune to which all human beings were subject, Anne more dramatically than most. It was a popular contemporary theme, and Wyatt-who had been so closely caught up in this tragedy-expressed it very movingly, and captured the horror of Anne's situation: So freely wooed, so dearly bought, So soon a queen, so soon low brought, Hath not been seen, could not be thought.

O! What is Fortune?As slipper as ice, as fading as snow, Like unto dice that a man doth throw, Until it arises he shall not know What shall be his fortune!They did her conduct to a tower of stone, Wherein she would wail and lament her alone, And condemned be, for help there was none.

Lo! Such was her fortune.137 Writing on the day of her execution, Anne's chaplain, Matthew Parker, was in no doubt that her soul was in "blessed felicity with G.o.d." Her body, however, had been consigned to oblivion, for no provision was made for any stone or memorial tablet to mark the place where she lay.138

CHAPTER 14.

When Death Hath Played His Part.

As Anne's head fell in the straw, with her body tumbling beside it, a signal was given and the guns on the Tower wharf were fired, announcing her end to the world. She had been one of the most powerful women ever to occupy the consort's throne, yet her rapid and cataclysmic overthrow ill.u.s.trates just how fragile was the balance of power at the English court.

There had been no precedent for the trial and execution of an English queen, and Anne Boleyn's fall, with its attendant purge of the Privy Chamber, had been nothing less than sensational. At a stroke, Cromwell had eliminated or neutralized a whole faction, and many were touched by the tragedy.

Anne had never been popular; the common people always disliked her. Just hours after her execution, Chapuys wrote from London, "I cannot well describe the great joy the inhabitants of this city have lately experienced and manifested at the fall and ruin of the Concubine." He added that many were elated at the prospect of Lady Mary-whom they still regarded as the King's lawful heiress-being restored to favor,1 for Anne's enmity toward her had been well known. for Anne's enmity toward her had been well known.

It is evident from Chapuys's dispatch that, at the time of Anne's beheading, people were ready to believe anything of her. The parson of Freshwater, Dorset, who was hostile to Henry VIII, was nevertheless in no doubt of her guilt: "Lo, whilst the King and his council were busy to put down abbeys and pull away the right of Holy Church, he was made a cuckold at home."2 Nicholas Shaxton Bishop of Salisbury, spoke for many when he wrote to Cromwell on May 23 of "the late Queen," declaring that she had "sore slandered" the cause of reform, while "that vice that she was found faulty of hath not the like in Christendom." The bishop did, in charity, pray that G.o.d would have mercy on her soul and pardon all her offenses. Nicholas Shaxton Bishop of Salisbury, spoke for many when he wrote to Cromwell on May 23 of "the late Queen," declaring that she had "sore slandered" the cause of reform, while "that vice that she was found faulty of hath not the like in Christendom." The bishop did, in charity, pray that G.o.d would have mercy on her soul and pardon all her offenses.3 It was a credulous and superst.i.tious age. One of Cromwell's agents, John de Ponti, reported that the Master of Maison Dieu at Dover was telling people "that the day before the Lady Anne Boleyn was beheaded, the tapers that stood about Queen Katherine's sepulcher kindled of themselves; and after Matins were done to Deo gratias Deo gratias, the said tapers quenched of themselves." The King is said to have "sent thirty men to [Peterborough] abbey," and they could see for themselves that "it was true of this light continuing from day to day."4 The ignorant folk who observed this phenomenon would have regarded it as a sign that the Deity approved of the King's punishment of the evil woman who had supplanted his true wife-Katherine of Aragon's cause had not been so soon forgotten.

