http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/speeches/detail/3368

[accessed December 16, 2010]; Dallek, Unfinished Life, 393. Kennedy's support for the space program stemmed in part from his concerns over Gagarin's flight on April 12, 1961, and the Bay of Pigs fiasco (April 17, 1961). The success of Alan Shepard's flight on May 5, 1961 proved that the U.S. was still competitive with the USSR in outer space.

55. "Robert C. Seamans Jr.," MIT Tech TV,

http://techtv.mit.edu/videos/3083

[accessed August 6, 2012].

56. Kennedy also proposed a U.S.-Soviet joint lunar program before the United Nations in September 1963. After the assassination, Ambassador Adlai Stevenson reminded the assembly that "President Kennedy proposed ... last September to explore with the Soviet Union opportunities for working together in the conquest of space, including the sending of men to the moon as representatives of all our countries. President Johnson has instructed me to reaffirm that offer today ..." In his first State of the Union address, President Johnson held out some possibility for such a venture: "We must assure our preeminence in the peaceful exploration of outer space, focusing on an expedition to the moon in this decade-in cooperation with other powers if possible, alone if necessary." On January 31, 1964, Webb advised Johnson not to propose a "new high-level U.S. initiative" until the Soviets responded to his and Kennedy's previous proposals. Because the Soviets never did so, the U.S. moved ahead with the Apollo program on its own. See Hirotaka Watanabe, "The Space Policy of the Johnson Administration: Project Apollo and International Cooperation," Osaka Law Review 57 (February 2010): 3964.

57. Telephone interview with Dan Fenn, December 16, 2010; Mike Wall, "JFK's Moon Shot: Q&A With Space Policy Expert John Logsdon," Space.com, May 24, 2011,

http://www.space.com/11762-nasa-kennedy-moon-speech-logsdon-interview.html

[accessed May 25, 2011]; Carolyn Y. Johnson, "JFK Had Doubts About Moon Landing," Boston Globe, May 25, 2011,

http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2011/05/25/jfk_had_doubts_about_moon_landing/?pi=Local_Links

[accessed May 25, 2011].

58. Jacobson's medical license was revoked by the State of New York in 1975 because of his excessive narcotic prescriptions.

59. According to historian Robert Dallek, there "is no evidence that JFK's physical torments played any significant part in shaping the successes or shortcomings of his public actions, either before or during his presidency." Dallek, "The Medical Ordeals of JFK," 4961. It is also true that no one will ever know for sure. Narcotics can have subtle but significant effects on any human being, especially one dealing with the extraordinary stresses of the presidency.

60. Franklin's fur cap and spectacles caused a sensation in Paris. "The cap, like that worn by Rousseau, served as his badge of homespun purity and New World virtue, just as his ever-present spectacles (also featured in portraits) became an emblem of wisdom. It helped him play the part that Paris imagined for him: that of the noble frontier philosopher and simple backwoods sage-even though he had lived most of his life on Market Street [Philadelphia] and Craven Street [London]." Walter Isaacson, Benjamin Franklin: An American Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2003), 328.

61. Robert C. Doty, "Kennedy and De Gaulle Agree to Defend Berlin; Discuss Asia and Africa," New York Times, June 1, 1961; Rachel Day, "Suit Worn by Jacqueline Kennedy during Presidential Trip to Paris Now on Display at the JFK Presidential Library and Museum,"

http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK+Library+and+Museum/News+and+Press/Suit+Worn+by+Jacqueline+Kennedy+During+Presidential+Trip+to+Paris+Now+on+Display+at+the+JFK+Presiden.htm

[accessed December 16, 2010]; Dallek, Unfinished Life, 400; Barbara A. Perry, Jacqueline Kennedy: First Lady of the New Frontier (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004), 86. In some ways, President Kennedy treated the trip to Paris as a campaign stop to win French favor, not votes. The night before the visit began, the French people watched "a nationwide television program, prepared especially for them," featuring the president and First Lady. "[T]he president and Mrs. Kennedy expressed their pleasure in the visit." And "Mrs. Kennedy conducted her part of the proceedings entirely in French. Her accent [as noted by some French observers, was] 'accurate,' which is of course several cuts below the 'flawless' they had been led to expect." Kennedy's PR team weren't sure whether to release pictures of the president alone or ones which included the First Lady. As a result, the shops on Rue de Rivoli displayed both types of shots. Press secretary for the trip Andrew Hatcher and JFK aide Ted Sorensen were sent to Paris ahead of time to line up interviews and make sure that the visit went smoothly. The careful work clearly paid off. The journalist Mary McGrory witnessed two French women "giggling" as they "went from shop window to shop window bowing to every photograph of the president. 'How do you do, Mr. Kennedee,' they said in preparation." Mary McGrory, Western Union Telegram, May 31, 1961, Mary McGrory Papers, Box 96, Folder 8, Library of Congress Manuscripts Division, Washington, DC.

