The Kennedy Half-Century.

Larry J. Sabato.

For all those who ask what they can do for their country.

There is no present or future, only the past, happening over and over again, now.

-EUGENE O'NEILL, IRISH AMERICAN PLAYWRIGHT.

INTRODUCTION:.

THE BIRTH OF A LEGACY.

When John F. Kennedy entered the presidential limousine at Love Field, he began his ride into history. The journey continues, and we call it the Kennedy legacy.

At its core, a legacy is a bequest.1 Every president wants to hand down a dazzling record to posterity, and each occupant of the Oval Office dreams he will be elevated to the pantheon of "the greats." But what presidents imagine their legacy to be usually differs from what cruel fate dictates.

Every president's legacy is a strange, evolving thing. It transforms itself from year to year and generation to generation. Some memories fade while others come into sharper focus because of new circumstances, perhaps more revelations from the past or a transformation in the present that makes once-insignificant events loom large. A president's legacy is a struggle in public relations, too. The former chief executive and his family and staff seek to enhance it, to airbrush away the blemishes while emphasizing the achievements, as they conceive of them. Opponents of the president rarely go into hibernation with his retirement or death; old grudges and fresh agendas can make a former president a continuing target. Democrats ran against Herbert Hoover for forty years. Republicans have targeted Jimmy Carter for over thirty. This sad destiny is usually spared public figures who exit through the brutality of assassination. Martyrdom's blood and tears can wash away grievous sins-the martyr's and our own.2 Long after a president has left Washington, journalists ferret out hidden secrets that affect his image for good or ill.3 Tidbits about their terms still dominate headlines with regularity. Far peskier and unrelenting than reporters are the historians and political scientists. For us, time stands still and there is never a final deadline. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Abraham Lincoln are still being reevaluated virtually on an annual basis. There is value in such constant churning, in part because our society's unceasing search for the right path can be guided by roads already taken, and our developing values can find new expression in past precedent. The scholar Merrill Peterson's view of Jefferson, one of Kennedy's favorite predecessors, applies just as well to JFK: The guiding concept, the Jefferson image, may be defined as the composite representation of the historic personage and of the ideas and ideals, policies and sentiments, habitually identified with him. The image is highly complex and never stationary. It is a mixed product of memory and hope, fact and myth, love and hate, of the politician's strategy, the patriot's veneration, and the scholar's quest ... It is posterity's configuration of Jefferson. Even more, however, it is a sensitive reflector, through several generations, of America's troubled search for the image of itself.4 Not only is there a need for this presidential revisionism, there is-to judge by book sales-a popular appetite for statesmen's modified biographies centuries after they departed the scene. Such a prospect is both comforting and frightening to modern presidents. They know they will not be completely forgotten, and the less successful among them hope for redemption. Yet they also recognize history's unpredictability. Unforeseen circumstances may cause their administration's high points to appear irrelevant and their decisions unwise. While breath remains in their body, they work directly or through associates to spin pundits and commentators for generous evaluations.5 Beyond the grave, former presidents will be unknowing, but their survivors often continue the effort.

Eventually, however, the public relations fog lifts. There are few or no people left with a personal stake in promoting or condemning long-past ex-presidents; this may be the first point of historical clarity. In the case of John Kennedy, we are almost at that moment. While JFK's family continues to be prominent and ever-vigilant about the Kennedy image, the clan's political power has waned enormously. With the death of Senator Edward Kennedy in 2009, the family's last political powerhouse left the scene. Few JFK aides remain alive. In another quarter century only a relative handful of Americans will personally recall the Kennedy years.

A half century from John Kennedy's death, we can finally see more plainly. We can separate fact from fiction and reality from myth. We can assess the true impact of a short presidency that has had a sharp silhouette. Has it really been fifty years? For those who lived during the Kennedy administration, the images of that brief epoch are still so vivid that time often seems to stand still. The vibrancy of those memories underscores this book's focus: the legacy left by John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the thirty-fifth president of the United States, in this, the fiftieth year since his life ended in a hail of gunfire.

Kennedy served less than three years as chief executive before he was brutally slain in Dallas on November 22, 1963. Many presidents who stayed four or even eight years in the White House have been largely forgotten. Yet JFK regularly ranks as one of the best in surveys of the public, and his words are employed more often than those of all but a handful of other statesmen by officeholders and candidates today.

What has set Kennedy apart? Was it singular style, exceptional substance, or a special mix of the two that has made his short presidency such a touchstone for other politicians, academics, everyday Americans, and people around the world?

In an age of punishing political polarization, when the right and the left are constantly at each other's throats, President Kennedy-a forceful partisan in his time-has become a standard exemplar of bipartisanship. For Democrats, he is in the permanent pantheon of party saints, the man who restored unto them the White House after an eight-year period of GOP control and whose popularity continued them in power even after his death. Of course, many modern Democrats have forgotten just how conservative many of JFK's policies were; they have blurred the Kennedy picture, confusing John with his brothers Robert and Edward, whose politics became much more liberal after JFK's assassination.

For Republicans, John Kennedy's muscular foreign policy (after a shaky start), his strong anticommunism, and his enthusiastic backing of free-market capitalism and broad-based income tax cuts have made him a favored, or at least an acceptable, Democratic president-one frequently cited in speeches and television advertisements by GOP politicians. The goal of this partisan cross-dressing is obvious: to portray Republicans as closer to the Kennedy tradition than some current Democrats.

A political party borrows only the brightest stars from the other party's firmament, so this establishes the standard: The legacy of John F. Kennedy has proven durable and popular, even in the face of many distasteful personal revelations about JFK. This book will explain how and why.

The initial focus here is Kennedy's prepresidential career, followed by an examination of his precedent-setting 1960 effort to win the White House-in many ways, the first truly modern campaign for the presidency. A look at the highlights of his abbreviated term in office follows. And then the moment no one will ever forget, the tragedy in Dallas, which has become an ongoing murder mystery and a fascinating Rorschach test about one's view of life, politics, and the nation's path since 1963. I will offer some new perspectives on a fifty-year-old puzzle and take a balanced look at the charges and countercharges in the crime of the century. I have also been able to make significant progress in analyzing a key piece of evidence that sheds light on the events of November 22.

John Kennedy's life and death were just the beginning of the legacy making. The notion of Camelot, invented shortly after the assassination by JFK's widow, Jacqueline, took hold immediately. Practically the entire JFK agenda, which had been stalled in Congress, was passed as a tribute to the late president. The new president, Lyndon Johnson, effectively used public remorse over Kennedy's killing to do far more than JFK had planned or even probably hoped for in a second term. This book traces not just LBJ's use of JFK but the ways all nine of Kennedy's White House successors have drawn from his record and image to support their own initiatives and to deflect criticism from their own performance.

The source of this long-lasting Kennedy influence is not hard to determine: It is public opinion. Americans had a positive view of JFK throughout his White House years, and the assassination solidified, elevated, and made inviolable the power of his name. For the first time ever, extensive polling and focus groups have been employed in the course of the research for this volume to study how adult Americans of all ages remember a U.S. president. I believe the methods used for this book will become the standard for judging presidents' long-term influence. Conducted by the renowned polling firm of Hart Research Associates, and supervised by the firm's chairman, Peter D. Hart, and president, Geoff Garin, the study is the most extensive ever done to assess a long-ago White House. A large sample (2,009) of American adults was surveyed about every major facet of President Kennedy's record. The online poll included film clips of some critical moments in the Kennedy presidency. The sample was representative of the overall U.S. population and also big enough to allow for conclusions about change across generations. Hart and Garin separated out the people who had lived through (and presumably had some conscious memory of) the Kennedy years-those who were aged fifty-five and older at the time of the poll. The respondents younger than fifty-five perceive JFK in secondhand ways, from school textbooks, the media, older friends, and family members.

The quantitative survey was supplemented with six more qualitative, videotaped "focus groups" of fifteen to twenty people in each of three cities: Chicago, Los Angeles, and Richmond, Virginia. Focus group discussions can add depth to the barebones data yielded by a poll.6 The entire survey and the focus group findings can be viewed at this book's website, TheKennedyHalfCentury.com. Only highlights are presented in the book, and I invite you to explore the rich trove of online information we have compiled about Kennedy. Supplementing the surveys are personal interviews with many individuals directly connected to the Kennedy administration, the assassination, and subsequent White House administrations.

This study of John F. Kennedy's life and legacy is far from dusty history; it is less about Kennedy in his time than about Kennedy in our time. I believe it reveals a great deal about our country, and about what matters to us as a nation as we cope with the enormous problems confronting us. Leaders want to create a positive legacy, and citizens should encourage them to travel that path. At the end of the book, I identify some useful lessons that can be learned by presidents, and the rest of us, from the Kennedy example.

Political power is created in many ways, such as winning an election, facing down an enemy, or skillfully riding the waves of popular opinion. But lasting power is accorded to only a handful of presidents, especially after their death. There is no doubt that John Kennedy is one of the few. How did it happen? Why does his influence persist, and will it continue? What are the effects? These questions and more are answered in the pages of this book.

1.