In Catholic Europe, most people shared the view of the Emperor that, in destroying Anne, G.o.d had revealed His will. Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, one of Charles V's chief advisers, wrote rather callously to Chapuys that the news was good music to his ears, and a subject for joyful mirth.5 The papal nuncio in Lyons believed the Queen's fate to be the judgment of the Almighty. At the court of James V in Edinburgh, Lord William Howard, Anne's uncle, was shocked to see everyone so jubilant, and wrote urging Cromwell to tell him "the truth" so he should know how to deal with this. The papal nuncio in Lyons believed the Queen's fate to be the judgment of the Almighty. At the court of James V in Edinburgh, Lord William Howard, Anne's uncle, was shocked to see everyone so jubilant, and wrote urging Cromwell to tell him "the truth" so he should know how to deal with this.6 A week after the execution, the merchant and diplomat, Edmund Harvel, wrote from Venice to Dr. Thomas Starkey: A week after the execution, the merchant and diplomat, Edmund Harvel, wrote from Venice to Dr. Thomas Starkey: The news of the Queen's case made a great tragedy, which was celebrated by all men's voices with admiration and great infamy to that woman to have betrayed that n.o.ble prince after such manner, who had exalted her so high and put himself to peril, not without perturbation of all the world, for her cause. G.o.d showed Himself a rightful judge to discover such high treason and iniquity. But all is for the best, and I reckon this the King's great fortune, that G.o.d would give him grace to see and touch with the hand what enemies and traitors he lived withal, of the which inconvenience his Grace is fair delivered, for with time there might have followed damage to his Grace inestimable.7 These were comparatively conservative reactions, for ever wilder rumors were now proliferating. Even Chapuys, the archdetractor of reform, did not swallow whole all he heard: "Although the matter is not much to be relied on, many think that most of the new bishops ont d'avoir leur Sainte Martin ont d'avoir leur Sainte Martin [meaning, perhaps, that there was a globe of fire suspended above their heads, as appeared in popular representations of the saint], because, having persuaded the Concubine that she had no need to confess, she grew more audacious in vice; and moreover, they persuaded her that, according to the said [Lutheran] sect, it was lawful to seek aid elsewhere, even from her own relations, when her husband was not capable of satisfying her." Reflecting on Anne's fate, the amba.s.sador recalled how "the Concubine, before her marriage with the King, said, to increase his love, that there was a prophecy that about this time, a queen of England would be burnt, but, to please the King, she [said she] did not care. After her marriage she boasted that the events mentioned in the prophecy had already been accomplished, and yet she was not condemned. But they might well have said to her, as was said to Caesar, 'The ides have come, but not gone.'" [meaning, perhaps, that there was a globe of fire suspended above their heads, as appeared in popular representations of the saint], because, having persuaded the Concubine that she had no need to confess, she grew more audacious in vice; and moreover, they persuaded her that, according to the said [Lutheran] sect, it was lawful to seek aid elsewhere, even from her own relations, when her husband was not capable of satisfying her." Reflecting on Anne's fate, the amba.s.sador recalled how "the Concubine, before her marriage with the King, said, to increase his love, that there was a prophecy that about this time, a queen of England would be burnt, but, to please the King, she [said she] did not care. After her marriage she boasted that the events mentioned in the prophecy had already been accomplished, and yet she was not condemned. But they might well have said to her, as was said to Caesar, 'The ides have come, but not gone.'"8 In the Privy Chamber, Sir Francis Bryan and his "fellows" rejoiced at Anne's fall. In the Privy Chamber, Sir Francis Bryan and his "fellows" rejoiced at Anne's fall.9 Yet after her execution, increasingly, there emerged a strong sense that justice had been subverted, while reports of her dignity and courage on the scaffold gradually won her the latent admiration and sympathy of some who had previously reviled her. Even the unsympathetic George Constantine had "never heard of queens that they should be thus handled, but I promise you there was much muttering of Queen Anne's death." Alexander Aless, whose landlord had witnessed her execution, wrote that she had "exhibited such constancy, patience, and faith toward G.o.d that all the spectators, even her enemies and those persons who had previously rejoiced at her misfortune, testified and proclaimed her innocence and chast.i.ty."

Aless's landlord invited some of those spectators to dinner a day or so later, and when these guests "were thus talking at table in my hearing, without being questioned, they themselves answered the accusations brought against the Queen. It is no new thing, said they, that the King's chamberlains should dance with the ladies in the bedchamber. Nor can any proof of adultery be collected from the fact that the Queen's brother took her by the hand and led her into the dance among the other ladies, or handed her to another. It is a usual custom throughout the whole of Britain that ladies married and unmarried, even the most coy, kiss not only a brother, but any honorable person, even in public. It is also the custom with young women to write to their near relatives when they become pregnant, in order to receive their congratulations. The King also was most anxious for an heir, and longed for nothing more than to know that the Queen was pregnant." Some of these views must have been those of people a.s.sociated with the court, who knew how things were conducted there.

"From such arguments as these, they affirmed that no probable suspicion of adultery could be collected, and that therefore there must have been some other reason which moved the King." Aless thought it could have been "the desire for an heir" and his being "further strengthened in his desire for a new marriage by perceiving that all the male children to which the Queen gave birth came into this world dead. And further, the King was angry with the Queen because of the want of success which attended the emba.s.sy, which, at her instigation, he had dispatched into Germany." People were also speculating that Henry had gotten rid of Anne out of fear that the Emperor, the Pope, and the Catholic princes of Europe would band together against him, and because he was "in danger from them on account of the change in religion." There followed much speculation on what would happen to religion in England now that Anne was gone.

While Aless and his landlord's guests were talking, "a servant of Cromwell's arrived from the court and, sitting down at the table, asked the landlord if he could let him have something to eat, for he was exceedingly hungry. While the food was being got ready, the other guests asked him what were his news? Where was the King? What was he doing? Was he sorry for the Queen? He answered by asking why should he be sorry for her? She had already betrayed him in secrecy, so now was he openly insulting her. For just as she, while the King was oppressed with the heavy cares of state, was enjoying herself with others, so he, while the Queen was being beheaded, was enjoying himself with another woman."

His words provoked outrage. "While we were all astonished and ordered him to hold his tongue, for he was saying what no one would believe, and he would bring himself into peril if others heard him talking thus, he answered, 'You yourselves will speedily learn from other persons the truth of what I have been saying.'" He was referring to the fact that the King was already betrothed to Jane Seymour. The landlord intervened, saying it was not fitting to discuss such things, and that he himself would "go carefully into these matters" when he next went to court. Cromwell's servant retorted that "he had the King's orders that none but that the councillors and secretaries should be admitted, and that the gate of the country house in which the King had secluded himself should be kept shut." Undeterred, the landlord did go to court, and on his return he was able to tell Aless that the King would shortly afterward be married.