62. Mary McGrory, undated Western Union Telegram, Mary McGrory Papers, Box 96, Folder 8, Library of Congress Manuscripts Division, Washington, DC.

63. Dallek, Unfinished Life, 4023.

64. John M. Murrin, Paul E. Johnson, James M. McPherson, Gary Gerstle, Emily S. Rosenberg, and Norman L. Rosenberg, Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People, 3rd ed. (New York: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2002), 93637; Dallek, Unfinished Life, 402.

65. Reeves, President Kennedy, 15866.

66. Perry, Jacqueline Kennedy, 86; Reeves, President Kennedy, 166; Eddy Gilmore, "Jacqueline Charms All Vienna-Especially K.; Nina Cheered for Accepting Plea," Washington Post and Times Herald, June 4, 1961; Schlesinger, Thousand Days, 367. Khrushchev may have been more impressed by President Kennedy than he showed. According to Schlesinger, Khrushchev told Soviet ambassador Georgi Kornienko after the meeting in Vienna that he (Kornienko) had been right to describe Kennedy as "independent and intelligent." Schlesinger, Thousand Days, 378.

67. Schlesinger, Thousand Days, 36970; Reeves, President Kennedy, 16771; John Morton Blum, Years of Discord: American Politics and Society, 196174 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), 46.

68. Contrary to some others, O'Donnell thought that Kennedy seemed calm and in control at Vienna. In his version of events, the president came out of the talks with Khrushchev saying that the chairman was bluffing and would never sign a treaty with East Germany. "Anybody who talks the way he did today, and really means it, would be crazy," said Kennedy. "And I'm sure he's not crazy." Kenneth P. O'Donnell, Dave F. Powers, and Joe McCarthy, "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye": Memories of John Fitzgerald Kennedy (New York: Pocket Books, 1973), 344.

69. Parmet, JFK, 190; O'Donnell, "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye," 345.

70. Theodore C. Sorensen, ed., "Let the Word Go Forth": The Speeches, Statements, and Writings of John F. Kennedy (New York: Delacorte Press, 1988), 24850; Reeves, President Kennedy, 19095.

71. Kevin W. Dean, " 'We Seek Peace, but We Shall Not Surrender': JFK's Use of Juxtaposition for Rhetorical Success in the Berlin Crisis," Presidential Studies Quarterly 21 (Summer 1991): 53144.

72. Fred Kaplan, "JFK's First-Strike Plan," Atlantic Monthly 288 (October 2001): 8186.

73. In fairness, it should be noted that President Bush was speaking to a group of airline employees in Chicago whose livelihoods depended on public confidence in the safety of air travel. But Bush never asked the public to do anything out of the ordinary to cover the massive human and financial costs of postSeptember 11 actions. Andrew J. Bacevich, "He Told Us to Go Shopping. Now the Bill Is Due," Washington Post, October 5, 2008.

74. John Fitzgerald Kennedy, "Report on the Berlin Crisis (July 25, 1961)," Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia,

http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/speeches/detail/5740

[accessed December 24, 2010].

75. Schlesinger, Thousand Days, 392; Dallek, Unfinished Life, 424.

76. Something like this would have been much less possible after November 22, 1963, even for a vice president. Security would have been much tighter anywhere, much less in what was effectively a war zone. Neil Spitzer, "Dividing a City," Wilson Quarterly 12 (Summer 1988): 100122; Reeves, President Kennedy, 211; Giglio and Rabe, Debating, 27 (quotation); Dallek, Unfinished Life, 427.