"President Kennedy Died at 1 P.M. Central Standard Time"

"We're heading into nut country today. But Jackie, if somebody wants to shoot me from a window with a rifle, nobody can stop it, so why worry about it?"1 Her husband's words brought little comfort to Mrs. Kennedy-she was still nervous about the trip to Dallas. The full-page ad she had just seen in the Dallas Morning News accused the president of supporting Communists and using the Justice Department to silence his critics. Were such extreme political views common in the city? If so, then perhaps they should cancel the final leg of the trip. She had even asked her primary Secret Service agent about it, but he replied that Dallas was probably no more dangerous than anyplace else. Plus, she knew that Jack would never agree to a last-minute change of plans. He had come to Texas to heal a rift between the liberal and conservative wings of the state's Democratic Party, and both sides wanted him to motorcade through Dallas.2 Moreover, the president himself knew that he needed to cut his losses in Dallas, which had voted Republican in 1960 and 1962. When John Connally was elected governor of Texas in November 1962, Kennedy called him to chew over the election results. The president asked how Connally had fared in Dallas, and in light of events to occur a year later, Connally gave an eerie reply: "They went crazy up there ... They're in open rebellion ... They just murdered all of us [in Dallas on election day]."3 "They're ... talking to me ... about having that federal building down there and all the rest of that stuff," Kennedy grumbled in response. "I don't know why we do anything for Dallas." Still, he did not want to cede the city to the GOP without a fight.4 Air Force One landed at Love Field at 11:40 A.M. The rain clouds that had hung in the sky earlier were gone, replaced by a warm southern sun that raised the temperature to a comfortable 63 degrees. With the change in the weather, the president and First Lady would be able to ride through downtown Dallas without the Plexiglas bubbletop attachment on their 1961 Lincoln Continental convertible. JFK was delighted. He wanted the locals to get a good look at Jackie. This was her first trip with her husband since the death of their premature son, Patrick, in August. Her public appearances energized voters and gave newspaper reporters something positive to write about-important considerations for a president facing a reelection campaign.5 The president made sure that the cameras caught Mrs. Kennedy stepping off the plane first. She wore a pink Chanel suit with navy trim and a matching pillbox hat. Ward Warren, a fifteen-year-old high school student, recorded the event with his 8-millimeter camera. Fifty years later, we can look at Warren's film and see the Kennedys at the height of their power. Jackie looks stunning in her iconic outfit, and JFK appears tan, rested, and supremely confident.6 Even after so many years, a viewer's first reaction is to wish someone on the scene had had an inkling of what was to come. We want a time tunnel to 1963 so we can shout, "Get back on Air Force One! Don't climb into the limousine!"7 But the celluloid figures cannot hear a warning. The grief and tears will just have to flow.

As the Kennedys came down the plane's stairway, a cheer went up from a crowd of spectators gathered behind a five-foot-high chain-link fence. They had been waiting all morning to catch a glimpse of the world's most famous couple. Some of them waved placards that read HOORAY FOR JFK, WELCOME, MR. PRESIDENT, KENNEDY-JOHNSON, and NIXON GO HOME, a slap at the former vice president, who had left Dallas after his own visit earlier that morning. A few held signs that expressed contempt for Kennedy and his politics: YANKEE GO HOME, IN 1964, GOLDWATER AND FREEDOM, and YOU'RE A TRAITOR.8 The Kennedys shook hands with the official welcoming party waiting at the bottom of the stairs. It included Vice President Lyndon Johnson, Texas governor John Connally, and Earle Cabell, mayor of Dallas. Cabell's wife, "Dearie," handed Jackie a dozen red roses, which the First Lady happily accepted. JFK knew that his bodyguards wanted him to proceed directly to his car, but the soon-to-be candidate could not resist the adoring crowd on the other side of the fence. People were shouting, "Welcome to Dallas, Mr. President!" and "Jackie! Over here! Look over here!" He moved toward the fence. The spectators surged forward, desperate to clasp his outstretched hands. Jackie soon joined her husband, generating additional excitement. It was a dangerous moment, and a live TV announcer noted that the unscheduled, wide-open contact seemed to cause unease among the Secret Service agents.9 Anyone with a pistol could have fired through or over the fence at point-blank range. The Secret Service crew did all they could to keep the Kennedys safe. They watched "every hand as it was held out, ready to jump if they saw so much as a flicker of metal or a grasp that held on a second too long."10 Nothing untoward happened. Nothing had happened in a hundred similar situations over the past three years.

The agents were relieved when the Kennedys finally climbed into the backseat of their convertible, even though the bubbletop was down and they were still exposed from the shoulders up. Jim Lehrer, afterward for many years the host of PBS's NewsHour, remembers seeing the limousine with the bubbletop in place earlier that morning. At the time, Lehrer was a reporter for the Dallas Times Herald and had been assigned to cover the story at Love Field. When someone from his newsroom called to ask if the bubbletop would be on JFK's car during the parade, Lehrer passed the question on to an acquaintance in the Secret Service waiting on the tarmac. "And so the agent looks up at the sky," Lehrer recalls, "and he says, 'Well, it's clear here,' and he yells at another agent, he's got a two-way radio, and he says 'What's it like downtown?' The guy goes 'Clear downtown!' So the agent turns to another agent and says words to this effect: 'Take the bubbletop down.'"11 Texas governor John Connally and his wife, Nellie, sat in the jump seat right in front of the Kennedys, while two Secret Service agents, Bill Greer (the driver) and Roy Kellerman, rode up front. Most of the other agents piled into the follow car. Some rode on the car's running boards while others relaxed a bit in its leather seats. One agent put an AR-15 assault rifle on the floor of the automobile. Dallas County sheriff Bill Decker rode in the lead car, ahead of the presidential limo, along with Jesse Curry, the city's police chief, and two more Secret Service agents, Win Lawson and Forrest Sorrels.12 The president was scheduled to deliver a luncheon speech at the Dallas Trade Mart, a sprawling business complex that had opened its doors only five years earlier. The city's most prestigious civic groups, business leaders, and government officials had purchased tickets for the event and would all be there. But the upcoming political campaign mandated that the average citizens of Dallas-those who toiled on construction sites and in office buildings, flower shops, newsstands, restaurants, and dozens of other small businesses-see Kennedy first, on the theory that one is a little less likely to vote against a president one has seen up close and personal. Despite having a Texan on the ticket, Kennedy had won the state by only 46,257 votes in 1960; this was not a battleground that could be taken for granted in 1964.

Ralph Dungan, one of JFK's aides, remembers the president calling his staff together right before he departed for Dallas. "We had a little meeting in the cabinet room," Dungan told us. "It was the first meeting of the next campaign. He talked about being able to do some of the things in the second term that he wasn't able to do in the first, without specifying the kinds of things he had in mind. But he just felt that in the second term, he was going to be much freer to move." But first Kennedy would have to win the second term, and one big step in that direction was for the president to heal the split in the Texas Democratic Party.

Kennedy's motorcade left Love Field at 11:55 A.M for the 9.5-mile trip to the Trade Mart. Everyone in Dallas knew the precise details of the president's route; it had been printed in the newspapers and discussed on local television during the week.13 The limo crawled along Mockingbird Lane for a few seconds before turning onto Lemmon Avenue. At the corner of Lemmon and Lomo Alto Drive (near Craddock Park), JFK spotted a group of schoolchildren frantically waving a sign that read MR. PRESIDENT, PLEASE STOP AND SHAKE OUR HANDS. He ordered the driver to pull over. The children, as well as giddy adults, squealed with delight and swarmed the convertible. "He shook my hand! The president shook my hand!" exclaimed one little boy. Dave Powers, JFK's political adviser, knew a campaign commercial when he saw one and filmed the encounter from the follow car. After a few moments, the president said, "All right. Let's travel on." But he ordered his limo to halt a second time when he saw a nun with a group of Catholic schoolchildren. It was "an irresistible temptation for America's first Catholic president."14 Meanwhile, on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository building, a twenty-year-old African American man named Bonnie Ray Williams was eating lunch and wondering where his friends could be; hadn't they all agreed to meet on that floor to watch the presidential motorcade? The Kennedys would soon be passing underneath the large double windows facing Elm Street, but Williams was there by himself. He could hear pigeons cooing on the roof and someone moving around downstairs. He ignored the stacks of boxes in the southeast corner, knowing that they had been moved there by workers installing a new floor. He waited a few more minutes and then went to a lower floor to look for his colleagues, leaving behind a paper sack and an empty Dr Pepper bottle.15 As the president's limo drew closer to the downtown area, the crowds lining the road grew larger. On Turtle Creek Boulevard, people began spilling out into the street, forcing the police motorcycle escort to drop back. "[Secret Service agent] Clint Hill jumped off the left running board of the follow-up car, ran to the back of the limousine, and hopped onto the back foot stand," where he crouched down "in an uncomfortable squat" and "scanned the crowd."16 Hill and his fellow agents were part of the thinnest of thin blue lines, tasked with protecting the leader of the free world-an unenviable job that carried huge risks and a tiny paycheck. They knew that presidents had long been the preferred target of America's madmen, and that one person armed with a gun could change the course of history. Three presidents (Abraham Lincoln in 1865, James A. Garfield in 1881, and William McKinley in 1901) had been assassinated, and half a dozen others had been physically attacked. President Kennedy had had more than his share of assassination threats since the 1960 election. Sooner or later, someone else was bound to make an attempt on the president's life. Congress knew it and the Treasury Department (which supervised the Secret Service) knew it, and yet a mere handful of Secret Service agents formed the nucleus of the government's response to the looming threat.17 On Main Street in Dallas, people were hanging out of open windows and throwing confetti at the motorcade. Buildings were festooned with red, white, and blue bunting. Men with crew cuts and women in cateye glasses stood on the streets and sidewalks, grinning and gawking at the sleek presidential auto. They shouted and clapped and whistled over the roar of the motorcycles.18 At one point, a teenaged boy emerged from the crowd and sprinted toward JFK's car. "Slow down! Slow down!" he shouted. Agent Jack Ready jumped off the follow car and shoved the boy back into the crowd, causing several people to crash into each other.19 "The crowd appeared good natured and friendly and no other agents reported seeing pickets or unfriendly signs other than one ... sign having something to do with Cuba."20 When the motorcade, nearly at the end of its route, reached the intersection of Main and Houston Streets, it turned right onto Houston; looming directly ahead was the nondescript Texas School Book Depository. Proud of her fellow Texans for behaving themselves, Nellie Connally turned around in her seat and uttered one of history's great ironic lines: "Well, Mr. President, you can't say Dallas doesn't love you." A few seconds later, the motorcade slowed for an unusual hairpin left turn onto Elm Street. The crowds were noticeably thinner as downtown's landmarks receded in the rearview mirror. A handful of people smiled and waved from the grassy strips inside Dealey Plaza. The giant Hertz Rent-a-Car clock on top of the Depository changed from 12:29 to 12:30. The Trade Mart was but five minutes away.