Aless, a Protestant recounting these events for Elizabeth I, was biased and probably exaggerating public opinion, yet his is not the only evidence for the small but growing swell of sympathy for Anne Boleyn. "Although everybody rejoices at the execution of the Concubine," Chapuys reported, "there are some who murmur at the mode of procedure against her and the others, and people speak variously of the King, and it will not pacify the world when it is known what has pa.s.sed, and is pa.s.sing, between him and Mistress Jane Seymour. Already it sounds ill, in the ears of the people, that the King, having received such ignominy, has shown himself more glad than ever since the arrest of the Concubine."10 So soon, a legend was in the making. So soon, a legend was in the making.

As the murmuring spread, Anne began to be seen as a victim done away with on a flimsy pretext, particularly in the wake of Henry marrying Jane ten days after her beheading. That view was openly expressed in England just over a month after Anne Boleyn's execution, when an Oxfordshire man, John Hill of Eynsham, was brought before the local justices for saying that "the King caused Mr. Norris, Mr. Weston, and such as were put of late unto execution to be put to death only of pleasure," and that "the King, for a fraud and a guile, caused Master Norris, Master Weston, and the Queen to be put to death because he was made sure unto the Queen's Grace that now is half a year before." Master Hill pleaded guilty and was thrown into prison. Another man, William Saunders, who had said much the same thing, was examined with him.11 It would surely have occurred to those who privately thought the same as John Hill that it could well have been the King, and not Cromwell, who resolved to be rid not only of Anne but also of her powerful faction in the Privy Chamber, in order to clear the way for the rising stars, the Seymours.12 Although Chapuys famously referred to Anne in 1536 as "the English Messalina or Agrippina," and Reginald Pole, Henry VIII's cousin and a stern Catholic, that same year called her "a Jezebel and a sorceress," the reformer Philip Melanchthon was horrified at news of her death and its disastrous implications for any Protestant alliance with England: "The reports from England are more than tragic. The Queen, accused rather than convicted of adultery, has suffered the penalty of death, and that catastrophe has wrought great changes in our plans. How dreadfully this calamity will dishonor the King. What a great change has suddenly been made." As a Protestant, he was in no doubt "that blow came from Rome. In Rome, all these tricks and plots are contrived."13 In France, poems were written honoring Anne's memory, In France, poems were written honoring Anne's memory,14 while one French reformist, etienne Dolet, raged that Anne had been condemned "on a false charge of adultery." while one French reformist, etienne Dolet, raged that Anne had been condemned "on a false charge of adultery."15 Even the Emperor's sister, the politically acute Mary of Hungary, did not believe in Anne's guilt and was dismayed to hear of her fate: As none but the organist confessed, nor herself either, people think [the King] invented this device to get rid of her. Anyhow, no great wrong can be done to her, even in being suspected as wicked, for she is known to have been a worthless person. It is to be hoped, if hope be a right thing to entertain about such acts, that when he is tired of this one, he will find some occasion of getting rid of her. I think wives will hardly be well-contented if such customs become general," she added dryly. "Although I have no desire to put myself in this danger, yet, being of the feminine gender, I will pray with the others that G.o.d may keep us from it."16 By 1538 the young Christina of Denmark, d.u.c.h.ess of Milan, a niece of Charles V-who, when Henry VIII later sued for her hand, was pertly to reply that if she had two heads, one would be at His Majesty's disposal-was voicing the kinder view that Anne Boleyn had been "innocently put to death"; By 1538 the young Christina of Denmark, d.u.c.h.ess of Milan, a niece of Charles V-who, when Henry VIII later sued for her hand, was pertly to reply that if she had two heads, one would be at His Majesty's disposal-was voicing the kinder view that Anne Boleyn had been "innocently put to death";17 later still, in 1544, Jean de Luxembourg, Abbot of Ivry, a.s.serted that Henry VIII had "murdered" her. later still, in 1544, Jean de Luxembourg, Abbot of Ivry, a.s.serted that Henry VIII had "murdered" her.18 Although he had done so when Katherine of Aragon died, Henry VIII did not mark Anne's death with celebrations and feasting. The royal household accounts for May 19, 1536, show the lowest expenditure for any day that year: 44.12s. (15,600).19 That was probably because, after hearing the guns signaling that he was a widower, Henry VIII left Whitehall in the morning to join Jane at Chelsea. "The people will certainly be displeased at what has been told me, if it be true," Chapuys wrote on May 20, "that yesterday, the King, immediately on receiving news of the decapitation of the Concubine, boarded his barge and went to [Mistress] Seymour, whom he has lodged a mile from him in a house by the river." That was probably because, after hearing the guns signaling that he was a widower, Henry VIII left Whitehall in the morning to join Jane at Chelsea. "The people will certainly be displeased at what has been told me, if it be true," Chapuys wrote on May 20, "that yesterday, the King, immediately on receiving news of the decapitation of the Concubine, boarded his barge and went to [Mistress] Seymour, whom he has lodged a mile from him in a house by the river."20 By then Sir Francis Bryan had already brought Jane the news that Anne was dead. By then Sir Francis Bryan had already brought Jane the news that Anne was dead.