77. Giglio and Rabe, Debating, 27; Kaplan, "JFK's First-Strike Plan," 8186.

78. See Robert Dallek, Unfinished Life, 28890, and Thomas Reeves, Question of Character, 249.

79. Eisenhower authorized the Jupiters in 1959, but never actually deployed them.

80. Joseph A. Loftus, "Gilpatric Warns U.S. Can Destroy Atom Aggressor," New York Times, October 22, 1961; "Huge U.S. Arsenal of A-Bombs Bared," Long Beach Independent Press Telegram, October 22, 1961; "Unprecedented Disclosure: U.S. Nuclear Weapons Counted 'In Thousands,'" Zanesville [Ohio] Times Recorder, October 22, 1961; Giglio and Rabe, Debating, 19; Dallek, Unfinished Life, 43334. Kennedy, Rusk, and McNamara were also bragging publicly about America's nuclear arsenal.

81. Joseph Alsop thought the president "looked like his old self" during this period. "[H]e has forced himself to lose ten pounds, which is good for him." The journalist had recently dined at the White House and thought that the evening had been "a great relief for the president" who needed to "escape and forget his terrible burdens." Letter written by Joseph Alsop, January 16, 1962, Joseph and Stewart Alsop Papers, Box 183, Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Washington, DC.

82. The Kennedys did achieve some progress on civil rights in 1961. Speaking from Dallas on November 15, 1961, Attorney General Robert Kennedy told the press that "the people of Dallas, Atlanta, Memphis, New Orleans, and many other cities" had shown their respect for orderly progress by "desegregating their schools this fall without disorder or disrespect for the law. In each of these cities, and particularly in Dallas and Atlanta, this was accomplished by citizens from all walks of life, accepting their responsibilities and acting with skill, vigor, and dedication." "Address by Robert F. Kennedy, Associated Press Managing Editors Meeting, Dallas, Texas, November 15, 1961," Victor S. Navasky Papers, Box 3, "Background: Communist Party, General," John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts.

83. John Fitzgerald Kennedy, "State of the Union Address (January 11, 1962)," Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia,

http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/speeches/detail/5742

[accessed December 29, 2010].

5. STEEL AT HOME AND ABROAD.

1. Arthur Goldberg to JFK, March 13 and 20 and April 3, 1962, Arthur J. Goldberg Papers, Box 1:27, Folder 2, Library of Congress Manuscripts Division, Washington, DC; Richard Reeves, President Kennedy: Profile of Power (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1993), 29495. Goldberg was a highly effective secretary of labor at a time when unions wielded considerable power. In September 1961, he helped avert a UAW strike: "The primary cause of this automobile strike was failure to reach agreement on the question of relief time. When I learned of this I suggested the formula which the parties accepted last night." On October 24, 1961, he informed the president that "The threatened strike against the Southern Pacific Railroad was postponed at my request. The parties have been meeting here in the Department in an effort to work out an agreement." In November, a "strike of the Air Line Pilots Association against Pan American World Airways was averted ... by the creation of an Emergency Board." Goldberg to JFK, September 12, October 24, and November 14, 1961, Arthur J. Goldberg Papers, Box 1:27, Folder 2, Library of Congress Manuscripts Division, Washington, DC. In the summer of 1962, the nation's five major aluminum companies were able to negotiate labor contracts without Washington's help. See "Labor: Forgotten Method," Time, July 6, 1962,

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,939998,00.html

[accessed March 23, 2011].

2. According to some sources, the original quote was, "My father told me businessmen were all pricks ..." Others say that it was, "My father always told me that steel men were sons-of-bitches ..."

3. Ted Sorensen, Kennedy: The Classic Biography (New York: Harper Perennial Political Classics, 2009), 44748; Kenneth P. O'Donnell and David F. Powers with Joe McCarthy, "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye": Memories of John Fitzgerald Kennedy (New York: Pocket Books, 1972), 471; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), 635; James N. Giglio, The Presidency of John F. Kennedy (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), 131.

4. In February of 1902, President Theodore Roosevelt ordered his attorney general, Philander Knox, to file suit against the Northern Securities Company, "a recently created holding company that comprised the leading railroads of the northwestern quarter of the country." Roosevelt's decision prompted a visit from J. P. Morgan, one of Northern Securities' primary investors, who asked the president if he planned on attacking his (Morgan's) "other interests," which included the "steel trust." "Certainly not," said Roosevelt, "unless we find out that in any case they have done something that we regard as wrong." H. W. Brands, TR: The Last Romantic (New York: Basic Books, 1997), 437. One could reasonably conclude that JFK went even further than TR in using the power of government to influence one big business.

5. John F. Kennedy, "President's News Conference, April 11, 1962," John T. Woolley and Gerhard Peters, The American Presidency Project [online], Santa Barbara, CA,

http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8598