And then ...

Shots.

Bone, blood, and brain matter flying through the air.

The First Lady crawling on the trunk of the convertible.

Mothers and fathers lying on top of their children.

Screams.

People running in all directions.

Drained faces.

Shock.

Horror.

Bewilderment and disbelief.

Fear.

Crying and grieving.

Bonnie Ray Williams, James Jarman, and Harold Norman saw it happen from the fifth floor of the School Book Depository. Williams had found his co-workers there at 12:20 P.M. He hadn't paid much attention to the first shot because he "did not know what was happening." But other shots sent a chill down his spine. The reverberations from a gun rattled the building, causing a fine layer of plaster dust to fall on Williams's head. Harold Norman heard the cha-chuck! cha-chuckl of a fast-moving bolt action rifle and the ping! ping! ping! of brass cartridges falling on the floorboards above his head. After pausing a few minutes to assimilate what had happened, they went outside and found a policeman talking to a construction worker who had seen a man pointing a gun out of a window in their building. Williams and his co-workers told the officer their story.21 Another officer, Marrion L. Baker, also thought that the shots had come from the Depository. Was the assassin on the roof? Having recently returned from a hunting trip, Baker immediately recognized the sound of a high-powered rifle. He dashed into the lobby of the building and began searching for a way upstairs. Roy Truly, the building's superintendent, showed him the way to the freight elevators, both of which were up on five. "Let's take the stairs," said Baker, knowing that he didn't have a second to lose. He drew his revolver and followed Truly into the stairwell. On the second floor, through a small window in the stairwell door, he saw a man walking away from him into an employee lunchroom. Baker followed the man. "Come here," he commanded. The man stopped dead in his tracks and turned around; he was not out of breath and didn't appear ruffled to see an armed police officer. Truly, who up until this point had been a few steps ahead of Baker, bounded back down the stairs and stood behind the patrolman. "Do you know this man, does he work here?" Baker asked. "Yes," said Truly, immediately recognizing Lee Harvey Oswald. Satisfied, Baker turned around and raced back up the stairs toward the roof.22 A minute later, Geraldine Reid passed Oswald in an office on the second floor. He was walking toward the front stairwell, carrying a full bottle of soda. Reid had been watching the parade from the sidewalk in front of the building and had dashed inside when she heard gunfire. "Oh, the president has been shot, but maybe they didn't hit him," she offered optimistically. Oswald mumbled an indecipherable response and continued toward the stairs and eventually the Depository's front exit. The building had not yet been sealed off by police.23 At 12:39 P.M., Oswald banged on the side of a bus stopped in traffic seven blocks east of the Depository. The driver let him in. This particular bus happened to be traveling west on Elm in the direction of the crime scene at Dealey Plaza. Once it became clear that the commotion up ahead was blocking traffic and that the bus would not be moving anytime soon, Oswald asked for a transfer and stepped out into the street. He then proceeded to a bus station on the corner of Lamar and Jackson to catch a cab. "I wonder what the hell is the uproar," said his driver. Police sirens were wailing in the background. Oswald kept his mouth shut.24 The cabbie dropped off his passenger in the Oak Cliff section of Dallas. Earlene Roberts, the housekeeper of a boarding house in Oak Cliff, was fiddling with the television in the living room when Oswald, one of her tenants, rushed in. "Oh, you are in a hurry," she teased. Oswald did not respond and went straight to his small adjacent bedroom. Shortly afterward, he emerged from his room wearing a windbreaker. Roberts watched him go out the front door and walk a few feet to a bus stop for buses headed into downtown Dallas. She later recalled hearing a car horn honk, and said she saw a police cruiser near her house.25 In the meantime, the news from Dallas had begun to rocket around the nation and the world. "Here is a bulletin from CBS News," said a tense announcer. Viewers who had been watching the soap opera As the World Turns suddenly saw letters flash across their screens at 12:40 P.M.: CBS NEWS BULLETIN.

"In Dallas, Texas, three shots were fired at President Kennedy's motorcade in downtown Dallas," the announcer continued. "The first reports say that President Kennedy has been seriously wounded by this shooting." The voice belonged to the veteran correspondent and anchorman Walter Cronkite. Viewers could hear Cronkite in the studio fumbling with a piece of paper. "More details just arrived," he continued. "These details about the same as previously. President Kennedy shot today just as his motorcade left downtown Dallas. Mrs. Kennedy jumped up and grabbed Mr. Kennedy. She called, 'Oh no!' The motorcade sped on. United Press International reports that the wounds perhaps could be fatal."26 Remarkably-in part because the primitive TV cameras of the day needed time to warm up-CBS returned to As the World Turns after the shocking announcement. A short time later, however, all three networks canceled their regular programming to focus on the story in Dallas, which obliterated all other news-including the deaths later that day of the famous novelists Aldous Huxley and C. S. Lewis.27 The early reports were confusing, making it difficult to separate fact from rumor. At one point, viewers were told that the president was still alive, in critical condition and receiving blood transfusions at a local hospital. Live footage from the Trade Mart showed stunned guests, an empty presidential podium, and an African American waiter dabbing at his eyes with a handkerchief.28 The scene at Parkland Hospital was chaotic and frightening. At the emergency room entrance, the First Lady sat motionless in the limo, surrounded by a puddle of blood and brain matter, clinging to her husband's limp body. A large piece of hair-covered skull lay on the seat beside her. "Mrs. Kennedy, let us get the president," said Agent Emory Roberts in a soothing tone. Still in shock, unable to absorb the enormity of events, Jackie refused to let go. Roberts gently lifted her arm and looked at the president's wounds; he knew no one could survive such massive head trauma. Turning toward Agent Roy Kellerman, he said, "You stay with Kennedy. I'm taking some of my men for Johnson." Agent Clint Hill realized that Jackie didn't want the press and public to see her husband in his awful state, so he covered the president's head with his suit coat. Mrs. Kennedy yielded. Kellerman helped a grieving Dave Powers and two other agents hoist the president's body onto a stretcher. "When Agent Paul Landis helped Mrs. Kennedy out of the car he saw a bullet fragment in the back where the top would [normally] be secured. He picked it up and put it on the seat, thinking that if the car were moved, it might be blown off." Dallas officer H. B. McLain, whose motorcycle had accompanied the motorcade, also helped Jackie get out of the Lincoln and into Trauma Room One.29 Shortly after he escorted Jackie into the hospital, "an unnamed Secret Service agent asked Parkland personnel to clean the limo interior." Photos from the period show a slop bucket lying next to the presidential car. Gary Mack, curator of the Sixth Floor Museum at Dealey Plaza, which is located in the former Book Depository building and is dedicated to preserving the history of November 22, 1963, calls it "one of the really strange stories about Parkland Hospital... The car, of course, was a crime scene, and here's someone altering the crime scene! Is he sweeping up evidence? What's he doing? We don't know."30 The cleanup removed vital, precise proof of the spray pattern of blood that could have helped determine the direction of the bullets. Afterward, Secret Service agents attached the bubbletop, drove the car back to Love Field, and loaded it onto an Air Force cargo plane for a flight to Washington.31 The president was received in Trauma Room One by a twenty-eight-year-old resident physician, Charles Carrico. After checking Kennedy's vital signs, Carrico ordered his assistants to make a small incision in the patient's ankle as an entry point for fluids, blood, and medicine. Carrico then checked for additional wounds by sliding his hands along the president's back; he did not find any more injuries using this method, but neither he nor anyone else at Parkland made a visual inspection of JFK's back. He also inserted a tube down Kennedy's throat to help him breathe. Other physicians soon arrived to lend a hand. Drs. Charles Baxter, Malcolm Perry, and Robert McClelland performed a tracheotomy and inserted a tube into the president's chest cavity "since there was obvious tracheal and chest damage." The tracheotomy widened the bullet hole in JFK's neck. Had the doctors cut through an entrance wound or an exit wound? It wasn't immediately obvious. Dr. Kemp Clark pumped the president's chest with the heel of his hand, but he knew that he was fighting a losing battle. John Kennedy's spirit was leaving-or had left-his body.32 Mrs. Kennedy had only reluctantly agreed to leave Trauma Room One to make space for the doctors trying to save her husband. She sat in the hallway with a blank expression, flanked by two Secret Service agents. She refused a nurse's offer to help her tidy up. "Absolutely not," said the First Lady. "I want the world to see what Dallas has done to my husband."33 At the same time, in another part of the hospital, Lyndon Johnson was wondering what his next move should be. Agents Emory Roberts and Rufus Youngblood, the latter LBJ's chief bodyguard, urged him to return quickly to Air Force One. "We should evacuate this hospital right away, get on that plane and get back to Washington," said Youngblood. "We don't know whether this is one man, two men, a gang or an army. The White House is the safest place to conduct the nation's business." Johnson knew that Youngblood was right. What was happening in Washington? Who was running the government? Was a nuclear attack imminent? Still, he did not know the full extent of JFK's injuries, and there were a number of important political factors to consider. What would the American people say if he fled Parkland while JFK was fighting for his life? What would they think if he abandoned Jackie during her hour of need? How would Kennedy loyalists interpret a decision to fly back to the White House before anything certain was known about the president? Some might see it as evidence of Johnson's overweening ambition. He had long coveted the presidency, had run against JFK in 1960 and planned to try for the White House again in 1968. Now he had the prize but couldn't look pleased or eager.