Henry did not, as legends have it, go hunting and wait in Richmond Park or Epping Forest for the Tower cannon to be fired,21 and Chapuys's report belies the crude a.s.sertion made by Cromwell's servant to Aless that the King was "enjoying himself with another woman" as Anne faced the executioner, although he might well have done so later on, as he spent the day quietly with Jane at Chelsea, and dined with her there in the evening. and Chapuys's report belies the crude a.s.sertion made by Cromwell's servant to Aless that the King was "enjoying himself with another woman" as Anne faced the executioner, although he might well have done so later on, as he spent the day quietly with Jane at Chelsea, and dined with her there in the evening.

Henry had still not appeared in public. John Husee, in his letter of May 19 that detailed the executions to Lord Lisle, stated apologetically that despite having "waited diligently and made all the friendship that I can make," he could "find no ways to come to the King's presence. His Grace came not abroad these fourteen days, so that I have been, and yet am, at bay. I trust it be ere long, seeing that these matters of execution are past, to speak with His Grace, and then deliver your [gift of] spurs." In the end, after all the frustrating delays, Lisle's request "to have something of what came to his hands by these gentlemen's deaths" reached the King (as Henry was to explain a week later) "too late, because all things were disposed long since, and there was nothing worth giving Your Lordship."22 By the time Anne died, preparations were already in train for the King's marriage to Jane Seymour. In the royal palaces, an army of carpenters, stonemasons, glaziers, and seamstresses were busily removing Anne's initials, mottoes, and falcon badge, and replacing them with Jane's initials and her emblem of a phoenix arising from a flaming castle;23 that this was done in a hurry is evident from the fact that in some places Anne's devices are still visible underneath; in others they were clearly inaccessible or just overlooked. At Hampton Court, for example, her initials, entwined with Henry's, can still be seen adorning the vaulted ceiling of Anne Boleyn's Gateway, and her initials and badges are to be seen in the roof timbers of the great hall and in the Great Watching Chamber, while her falcon badge survives in the rood screen in King's College Chapel, Cambridge. On Henry's orders, a stained-gla.s.s window depicting St. Anne, the fallen Queen's patron saint, was removed from the chapel royal at Hampton Court. that this was done in a hurry is evident from the fact that in some places Anne's devices are still visible underneath; in others they were clearly inaccessible or just overlooked. At Hampton Court, for example, her initials, entwined with Henry's, can still be seen adorning the vaulted ceiling of Anne Boleyn's Gateway, and her initials and badges are to be seen in the roof timbers of the great hall and in the Great Watching Chamber, while her falcon badge survives in the rood screen in King's College Chapel, Cambridge. On Henry's orders, a stained-gla.s.s window depicting St. Anne, the fallen Queen's patron saint, was removed from the chapel royal at Hampton Court.24 Portraits of Anne were probably taken down and hidden away, or destroyed, which would explain why hardly any contemporary likenesses survive. Portraits of Anne were probably taken down and hidden away, or destroyed, which would explain why hardly any contemporary likenesses survive.

At Dover Castle the King's master glazier, Galyon Hone, had just added "the Queen's badge" to windows in the royal lodgings, for which he was paid 200 (69,850); more money was wasted when the King had to pay him to replace the badges with those of Jane Seymour, in time for the summer's royal visit to Dover. Galyon Hone is also known to have replaced Anne's badges in the windows at Ampthill and Greenwich.25 With stone emblems, Anne's heraldic device of a leopard was more easily remodeled to look like Jane's panther "by new making of the heads and tails." With stone emblems, Anne's heraldic device of a leopard was more easily remodeled to look like Jane's panther "by new making of the heads and tails."26 When news of Anne's fate reached Zurich, where Miles Coverdale's English Bible with its dedication to Henry and his "dearest wife and most virtuous princess, Queen Anne" was being reprinted, Jane's name was hastily superimposed on the frontispiece. When news of Anne's fate reached Zurich, where Miles Coverdale's English Bible with its dedication to Henry and his "dearest wife and most virtuous princess, Queen Anne" was being reprinted, Jane's name was hastily superimposed on the frontispiece.27 Anne's name, and her image, were being thoroughly erased from view: it was as if she had never existed. Anne's name, and her image, were being thoroughly erased from view: it was as if she had never existed.

At Hever Castle, her family home, there is a posthumous reminder of her fate: on the stone newel of the spiral staircase leading to the Long Gallery, there is incised the cipher that appears in Henry VIII's love letters to her, and below it-at some unknown date-someone has carved an axe.