More important, the process of succession was unclear. Although Article II, Section 1 of the U.S. Constitution states that "In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice President," the clause had always been viewed as a loose set of guidelines rather than an ironclad contract. What was the vice president supposed to do if the president was temporarily or permanently disabled? First Lady Edith Wilson had run the White House for several months in 1919 after her husband suffered a debilitating stroke. During the early days of the Kennedy administration, Johnson and JFK had agreed that if the president was alive but had become incapacitated, the vice president would consult with the cabinet, and especially the attorney general, before assuming the powers of the presidency.34 And that would mean negotiating a truce with Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, LBJ's archnemesis.35 What no one at the time realized was that Johnson was already president of the United States. The transfer had occurred on Elm Street at precisely 12:30 P.M., when JFK had an estimated one third of his brain blasted away. JFK was brain-dead before he left Dealey Plaza. Dr. Robert McClelland, one of the last surviving physicians who treated Kennedy in Trauma Room One, agrees Kennedy effectively died instantly, at least as we conceive of life and death today.36 At any rate, McClelland and his colleagues at Parkland soon resolved any lingering succession questions. Dr. Baxter broke the news as gently as he could: "Mrs. Kennedy ... your husband is dead." Her brown eyes were filled with grief, terror, and bewilderment. Trying his best to comfort her, Baxter added, "We will not pronounce him dead until he has had the last rites." Catholic clergy were soon on hand to administer the sacrament of extreme unction.37 In a hallway near the hospital's main elevators, Darrell Tomlinson, Parkland's senior engineer, heard a metallic clink when he pushed a stretcher out of the way. He was surprised to see a bullet lying on the gurney and reported his discovery to O. P. Wright, the hospital's personnel officer. Wright in turn gave the projectile to a Secret Service agent named Richard Johnsen. Did the bullet drop from Kennedy's stretcher, or Connally's-or, as some would later insist, was it deliberately planted to be found there?38 A little over an hour after the shooting, CBS viewers watched as Walter Cronkite, hunched over a microphone and wearing a pair of thickrimmed glasses, solemnly announced, "From Dallas, Texas, the flash, apparently official, President Kennedy died at one P.M. Central Standard Time, two o'clock Eastern Standard Time, some thirty-eight minutes ago."39 Cronkite removed his glasses and choked back tears. "Vice President Johnson has left the hospital in Dallas," he continued, "but we do not know to where he has proceeded. Presumably, he will be taking the oath of office shortly and become the thirty-sixth president of the United States."40 America-indeed, most of the world-was frozen in place, unbelieving, uncomprehending, and unsure of the moment, much less the future.

In the blink of an eye, America had changed forever. The youngest elected chief executive in U.S. history became the youngest to die. A vigorous administration of 1,036 eventful days turned to dust in six seconds.41 A beautiful wife was widowed in a savage way in front of her eyes. Two young children were made fatherless in an instant. The tragedy overwhelmed the public's senses and raised a host of painful questions. How could it happen? Why did it happen? Who did it? Was it a conspiracy? Were America's enemies plotting a takeover? Could war be imminent? Was Lyndon Johnson a fit successor?

People could not absorb the news, too shocked to make sense of the nonsensical and find a way forward. There is film of unknowing passersby on the streets, drawn to the crowds around car radios and TVs in storefronts; as they listened, some jumped in adrenaline-spiked horror, their mouths agape. Americans hurried to surround themselves with friends and family for comfort and reassurance. Spouses were called in a panic and phone lines were jammed. Parents rushed to schools that closed early, eager to embrace their children. Pastors were flooded with requests for spiritual guidance, and churches were as crowded as for a Christmas mass, with parishioners weeping openly in the pews. The lives of people, the business of a nation, simply-stopped. For the first time ever, all-day television became the nation's communal town hall. In ways that we have become accustomed to in times of great tragedy, viewers hesitated to break away from their TV sets. For four long days, they soaked up every word, every image, in the vain hope of solace.