During the night after Anne's execution, Henry left Whitehall and was rowed upriver to Hampton Court; at six o'clock the following morning, May 20, Jane Seymour was conveyed from Chelsea "secretly by river to the King's lodgings" and they were betrothed there at nine o'clock. "The King means it to be kept secret till Whitsuntide," Chapuys added, "but everybody begins already to murmur by suspicion, and several affirm that, long before the death of the other, there was some arrangement, which sounds ill in the ears of the people."28 Jane, Agnes Strickland sternly observed, had "given her hand to the regal ruffian before his wife's corpse was cold. Yes, four-and-twenty hours had not elapsed since the sword was reddened with the blood of her mistress." Jane, Agnes Strickland sternly observed, had "given her hand to the regal ruffian before his wife's corpse was cold. Yes, four-and-twenty hours had not elapsed since the sword was reddened with the blood of her mistress."

News of the betrothal could not be kept secret for long. "It is presumed that there shall be by midsummer a new coronation," the perceptive Husee wrote on May 24.29 Six days earlier Chapuys had expressed his doubts about Jane's virginity. "Perhaps the King will be only too glad to be so far relieved of that difficulty," he added mischievously. "According to the account of the Concubine, he has neither vigor nor competence, and besides, he may marry her on condition that she is a maid, and when he wants a divorce, there will be plenty of witnesses ready to testify that she was not." Six days earlier Chapuys had expressed his doubts about Jane's virginity. "Perhaps the King will be only too glad to be so far relieved of that difficulty," he added mischievously. "According to the account of the Concubine, he has neither vigor nor competence, and besides, he may marry her on condition that she is a maid, and when he wants a divorce, there will be plenty of witnesses ready to testify that she was not."

Although Jane had proved useful to him and his friends, Chapuys was unimpressed by her: "The said Seymour is not a woman of great wit, but she may have good understanding. It is said she inclines to be proud and haughty. She bears great love and reverence to the princess. I know not if honors will make her change hereafter."30 On the Sunday after Anne's execution, which was Ascension Day, "the King wore white for mourning."31 That weekend, he ordered the settlement of an account submitted by Sir William Kingston in respect of expenses incurred in connection with the imprisonment of "the late Queen": 100 (34,900) "for [the redeeming of] such jewels and apparel as [she] had in the Tower;" 25.4s.6d (8,800) for her "diet;" 23.6s.8d (7,800) "to the executioner of Calais for his reward and apparel;" and 20 (7,000) for the alms Anne had distributed on the day of her death. That weekend, he ordered the settlement of an account submitted by Sir William Kingston in respect of expenses incurred in connection with the imprisonment of "the late Queen": 100 (34,900) "for [the redeeming of] such jewels and apparel as [she] had in the Tower;" 25.4s.6d (8,800) for her "diet;" 23.6s.8d (7,800) "to the executioner of Calais for his reward and apparel;" and 20 (7,000) for the alms Anne had distributed on the day of her death.32 That came to the princely total of 168.11s.2d (58,500), which would be paid in August. Some of Anne's outstanding debts were also settled by the King's comptroller-the rest would not be paid by Cromwell until February 1538-and moneys owing to her totaling 1,073.6s.8d (374,850) called in. That came to the princely total of 168.11s.2d (58,500), which would be paid in August. Some of Anne's outstanding debts were also settled by the King's comptroller-the rest would not be paid by Cromwell until February 1538-and moneys owing to her totaling 1,073.6s.8d (374,850) called in.33 Meanwhile, Cromwell, on May 20, had drawn up a list of "Remembrances," and made a note to himself "To remember... Sir William Kingston." Meanwhile, Cromwell, on May 20, had drawn up a list of "Remembrances," and made a note to himself "To remember... Sir William Kingston."34 He also remembered George Constantine, and how he had been a friend to Norris and sent details of the events in the Tower to John Barlow, once chaplain to the Boleyns. Constantine was briefly arrested, which suggests that Master Secretary was still anxious to control and censor information about Anne's fall. He also remembered George Constantine, and how he had been a friend to Norris and sent details of the events in the Tower to John Barlow, once chaplain to the Boleyns. Constantine was briefly arrested, which suggests that Master Secretary was still anxious to control and censor information about Anne's fall.35 The news of Anne's execution had spread like wildfire through Europe. In Rome, the Pope, in the false hope that the English Reformation had been halted, suspended the excommunication process against Henry VIII. There was a virtual stampede to find a bride for the eligible royal widower. Charles V, on May 18, before Anne Boleyn's death, had proposed that "since the case [against Anne] is so manifest, as we suppose, by the divine will, and the King takes it to heart as he ought," a marriage for Henry VIII with the Infanta of Portugal, "as he is of amorous complexion and always desires to have a male child";36 while on May 24, the Bishop of Faenza reported that "the Imperialists have offered the King of England the Queen of Hungary for a wife, but it is thought he will not take her as she is in bad health and not fit to bear children." while on May 24, the Bishop of Faenza reported that "the Imperialists have offered the King of England the Queen of Hungary for a wife, but it is thought he will not take her as she is in bad health and not fit to bear children."37 The French were also keen to seize the advantage: Chapuys says that on the day after Anne Boleyn's execution, their amba.s.sadors offered the King the hand of Madeleine of Valois, a daughter of Francis I. But Henry replied "that she was too young for him, and he had too much experience of French upbringing in the case of the Concubine." The French were also keen to seize the advantage: Chapuys says that on the day after Anne Boleyn's execution, their amba.s.sadors offered the King the hand of Madeleine of Valois, a daughter of Francis I. But Henry replied "that she was too young for him, and he had too much experience of French upbringing in the case of the Concubine."38 Of course, he was entertaining no thoughts of taking another foreign bride, and on May 29, "incontinent after the suffering of Queen Anne,"39 and before people in far-flung parts of the kingdom had even heard of Anne's death, he married Jane Seymour at Hampton Court. and before people in far-flung parts of the kingdom had even heard of Anne's death, he married Jane Seymour at Hampton Court.40 It was thought strange by some that "within one and the same month that saw Queen Anne flourishing, accused, condemned and executed," another was "a.s.sumed into her place, both of bed and honor." It was thought strange by some that "within one and the same month that saw Queen Anne flourishing, accused, condemned and executed," another was "a.s.sumed into her place, both of bed and honor."41 A courier from England informed the Bishop of Faenza that Henry had "showed the greatest preference for [Jane], even during the life of the other." A courier from England informed the Bishop of Faenza that Henry had "showed the greatest preference for [Jane], even during the life of the other."42 It is easy to see why people were beginning to take a cynical view. By June 4, Henry VIII had emerged from seclusion and was again presiding over "a great and triumphant court," It is easy to see why people were beginning to take a cynical view. By June 4, Henry VIII had emerged from seclusion and was again presiding over "a great and triumphant court,"43 and on June 5 the Queen's brother, Sir Edward Seymour, was created Viscount Beauchamp and on June 5 the Queen's brother, Sir Edward Seymour, was created Viscount Beauchamp44 and launched on the glittering path to power and, ultimately, tragedy. and launched on the glittering path to power and, ultimately, tragedy.

On June 7 the King brought Queen Jane by barge from Greenwich to Whitehall. London was en fete en fete, and crowds lined the riverbanks. As the royal couple were rowed past the Tower, they could see that it was bedecked with fluttering pennants and streamers in honor of the occasion45-in stark contrast to the grim drama that had been played out within its walls not three weeks before. We might wonder if either Jane or Henry allowed their thoughts to dwell on the woman who had been its central player, and whose body was now decomposing beneath the pavement of the Tower chapel.

When Henry VIII reopened Parliament on June 8, 1536, Lord Chancellor Audley, in his speech to the King and both Houses, spoke of Anne Boleyn's crimes and the need to settle the succession on the issue of Queen Jane. "Your Majesty, not knowing of any lawful impediments, entered into the bonds of the said unlawful marriage and advanced the Lady Anne to the sovereign state. Yet she, nevertheless, inflamed with pride and carnal desires of her body, confederated herself with her natural brother" and the other men accused with her, "to the utter loss, disherison, and desolation of this realm; and so, being confederate, she and they most traitorously committed and perpetrated diverse detestable and abominable treasons, to the fearful peril and danger of your royal person, and to the fearful peril and danger of this realm, if G.o.d of His goodness had not in due time brought their said treasons to light. For the which, being plainly and manifestly proved, they were convict[ed] and attainted by due course and order of your common law of this realm, and have suffered according to the merits."