Lyndon Johnson did not have time to watch television that afternoon. He needed to speak with Bobby Kennedy from the parked Air Force One at Love Field. Years later, the former attorney general remembered their conversation: First [Johnson] expressed his condolences. Then he said ... this might be part of a worldwide plot, which I didn't understand, and he said a lot of people down here [in Dallas] think I should be sworn in right away. Do you have any objection to it? And-well, I was sort of taken aback at the moment because it was just an hour after ... the president had been shot and I didn't ... see what the rush was. And ... at the time, at least, I thought it would be nice if [President Kennedy] came back to Washington [as president] ... But I suppose that was all personal ... He said, who could swear me in? I said, I'd be glad to find out and I'll call you back.42 After checking with his staff, RFK told Johnson that anyone who administered oaths, including a district court judge, could perform the ceremony. In a sad comedy that could be excused under the circumstances, neither the new president nor the incumbent attorney general could recall the presidential oath or knew where to find it. Johnson had one of his aides phone Nicholas Katzenbach, the deputy attorney general.43 "Katzenbach walked over to his bookcase and pulled out a copy of the Constitution and read the relevant sections of Article II."44 Johnson then contacted federal district court judge Sarah Hughes of Dallas and asked her to administer the presidential oath aboard Air Force One. She declined his offer to send a government car for her-it would be quicker if she drove herself, Hughes explained. Her car sped onto Love Field at around 2:30 P.M. LBJ met her at the door to the president's stateroom. "Thank you for coming, judge. We'll be ready in a minute," he remarked to the first woman who would swear in a president. He then told Larry O'Brien, JFK's chief political strategist, to find a Bible and ask Mrs. Kennedy, who was already on board with her husband's casket, if she would be willing to join them for the brief ceremony. Even though she was deep in grief, Jackie agreed, saying she owed it to her husband. Her bloody clothes, which she was determined to wear all the way back to Washington, caused some people to avert their eyes.45 The human tragedy was gripping, but the assassination's political implications were far graver. In this dangerous moment, America was in the throes of a major constitutional crisis. The bullet that had shattered Kennedy's skull had also scrambled the U.S. chain of command. "Officials at the Pentagon were calling the White House switchboard at the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel asking who was now in charge. An officer grabbed the phone and assured the Pentagon that Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and the Joint Chiefs of Staff 'are now the President.' "46 Moreover, in the confusion of the moment, LBJ had gotten separated from Warrant Officer Ira Gearhart, the man who carried the "football" containing the ciphers needed to launch a nuclear strike. In 1963 the football was "a locked metal suitcase jammed with thirty pounds of codes and equipment" that allowed the president to initiate atomic war instantly. If November 22 had been a Soviet plot, or if the Communists had decided to capitalize on the disarray following the assassination, the United States would have been at a deadly disadvantage.47 Cecil Stoughton, JFK's official photographer, snapped the historic photograph of LBJ taking the oath in the crowded airplane stateroom. "He was the only photographer onboard Air Force One, swiftly reloading to black-and-white film, then struck with horror as the shutter jammed. After much jiggling, he obtained 20 shots of the swearing-in ceremony, [most of them] carefully cropped to cut out the bloodstains still showing on Jackie Kennedy's skirt and stockings." Johnson raised his right hand and placed his left hand on a Catholic missal that O'Brien had mistaken for a Bible. "I do solemnly swear," he said, repeating after Judge Hughes, "that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, so help me God." Air Force One climbed into the sky a few moments later.48 While Air Force One had been grounded in Dallas, Officer J. D. Tippit was on patrol in the Oak Cliff neighborhood. At 12:45, 12:48, and 12:55 P.M., an announcement came over police channel 1 for all units to be on the lookout for a "white male, approximately thirty, slender build, height five foot ten inches, weight one hundred sixty-five pounds."49 As he cruised past the intersection of Tenth Street and Patton Avenue, Tippit spotted a man who generally fitted the description. The patrolman pulled his car to the curb and exchanged a few words with the man through the passenger's side window. Tippit then climbed out of his car and started toward the sidewalk. A split second later, gunshots sounded and Officer Tippit fell dead, his body riddled with bullets. While the conclusion is not universally accepted-nothing much would ever be about the events of this day-eyewitnesses identified the shooter as Lee Harvey Oswald.50 Johnny Brewer, the acting manager of a Hardy's shoe store, saw Oswald nervously loitering outside of his business on Jefferson Boulevard. The former Marine kept his back to the street and peered anxiously over his shoulder as police sirens screamed in the background. Brewer remembered, "His hair was sort of messed up and [it] looked like he had been running, and he looked scared." Brewer watched as Oswald made the short walk to the Texas Theatre, which was showing a double feature about the ultimate form of violence, war. Cry of Battle, starring Van Heflin and James MacArthur, told the story of two Americans "caught in the wilds of the Philippines at the outbreak of World War II"; War Is Hell focused on the Korean conflict and a glory-seeking sergeant who refused to tell his men that there had been a cease-fire. The commotion of the police sirens prodded Julia Postal, the theater's ticket taker, to walk out to the curb. While she was distracted, Oswald ducked behind her into the theater. Brewer asked Postal if the man he had just seen going inside had purchased a ticket. "No, by golly, he didn't," she replied. At Postal's behest, Brewer and the concessionaire, Butch Burroughs, secured the exits while she telephoned police.51 At 1:45 P.M., a voice crackled over the Dallas police radio: "Have information a suspect just went in the Texas Theatre on West Jefferson." Every cop in the area immediately converged on the movie house. This was more than just a routine homicide case-one of their own had been gunned down. Officers M. N. "Nick" McDonald, Ray Hawkins, Thomas Hutson, and C. T. Walker entered the theater through the rear exits. "Put your hands up and don't make a move," Hutson demanded. "I'm not the one," Brewer replied tensely. "I just came back to open the door for you. I work up the street. There's a guy inside that I was suspicious of." "Is he still there?" asked Hutson. "Yes, I just seen him." Brewer led the officers into the theater and pointed at a man sitting near the doors to the lobby. Nick McDonald cautiously advanced up the left center aisle. In order to keep the suspect calm, he questioned a few of the other people in the theater. "Get on your feet," he snapped as he reached Oswald's row. The suspect stood up and raised his hands; the officer moved in to frisk him for weapons. "Well, it's all over now," Oswald announced before unexpectedly punching McDonald in the face. A mad scramble ensued. "He's got a gun!" someone shouted. As several officers piled on top of Oswald, McDonald heard the chilling sound of a clicking gun hammer. Detective Bob Carroll managed to wrest the weapon from Oswald's hand. "Don't hit me anymore. I am not resisting arrest!" Oswald screamed. "I want to complain of police brutality!"52 By this time, word had spread that a suspect in the president's slaying had been cornered; an angry, jeering crowd had gathered outside the theater. As the doors burst open, a freelance photographer, Jim MacCammon, snapped a picture that has become one of the memorable images of the assassination weekend. It shows a visibly agitated Oswald being dragged from the theater in handcuffs, flanked by Officer McDonald and Detective Paul Bentley. During the scuffle inside the theater, Bentley punched Oswald in the forehead with his Masonic ring. The blow left a nasty wound, which is visible in subsequent photographs of Oswald.53 When asked about it by reporters later at police headquarters, Oswald huffed, "A policeman hit me."

Captain Will Fritz, chief of Dallas police's homicide bureau, returned to headquarters at 2:15 P.M. after investigating the whereabouts of a missing Book Depository employee. Fritz told Sergeant Gerald Hill to "get a search warrant, go to an address on Fifth Street in Irving, and pickup a man named Lee Oswald." When Hill asked why, Fritz said, "Well, he was employed down at the ... Depository and he [was not] present for a roll call of employees." "Captain, we will save you a trip," replied Hill. "There he sits."54 When word leaked that the police had nabbed a possible suspect in the Kennedy murder, hundreds of journalists crammed into the narrow hallways and small offices of Dallas police headquarters. Security was loose. People without press credentials roamed freely through a main hallway. Captain Fritz actually invited Lonnie Hudkins, a reporter for the Houston Post, to attend one of Oswald's interrogation sessions. Hudkins asked Oswald, " 'Why did you kill Officer Tippit?' And he threw the question right back at me and said, 'Someone get killed? Policeman get killed?' And at that time he had this little smirk on him and I wanted to hit him, but I didn't. And all of a sudden it dawned on me that he wasn't sweating; not a drop of sweat on him. He was cooler than all of the people around him-Secret Service, police, FBI, district attorney ... everybody was in that office."55 Surprisingly, authorities acquiesced to reporters' requests to make Oswald available for what was then called a "showing." Although told they were not allowed to ask questions of the suspect, reporters did so after Oswald started talking to them. When one reporter asked if he had been in the Depository at the time of the shooting, Oswald said, "Naturally, if I work in that building, yes, sir." "Did you shoot the president?" asked another reporter. Oswald answered, "No. They've taken me in because of the fact that I lived in the Soviet Union. I'm just a patsy."a Jim Lehrer was one of the reporters crammed into police headquarters, standing outside a door waiting for news. When the door opened, the Secret Service agent with whom he had had the conversation about the bubbletop at Love Field that Friday morning emerged. "He comes over to me and says, 'Oh, Jim, if I just hadn't taken the bubbletop down.' Of course I'm thinking to myself, 'Shoot, if I just hadn't asked the question.' "56 Oswald was allowed to talk to a large press contingent in a crowded room late on Friday. When asked if he had assassinated the president, the suspect said, "No, I have not been charged with that. In fact, nobody has said that to me yet. The first thing I heard about it was when the newspaper reporters in the hall asked me that question." "You have been charged," insisted a reporter, incorrectly. Oswald looked confused. "Sir?" he asked. "You have been charged," the reporter said a second time.57 The police broke up the session before Oswald could respond.58 It is doubtful that Oswald noticed a man in the back of the room wearing sunglasses. But some Dallas police probably knew who he was and would not have been surprised to see him there. Jack Ruby usually showed up when something big was going on. Some officers had even been to Ruby's strip club on Commerce Street, which featured attractive performers with names like Tammi True (the "Teacher Turned Stripper"), Kathy Kay, and Joy Dale. Ruby treated cops well, wanting to ensure that he never crossed the legal "decency line," and he was constantly "promoting some inane product, chasing fire trucks, pushing himself into public displays or passing out his Carousel Club calling cards at the fights, in the bars, or on downtown streets." On this particular historic night in Dallas, Ruby would later insist, all he could think about was Oswald's smirk.59 Lyndon Johnson Held a much different kind of press conference when he landed at Andrews Air Force Base outside Washington, D.C., at approximately 5:58 P.M. EST. With his presidency barely five hours old, Johnson stood with his wife, Lady Bird, in front of a clutch of microphones and offered brief remarks that had been drafted for him during the flight: "This is a sad time for all people. We have suffered a loss that cannot be weighed. For me, it is a deep personal tragedy. I know that the world shares the sorrow that Mrs. Kennedy and her family bear. I will do my best. That is all I can do. I ask for your help-and God's."60 Johnson was sincere, but his Southern drawl and unimpressive rhetoric probably caused many at home to say or think, "He's no John F. Kennedy"61 Professor James Robertson, a nationally renowned Civil War historian, was at home in northern Virginia glued to his TV screen when he heard the phone ring. "My wife came in, her eyes as big as two cue balls, and she said, 'It's the White House.' " The First Lady needed Robertson's help, said the caller. She had already begun planning her husband's funeral and wanted the White House to look the same way it had during Lincoln's funeral. Could he come to the executive mansion right away? Robertson said he could. In the meantime, he instructed, someone should gather as much black bunting as possible. Robertson then drove straight to the Library of Congress where he and a colleague, armed with flashlights, explored the bowels of the library until they found two newspapers-Harper's Weekly and Frank Leslie's Illustrated-that featured "woodcuts of the Lincoln coffin in the East Room." Next, Robertson made the quick trip to the White House and was waved in through the northwest gate. "It was driving rain, which seemed appropriate," Robertson recalls, "And there was a massive crowd just standing in the rain in Lafayette Square, staring at the White House seemingly helpless of what to do and where to go."62 Security escorted him to the president's office. "Quite frankly that's when it all got to me. It was very touching to see the two white sofas and the rocking chair. All of the decorations, the murals and bric-a-brac were still up as if the president would be back."63 He spread the newspapers out on the floor and began to discuss the details of the funeral with the president's staff. Robertson was then taken to the East Room and was stunned to see that a group of carpenters had already been assembled. They were awaiting his instructions amid a sea of black bunting, more than Robertson had ever seen in his life. In addition, Lincoln's catafalque-the wooden platform that had held the sixteenth president's coffin-had been retrieved from a subterranean storage room in the U.S. Capitol.64 Robertson and his team worked through the night to prepare for the arrival of the thirty-fifth president's body. Unstated in this hurricane's eye of activity was the cool, shrewd decision by an anguished First Lady to link her husband to America's most beloved chief executive.65 She wanted JFK's death to mean something, and civil rights, not just assassination, would connect the Lincoln and Kennedy legacies.