Lord Chancellor read out to both Houses the King's speech, in which Henry-possibly mounting a damage-limitation exercise to quell the rumors-publicly lamented that, having been so disappointed in his first two marriages, he was obliged, for the welfare of his realm, to enter upon a third, "a personal sacrifice not required of any ordinary man."46 Here the Lord Chancellor paused, then asked, "What man in middle life would not this deter from marrying a third time? Yet this, our most excellent prince, not in any carnal concupiscence, but at the humble entreaty of his n.o.bility, again condescended to contract matrimony, and hath, on the humble pet.i.tion of the n.o.bility, taken to himself a wife this time whose age and fine form give promise of issue." There was resounding applause, and Audley, on behalf of the Lords and Commons, thanked the King for his selflessness and the care he had shown for his subjects. After that, the King left smiling benignly, confident that he had emerged from the whole tragic affair as the innocent party-as indeed those close to him made plain their conviction that he was. "The King hath come out of h.e.l.l into heaven for the gentleness in this [Queen] and the cursedness and unhappiness in the other," Sir John Russell observed. Here the Lord Chancellor paused, then asked, "What man in middle life would not this deter from marrying a third time? Yet this, our most excellent prince, not in any carnal concupiscence, but at the humble entreaty of his n.o.bility, again condescended to contract matrimony, and hath, on the humble pet.i.tion of the n.o.bility, taken to himself a wife this time whose age and fine form give promise of issue." There was resounding applause, and Audley, on behalf of the Lords and Commons, thanked the King for his selflessness and the care he had shown for his subjects. After that, the King left smiling benignly, confident that he had emerged from the whole tragic affair as the innocent party-as indeed those close to him made plain their conviction that he was. "The King hath come out of h.e.l.l into heaven for the gentleness in this [Queen] and the cursedness and unhappiness in the other," Sir John Russell observed.47 The chief business of this Parliament was to ratify the condemnation of Anne Boleyn, as well as Cranmer's annulment of her marriage, which was sealed on June 10 and approved by the bishops in convocation on June 21 and by both Houses of Parliament on June 28.48 Parliament's other priority-as Chapuys predicted on May 19-was to exclude "the Concubine's little b.a.s.t.a.r.d" from ever succeeding to the throne, Parliament's other priority-as Chapuys predicted on May 19-was to exclude "the Concubine's little b.a.s.t.a.r.d" from ever succeeding to the throne,49 and it now pa.s.sed a new Act of Succession, declaring that the King's marriage to Anne was unlawful and that its issue, Elizabeth, was to be "taken, reputed, and accepted to be illegitimate, and utterly excluded and barred to claim, challenge, or demand any inheritance as lawful heir to Your Highness by lineal descent." Instead the crown was to pa.s.s to the heirs of Jane Seymour. and it now pa.s.sed a new Act of Succession, declaring that the King's marriage to Anne was unlawful and that its issue, Elizabeth, was to be "taken, reputed, and accepted to be illegitimate, and utterly excluded and barred to claim, challenge, or demand any inheritance as lawful heir to Your Highness by lineal descent." Instead the crown was to pa.s.s to the heirs of Jane Seymour.50 A general pardon was thereupon issued to those persons who had been cast into prison for slandering Anne or calling her daughter a b.a.s.t.a.r.d.51 Four years later, when French amba.s.sadors showed themselves reluctant to consider Elizabeth as a bride for the French King's son, her great-uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, openly agreed with them that it would not be an "honorable" match, and explained that "the opinion of Queen Anne, her mother, was such that it was quite decided to consider her illegitimate." Four years later, when French amba.s.sadors showed themselves reluctant to consider Elizabeth as a bride for the French King's son, her great-uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, openly agreed with them that it would not be an "honorable" match, and explained that "the opinion of Queen Anne, her mother, was such that it was quite decided to consider her illegitimate."52 No longer were the Boleyns a force to be reckoned with: their power and spirit had been crushed, their faction toppled and discredited in less than three weeks. Those who survived the purge, like the Howards and the late Queen's reformist proteges, had to keep their heads down in order to save themselves. Although Anne's parents had escaped being sent to the Tower, her father, Wiltshire-who had made no protest, nor expressed regret or grief at the fate of his son and daughter-was deprived of his lucrative office of Lord Privy Seal on June 24, to be replaced by Cromwell on July 2,53 around the time when-had Anne's child gone to term-he would have become grandfather to the future king. around the time when-had Anne's child gone to term-he would have become grandfather to the future king.

Nevertheless, Wiltshire retained his place at court and on the King's Council. He attended the christening of Prince Edward, the son whom Jane Seymour finally bore Henry VIII, in October 1537, helped to suppress the Pilgrimage of Grace that year, and even, on one occasion, lent Cromwell his Garter insignia. In January 1538 we find him being "well-entertained" at court.54 After his wife, Elizabeth Howard, pa.s.sed away in April that year, After his wife, Elizabeth Howard, pa.s.sed away in April that year,55 there was talk of a marriage between him and the Lady Margaret Douglas, the King's niece. there was talk of a marriage between him and the Lady Margaret Douglas, the King's niece.56 Clearly Wiltshire had not fallen far from favor, and when he died in March 1539, the King ordered ma.s.ses to be said for his soul.57 There is no evidence to support Sander's a.s.sertion that he "died of grief," yet it would not be surprising if grief had been a factor in hastening his end. His fine tomb bra.s.s may be seen in St. Peter's Church at Hever. Neither he nor his wife lived to see the triumphant accession of their granddaughter, Elizabeth I, in 1558. In 1540, Hever Castle, the family seat in Kent, was given to Anne of Cleves, Henry VIII's fourth wife, as part of her nullity settlement. There is no evidence to support Sander's a.s.sertion that he "died of grief," yet it would not be surprising if grief had been a factor in hastening his end. His fine tomb bra.s.s may be seen in St. Peter's Church at Hever. Neither he nor his wife lived to see the triumphant accession of their granddaughter, Elizabeth I, in 1558. In 1540, Hever Castle, the family seat in Kent, was given to Anne of Cleves, Henry VIII's fourth wife, as part of her nullity settlement.

Mary Boleyn, Anne's sister, lived until 1543, dying in obscurity at Rochford Hall in Ess.e.x, a Boleyn property. Having incurred the wrath of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn in 1534 for secretly marrying the impecunious William Stafford without their consent, she was banished from court and is not recorded there again. Hence she probably had no further contact with her niece Elizabeth.