The assassination of a president in the nuclear age came with an especially dark underbelly. Without public notice, those in military authority had to consider the possibility of attack by a hostile power, as well as the need for a massive, instant response that would have killed tens of millions. "At the Pentagon the military machinery stood at global readiness. On the news of the assassination and suspecting a coup, the director of the Joint Chiefs of Staff had immediately warned all of the nine great combat commands of the United States, which girdle the world, to hold themselves in readiness for action. One of them, on its own initiative, [elevated] its men to Defense Condition One, or combat alert. Within half an hour the command was called to order and restored to normal readiness. In Pennsylvania, state troopers sped over the roads to throw a guard around the farm of Dwight D. Eisenhower, lest assassination be planned for him, too."66 Once taken from Air Force One, JFK's body-accompanied by Jackie, Bobby, and other relatives and family friends-was transported to Bethesda Naval Hospital. Mrs. Kennedy had chosen this autopsy location because of her husband's service in the Navy.67 John Stover, the commanding officer of Bethesda's medical school, ordered thirty-nine-year-old James J. Humes to perform the procedure. Humes supervised the school's research labs and had a background in pathology. Lieutenant Commander J. Thornton Boswell, another Navy pathologist, and Colonel Pierre Finck, an army ballistics expert, were selected to assist with the autopsy.68 The autopsy was limited in scope and competence-another aspect of a terrible day that would haunt the nation for decades to come.

Having spent Friday night in a jail cell on the fifth floor of the Dallas police station, Lee Oswald was moved downstairs to the homicide bureau offices at ten thirty Saturday morning. Reporters he passed in the hallway kept quiet; they were under strict orders from police not to ask questions. Behind closed doors, Captain Fritz resumed the interrogation. "Lee, did you bring curtain rods to work with you yesterday morning?" he twice asked. Oswald said he had not. "Well...," began the captain, "the fella that drove you to work yesterday morning tells us that you had a package in the backseat. He says that package was about twenty-eight inches long, and you told him it was curtain rods." "I didn't have any kind of package," Oswald replied. "I don't know what he's talking about. I had my lunch and that's all I had."69 The more Fritz pressed, the more Oswald denied. Toward the end of the session, Fritz sharpened his questions: "Mr. Oswald, did you view the parade yesterday?"

"No, I didn't."

"Did you shoot the president?"

"No, I did not."

"Did you shoot the governor?"

"No, I didn't know that the governor had been shot."70 Fritz then ended the session and sent Oswald back to his cell. By the end of the day, the Dallas police were even more convinced that they had JFK's killer. Early Saturday morning the FBI had tracked down an order for an Italian rifle that had been filled out by Oswald and sent to a mail order house in Chicago; the Dallas police found several photos of Oswald holding what appeared to be the assassination weapon along with two left-wing magazines; Oswald's Russian-born wife, Marina, had confirmed that her husband kept a rifle in a friend's garage; police discovered the rifle on the sixth floor of the Book Depository and found Oswald's palm print on a box inside the "sniper's nest." District Attorney Henry Wade, later remembered for his role in the controversial Roe v. Wade abortion case, told the press Friday night that he planned to seek the death penalty. It seemed like a classic open-and-shut case. Few observers in November 1963 could have imagined the tangled web that would be revealed in time.71 On Saturday a steady rain fell on the streets of Washington. Inside the White House, Lyndon Johnson opened his first cabinet meeting with a moment of silent prayer for JFK. The president's broken body lay in a flag-draped closed coffin in the East Room, surrounded by soldiers, sailors, and airmen. The black bunting that had been hung by Robertson's crew gave the room an additional air of solemnity. Earlier in the day, former presidents Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower had stopped by to pay their respects. Now Johnson was asking the assembled members of the Kennedy cabinet to remain at their posts. The country needed continuity, and he said he needed them more than John Kennedy ever had.

What Johnson didn't know was that a few of JFK's most loyal staffers were actively plotting to replace him with Bobby Kennedy. Earlier that day, Arthur Schlesinger had convened a private lunch with John Kenneth Galbraith, Walter Heller, and other officials to discuss the 1964 Democratic Convention-would it be possible to dump LBJ in favor of an RFK-Humphrey ticket? they wondered.72 Bobby Kennedy would have likely supported such a move. He despised Johnson, whom he viewed as a modern-day Cassius. Yet Bobby wanted to stick around long enough to see his brother's legislative proposals enacted to ensure a Kennedy legacy. Johnson, who nursed an enmity for RFK greater than for any other person, would have preferred a cabinet without him. But the Kennedys were now, more than ever, America's royal family, and the "usurper" could not cut loose the dead king's brother without jeopardizing his own reign.

Instead, Johnson moved to honor John Kennedy, ordering the closure of all federal offices on Monday, November 25, for President Kennedy's funeral. "I earnestly recommend the people to assemble on that day in their respective places of divine worship," said Johnson, "there to bow down in submission to the will of Almighty God, and to pay their homage of love and reverence to the memory of a great and good man. I invite the people of the world who share our grief to join in this day of mourning and rededication."73 A national day of mourning was born, and it was observed in many countries around the world.

Men and women across the globe were already deeply grieving. James Michener, the Pulitzer Prizewinning author, was visiting Israel when news came over the radio of the assassination. "It was the Israelis who started to weep," he wrote, "for they had come to think of Kennedy as a trusted friend, and to lose him in this way was both intolerable and dangerous. 'What will happen now?' they asked me, and for the first time, I heard the comment that would be uttered frequently that night: 'I hope to God the assassin wasn't a Jew.' " Kusum Singh was riding a train across India when he heard that Kennedy had been shot. A hush fell over Singh's compartment, and when the train stopped, people got off to make sure that the news was accurate. One passenger compared JFK to Mahatma Gandhi-both leaders, he said, had been taken before their time. In Ireland, the scene of a triumphant visit by the Irish American president just a few months prior, people canceled weekend activities and crowded into churches to offer prayers for their transnational hero. In Mexico City, small business owners placed busts and pictures of the president in their windows. Mexico's head of state, Lopez Mateos, declared a three-day period of national mourning. Even America's enemies were moved by the events of November 22. Americans in Moscow "were stopped in the street by Soviet citizens wishing to express sympathy, and American students at the university reported that a number of their Soviet colleagues were in tears." Marina Tempkina was a high school student in Leningrad when she learned of the assassination. "I was deeply saddened by Kennedy's death because I liked him personally, and even more because he seemed to offer hope for a better world," she said. "When he died, I thought we had lost much of such hope."74 Americans everywhere were stunned, from the mightiest to the most humble. House Speaker John McCormack exclaimed, "My God! My God! What are we coming to?" Senator Ted Kennedy was presiding over the Senate, a task often assigned to junior senators, when he got word and quickly slipped out of the chamber. Every town, city, and school had its own story. At Temple University, students stared with "blank, expressionless faces" at a sign posted in the window of the school's communications building that read PRESIDENT KENNEDY IS DEAD. Some students cried while others prayed. Temple's faculty tried to cope with the crisis by offering instant analyses of the Kennedy presidency. "Not since Roosevelt has there been a president who had such a firm hold on his followers as well as his opponents," opined William McKenna, an associate professor of economics. "Even after his term of office, whether it might have been four or eight years, he still would have been able to perform valuable service for the United States," offered Professor Harry Tinckom, chairman of the history department.75 Bob Schieffer, now the host of CBS's Face the Nation, was a police beat journalist for the Fort Worth Star Telegram in 1963. Because of Kennedy's arrival in Fort Worth the night before and some wee-hours schmoozing with national reporters and Secret Service agents, Schieffer was still in bed when he learned from his brother that the president had been shot. "I didn't know what else to do so I just got dressed and rushed down to the office," Schieffer remembers. "By the time I got downtown it came over the radio that the president was dead and I really just lost it. It was total mass confusion. They closed the borders to Mexico. We didn't know if this was the beginning of World War III. We didn't know if there was some sort of attempted coup. And people were terrified. I never felt again the way I felt during those days until 9/11." Schieffer says that the traumatic event changed his personality for a time. "I had been a police reporter for a while and had seen about everything you could see. And about a week or so after this happened I covered this horrible automobile accident where an entire family... had run under a load of pipe [and] it literally sawed them in half along with the car. And I'm standing there looking at it and I realized I had no emotion whatsoever. None! I was like a dog watching television."76 Like most people of his generation, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell-then a twenty-one-year-old college student at the University of Louisville-remembers precisely where he was when he first learned of the president's death. "I was watching a flag football game between my fraternity and another one and it had just ended," McConnell recalls. "As I was walking away from the [playing field], someone came up to me and said, 'the president's been shot.' I was obviously not a Kennedy supporter but it made no difference. It was such a stunning and traumatic event for the country." McConnell spent the whole weekend at his parents' house "glued to the television set" and saw "Jack Ruby shoot Lee Harvey Oswald in real time" while he was "sitting there eating a sandwich."77 LBJ's daughter, Lynda Bird Johnson, was a college student at the University of Texas-Austin, and was looking forward to attending the dinner with President and Mrs. Kennedy in Austin that evening. She had just arrived at her dorm room for lunch after class when a "former roommate called me and said, 'stay where you are, I'm coming to get you.' She had just heard from somebody that the president had been shot in Dallas. She took me to a room where they had a radio. Nobody had a television and I didn't even have a radio in my room. And so we went there and I listened and I just fell on my knees and started praying that it wasn't so. I loved President Kennedy, and I also loved John and Nellie Connally. They had been like parents to me. We called him 'Uncle Johnny.' I had spent many summers with them and their oldest daughter had spent summers with me. So I was scared for them. There were even some things on the news that maybe my father had had a heart attack. Just like a lot of people I didn't know what had happened."78 Joe and Rose Kennedy, JFK's aging parents, received an avalanche of sympathy letters and telegrams. "He asked not what his country could do for him," wrote astronaut John Glenn. "He gave his all. We draw an increased devotion from his example. May God grant you faith, understanding and courage." Actress Marlene Dietrich cabled a single, poignant sentence: "Cannot express the depth of my sadness."

Even J. Edgar Hoover, the strong-willed FBI director who had frequently crossed swords with the Kennedys, sent a sympathy letter to JFK's father. "It is impossible to express the depth of my sorrow," Hoover wrote. "I regret I have only condolences to offer since I know they can do but little to ease your grief."79 Of course, it was Hoover's bureau that failed to keep close tabs on Lee Harvey Oswald. The director learned four days after the assassination that Oswald's name had never even been on the FBI's Security Index, a watch list of potential subversives with a history of violent tendencies.80 In truth, despite his defection to Russia and various runins with military and civilian authorities over the years, there was nothing in Oswald's known background to suggest he was a violent threat to anyone. But in the hothouse of finger pointing following the assassination, the FBI would try to put as much distance as possible between itself and Oswald.

Average citizens poured their pain onto paper. Carolyn Williamson wrote about the reaction of the men who were serving on board her son's naval vessel. "The Captain of the ship ordered them to assemble on deck where he announced that he had 'grievous news' for them-their Commander-in-Chief had been taken. Their faces, my son wrote, were as wet as the waters of the Pacific." Williamson closed with a heartfelt good-bye to JFK: "We needed our president. I wish he could have been spared to us longer."81 Catholics were especially devastated by the president's death and sought solace in their faith. Gerald J. Murray, commander of a World War I veterans group in Scranton, Pennsylvania, assured Rose Kennedy that the "people of the world" would miss her son and expressed his desire to see JFK canonized as a saint. "May the good Lord take him to Paradise ... where his great reward will be waiting him," Murray wrote tenderly. "And may God bless you and your family and his to carry on and bear your burdens with grace." It was not uncommon in Catholic homes, for years after 1963, to see photos of JFK next to images of the pope and Jesus Christ. "Dear Mrs. Kennedy," wrote Elaine Mc-Cluggage, "I am writing this letter as another mother who has a son named John, whose middle name is my maiden name, and who is also American, Irish and Catholic." McCluggage wanted Rose to know that she attended mass "most mornings" and would remember JFK "each morning for as long as I am able." Theresa Twaddle was just seventeen years old when she mailed a letter to the "finest parents of the finest president." "As a Catholic I have offered all my masses, communions and prayers for your son and you," Twaddle assured them.82 Pope Paul VI issued a special statement that included a reminder that JFK had been "the first Catholic president of the United States." "We remember that we had the honor of ... knowing his great wisdom (sagezza) and his good intentions for all humanity," His Holiness observed. "We offer the Holy Mass tomorrow for the peace of his soul, and for those who mourn his death."83 After receiving a generous donation in JFK's name, the Seraphic Mass Association for the support of the Capuchin Foreign Missions promised that "the soul of the deceased John Fitzgerald Kennedy" would "share forever in:

1. 6,000 Holy Masses which will be said each year by the Capuchins exclusively for the members.

2. 500 Conventional Masses said daily.

3. All the prayers and good works of the religious of the Capuchin Order (who number 15, 624)."84 Not to be outdone, Protestants penned missives designed to ease the Kennedys' grief. R. Bresnahan complimented Rose for producing "wonderful sons" and behaving gallantly "throughout this unspeakable tragedy." Mindful of Rose's strict Catholicism, Bresnahan added, "Always in our hearts, you remain the mother second only to the Virgin Mary." Martin Maehr, a faculty member at a conservative Lutheran college in the Midwest, expressed his appreciation for the "testimony of religious conviction" that the Kennedys had displayed "under such trying circumstances. Maehr also singled out Rose for demonstrating "in a most exemplary way" that the "home is the cradle of Christianity and true citizenship."85 On Sunday, November 24, Americans flocked to their churches and synagogues seeking spiritual comfort and hoping that religious leaders could find meaning in a senseless act. Preaching at St. George's Episcopal Church in New York, the influential theologian Reinhold Niebuhr attributed the "dimension and universality" of the grief for JFK to three things: first, the assassination had "cut short the life of a promising career" and robbed the nation of an extraordinary leader; second, unlike some other presidents, Kennedy had perished before his "essential work was done"; and third, JFK took over the presidency at a time when the United States was the undisputed leader of the free world. "This concentration of power and prestige is so great," Niebuhr explained, "that we must view President Kennedy's death with mingled gratitude for the providential selection of so gifted a leader to exercise that power, and with an anxious and prayerful attitude about our American world responsibilities in the future."86 Some religious leaders perceived universal messages and warnings. Monsignor John S. Kennedy (no relation) told his flock, "The head of our nation was carried away in death a few days ago because of what has been in the hearts of too many of us. His death should sober those drunk on hatred of whatever sort and from whatever source." Rabbi Julius Mark delivered a similar message to a packed house at Temple Emanu-El. "[JFK's] tragic death was the direct result of the dark hatreds and insane hostilities which poison the hearts of otherwise decent and respectable citizens of our country," Mark insisted. Norman Vincent Peale-a famous Protestant preacher who had been one of Kennedy's persistent critics-blamed the crisis on America's moral decline: "I rode down a street in [New York] this morning looking at the signs on the marquees of the theaters," Peale said. "Every single one of them implied that the picture they advertised was either one of sex or violence. And if a nation becomes conditioned to violence they need not be surprised when some one man or a group of men take the law into their hands and destroy the man who has been elected by the sovereign people to enforce the laws of this land." Peale hoped that the shock of the assassination would lead Americans toward "a new appreciation of the fact that we must insist that this become a nation of reason and law."87 Dallas certainly seemed like a lawless place on that Sunday. As Americans sat in their pews and prayed for peace, yet another loathsome act of violence occurred in the basement of the city's police headquarters. Just before 11:30 A.M., Lee Harvey Oswald emerged from an elevator handcuffed to Jim Leavelle, a detective in a beige cowboy hat. The suspect was being transferred to the Dallas County jail in a carefully choreographed attempt to make Oswald visible to the media to prove he wasn't being mistreated.88 As Leavelle and his partner, Detective L. C. Graves, threaded their way through a mass of detectives and officers, a man in a gray fedora emerged from the crowd holding a snub-nosed revolver. Bob Jackson, a photographer for the Dallas Times Herald, captured the famous photograph of Jack Ruby shooting Oswald in the belly. It shows Oswald groaning in agony with his mouth open and his eyes shut. Jim Leavelle, who tried at the last second to pull Oswald out of the path of the bullet, grimaced. Astonishment best describes the reaction of millions at home, who witnessed television's first live murder. Tom Pettit, correspondent on scene for NBC News, uttered the simple lines that have echoed ever since: "He's been shot! He's been shot! Lee Oswald's been shot!" In the ensuing pandemonium, a scrum of officers wrestled Ruby to the ground and grabbed his revolver.