There has been speculation that George Boleyn perhaps left one son, his namesake, who became Dean of Lichfield under Elizabeth I and who described himself in his will as the kinsman of her cousin, Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, who was Mary Boleyn's grandson and Anne Boleyn's great-nephew. It is unlikely that was the son of George Boleyn and Jane Parker, since Thomas Boleyn's heir at his death was his daughter Mary. The name George-unusual in the Boleyn family-suggests he was Rochford's b.a.s.t.a.r.d. Barred from inheriting, and fatherless, with his Boleyn grandparents dead, it is entirely credible that, in November 1544, he should have entered Trinity Hall, Cambridge, as a sizar-a student of limited means who was charged reduced fees and given a.s.sistance with food and lodging while at the university. A career in the Church was always the best option for gentlemen without independent means, and it was later claimed (by the antiquarian Browne Willis in his survey of Lichfield Cathedral, published in 1727 and based on original records and registers) that Elizabeth I wanted to appoint this kinsman Bishop of Worcester, but that he turned it down. But he was grateful for what she had done for him, and in his will he stated, "Her Majesty gave me all that ever I have."58 Lady Rochford, "a widow in black full woebegone,"59 retired from court after her husband's fall. After his execution, his confiscated a.s.sets, which had been inventoried, and now reverted to the Crown, were distributed among loyal courtiers such as the Earl of Suss.e.x and Sir Thomas Cheyney; on May 31, 1536, no doubt to reward his willingness to condemn his son-in-law, Lady Rochford's father, Henry Parker, Lord Morley, was granted the lucrative office of chief steward of the manor of Hatfield Regis, which was part of the honor of Beaulieu in Ess.e.x, a royal palace that had been given to Lord Rochford and had also reverted to the Crown; in addition, he was appointed master of the deer in the forest there, and keeper of the park. retired from court after her husband's fall. After his execution, his confiscated a.s.sets, which had been inventoried, and now reverted to the Crown, were distributed among loyal courtiers such as the Earl of Suss.e.x and Sir Thomas Cheyney; on May 31, 1536, no doubt to reward his willingness to condemn his son-in-law, Lady Rochford's father, Henry Parker, Lord Morley, was granted the lucrative office of chief steward of the manor of Hatfield Regis, which was part of the honor of Beaulieu in Ess.e.x, a royal palace that had been given to Lord Rochford and had also reverted to the Crown; in addition, he was appointed master of the deer in the forest there, and keeper of the park.60 Lady Rochford, however, was left in serious financial difficulties; even her rich court attire had been seized.61 It was probably in late May that she was reduced to sending a begging letter to Cromwell, in whom, she declared, "her special trust" reposed after G.o.d and the King, for he was well known for his "gentle manner to all them that be in such lamentable case." She implored him "to obtain from the King for her the stuff and plate of her husband," saying it was "nothing to be regarded" by Henry, but would be to her "a most high help and succor." She reminded him that "the King and her father paid 2,000 marks [232,800] for her jointure to the Earl of Wiltshire, and she is only a.s.sured of 100 marks [11,650] during the earl's life," which, she wrote, "is very hard for me to shift the world withal." She prayed Master Secretary "to inform the King of this" and make him think "more tenderly" of her, a.s.suring him of her "prayers and service" for the rest of her life, and signing her letter as "a poor desolate widow, without comfort, Jane Rochford." It was probably in late May that she was reduced to sending a begging letter to Cromwell, in whom, she declared, "her special trust" reposed after G.o.d and the King, for he was well known for his "gentle manner to all them that be in such lamentable case." She implored him "to obtain from the King for her the stuff and plate of her husband," saying it was "nothing to be regarded" by Henry, but would be to her "a most high help and succor." She reminded him that "the King and her father paid 2,000 marks [232,800] for her jointure to the Earl of Wiltshire, and she is only a.s.sured of 100 marks [11,650] during the earl's life," which, she wrote, "is very hard for me to shift the world withal." She prayed Master Secretary "to inform the King of this" and make him think "more tenderly" of her, a.s.suring him of her "prayers and service" for the rest of her life, and signing her letter as "a poor desolate widow, without comfort, Jane Rochford."62 It seems that despite the fact that she furnished evidence that had helped their case, Jane was overlooked by Henry and Cromwell in the hectic aftermath of Anne Boleyn's fall. Cromwell did see that she was well provided for: It seems that despite the fact that she furnished evidence that had helped their case, Jane was overlooked by Henry and Cromwell in the hectic aftermath of Anne Boleyn's fall. Cromwell did see that she was well provided for:63 he and the King acted immediately, Henry forcing her father-in-law, Wiltshire (who had control of her income), to increase her allowance to 100 (34,900); understandably, the earl did so reluctantly, bitterly insisting that Cromwell "inform the King that I do this alonely for his pleasure." he and the King acted immediately, Henry forcing her father-in-law, Wiltshire (who had control of her income), to increase her allowance to 100 (34,900); understandably, the earl did so reluctantly, bitterly insisting that Cromwell "inform the King that I do this alonely for his pleasure."64 This was on July 2, 1536. However, Jane's jointure, the part of her marriage settlement allocated for her security in widowhood (which included Blickling Hall in Norfolk, where Anne Boleyn had probably been born), was not restored to her until after Wiltshire's death and that of his mother, Margaret Butler, in 1539. This was on July 2, 1536. However, Jane's jointure, the part of her marriage settlement allocated for her security in widowhood (which in