Oswald was rushed to Parkland Hospital, where some of the same doctors that had worked on President Kennedy attempted to revive him in the room across from where JFK had lain. The result was also the same. Oswald was pronounced dead almost exactly 48 hours after JFK (1:07 P.M. CST). The .38-caliber bullet had punctured his spleen, stomach, intestinal arteries, and right kidney. Behind closed doors, Ruby offered a motive: "When I saw that Mrs. Kennedy was going to have to appear for a trial, I thought to myself, 'why should she have to go through this ordeal for this no good son of a bitch?' " Was Ruby telling the truth? Or had he been hired to silence Oswald before he could disclose a conspiracy?89 Millions of people subscribed to the latter theory. But the answer to "Who killed JFK?" depended partly on one's political views and degree of trust in government. Conspiracy theorists across the political spectrum saw evidence of their enemies' handiwork in Dallas. The KGB quickly concluded that Kennedy had been killed "by a circle of reactionary monopolists in league with profascist groups" who were upset with the president for supporting civil rights, peace with Russia, and higher taxes on oil profits. Khrushchev himself refused to believe "that the U.S. security services were so inept as to have allowed a madman to kill the president" and thought that the Dallas police must have been involved in the murder. Fidel Castro held similar views. He implicated American "ultrareactionaries," whom the Cuban media described as power brokers upset over Kennedy's "weak" handling of Cuba. Similar themes rippled across the Communist world. "Communist propaganda organs in East Europe suggested that the rightists, in their impotence to reverse President Kennedy's liberal policies," had "resorted to 'political terror' to gain their ends." A Communist newspaper in Hanoi blamed U.S. "financiers" for the shooting.

People living in other parts of the world put their own spin on the events of 11/22. Many sub-Saharan Africans thought that white racists had murdered Kennedy for his support of civil rights. Middle Eastern commentators viewed the JFK assassination as part of a Zionist plot. "One Cairo newspaper noted that Oswald's killer was 'one Jack Ruberstein [sic], a Jew of course.' " Right-wingers in Nationalist China and Latin America smelled a Red conspiracy, as did Herbert Philbrick, a rabid anticommunist and FBI counterspy who later expounded his theories in a manuscript entitled "The Strange Death of President Kennedy." In a matter of hours, JFK's assassination had become a reflection of each individual's ideology-people saw what they wanted to see in the events of 11/22 and created narratives that reflected their personal prejudices and predilections.90 Jackie Kennedy appeared less interested in theories of the assassination than in strategies to make sure that John F. Kennedy would be forever remembered as a great president.91b She was disappointed when she learned that a left-wing loner had been charged with murdering her husband. "He didn't even have the satisfaction of being killed for civil rights," she lamented. "It had to be some silly little Communist. It even robs his death of any meaning." Her first effort to assign significance to JFK's life and death was to orchestrate an unforgettable funeral, and she somehow found the physical and emotional strength to do so. On Sunday, three hundred thousand people lined the streets of Washington to watch a team of horses transport JFK's body from the White House to the U.S. Capitol. Hundreds of millions more around the globe watched the event on live television. A riderless black horse followed the cortege, twisting and turning but firmly under the control of its handler. The streets of Washington were silent except for the solemn sounds of drums, muffled sobs, and the clip-clop of horses' hooves.

The president's coffin was placed in the Dome Room of the Capitol, where Mike Mansfield, the Senate majority leader, delivered the most moving speech of his career. "There was a sound of laughter; in a moment, it was no more," Mansfield began. "And so she took a ring from her finger and placed it in his hands," a reference to Mrs. Kennedy's action in Parkland's Trauma Room One as she said good-bye to her husband. The senator offered a series of tributes, all ending with the same refrain about the transferred wedding ring. His address was a source of great comfort to Jackie. In her ears, it sounded "as eloquent as a Pericles oration, or Lincoln's letter to the mother who had lost five sons in battle." "A piece of each of us died at that moment," Mansfield continued. "Yet, in death he gave of himself. He gave us of a good heart from which the laughter came. He gave us of a profound wit, from which a great leadership emerged. He gave us of a kindness and a strength fused into a human courage to seek peace without fear. He gave us of his love that we, too, in turn, might give." When Mansfield finished, he approached Jackie and handed her the manuscript. "How did you know I wanted it?" she asked. "I didn't," said Mansfield. "I just wanted you to have it." Jackie then led daughter Caroline over to the president's catafalque-together they kneeled and kissed the flag that lay draped across his coffin. It was a fitting farewell that brought a shattered nation together.92 Hundreds of thousands of people waited in line for a chance to file past the president's casket. "The overflow spilled down the streets between the congressional office buildings, the Supreme Court, the Library of Congress, and the Folger Library, and to the west it ran from the Botanic Gardens to the Taft tower." Every citizen, it seemed, wanted to say good-bye in some personal, significant way. Filmmaker Robert Drew, father of the cinema verite movement, captured the sad expressions on the faces of those who shuffled through the Dome Room on that bleak autumn day. The resulting film, Faces of November, later won two first-place awards at the Venice Film Festival. We see black and white, old and young, men and women joined together in an outpouring of anguish, perhaps sad also for the loss of national innocence. Despite a long history of political violence, people were genuinely aghast that such a thing could have happened in the United States.93 Kings, queens, emperors, princes, ministers, chancellors, presidents, and ambassadors from a vast array of countries arrived for the Monday funeral. Jackie insisted on walking to St. Matthew's Cathedral, which meant that President Johnson and visiting heads of state would walk in the open, too. The Secret Service objected strenuously, deathly afraid that something else might happen on their watch, but to no avail. Escorted by Bobby and Ted, the remaining brothers also frightfully exposed, Jackie stayed close to the caisson as it rolled toward the church. The Royal Highland Black Watch Regiment paid their respects with a somber bagpipe tune. The sound seemed to bring Mrs. Kennedy to the verge of tears, but she remained supremely disciplined. Hauntingly beautiful, she simultaneously projected strength and fragility beneath her black veil, which stirred gently in the breeze.

At Jackie's behest, the Most Reverend Philip Hannan, a young auxiliary bishop stationed in the nation's capital, delivered the president's eulogy. Hannan mentioned a few of JFK's favorite Bible verses (such as "Your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions"), and then he recited the 1961 inaugural address. It was an exquisite choice and temporarily lifted the spirits of those in attendance. Ted Sorensen, Kennedy's inaugural co-writer, later told Hannan that his eulogy would "be remembered ... for a long time."94 Then it happened, the moment that no one alive at the time will ever forget. It was a child's simple gesture, and yet it brought home the true personal tragedy of November 22. As the president's flag-draped coffin was being removed from St. Matthew's Cathedral, Jackie leaned over and whispered in her son's ear. Just weeks before the assassination, the son had been taught by his father and several Secret Service agents how to salute the flag. John F. Kennedy, Jr., fatherless on his third birthday, dutifully stepped forward and pressed his tiny right hand against his forehead to say good-bye. America wept as one.95 President Kennedy's body was then taken across the river to Arlington National Cemetery, once the estate of Robert E. Lee, the Confederacy's greatest general. "Fifty jet planes of the Air Force and Navy, one for each state, roared low overhead as the caisson halted beside the grave. The apex of the last V formation was empty, symbolizing a fallen leader. The president's jet, Air Force One, trailed the formation and dipped its wings..." An honor guard of Irish military cadets, rifles reversed, executed a manual of arms in Gaelic. Next, Cardinal Richard Cushing, the Kennedys' chief spiritual adviser, led the assembled dignitaries in the Lord's Prayer and the Hail Mary. Cannon boomed a twenty-one-gun salute; a lone bugler blew Taps; a group of servicemen handed Mrs. Kennedy a folded American flag.

There was only one piece of unfinished business, one final gesture for the man who had carried the torch for a new generation. Bending down beside her husband's grave, Jackie (with help from Bobby and Ted) ignited a gas and electric jet that had been installed by the Washington Gas Company. This was no ordinary burner; it had come specially equipped so that the blaze could survive every kind of weather. The "eternal flame"-the symbol of her husband's life and legacy-would glow for as long as the American Republic endured.96 The fire was everlasting, yet America's and the world's premier leader had been snuffed out in a vicious, premature way. No one could have imagined it would end like this. No one could have guessed the misery that awaited John F. Kennedy and his family when his astounding political journey had begun a few short years earlier.

aOswald's "patsy" remark is perhaps the most-quoted aspect of his short time in custody. Over the years, some have insisted that "patsy," meaning an easily blamed pawn, was a signal that Oswald was a low-level flunky in a larger conspiracy. Of course, it is just as possible that Oswald was simply providing himself cover for his actions, implying that he was an available scapegoat because of his Communist ties.

bOne of those strategies involved the location of her husband's grave. Most visitors to Arlington Cemetery do not consciously notice that the eternal flame above JFK's resting place aligns perfectly with the Lincoln Memorial, the Washington Monument, and the U.S. Capitol, which "confers upon the late President's grave a civic consequence comparable to that possessed by the Washington and Jefferson as well as the Lincoln memorials. This is doubtless what the Kennedys intended when they chose the site, and architect John Warnecke did not fail them. He ... made inspired use of every dramatic, expressive and evocative potential the land provides." See "John Fitzgerald Kennedy Grave Research Report," LBJ Papers-EX FG 1 3/26/68, Box 18, FG 1 3/26/68 4/18/68, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, Austin, Texas. The John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts is also close by.

2.

"All the Marbles"

At half past eight on the opening night of the 1956 Democratic National Convention, the Honorable Paul M. Butler stood on the main stage of Chicago's International Amphitheatre and made the following announcement: "Will the delegates please clear the aisles? The lights are going to be turned out, so you had better get into your seats, if you want to see." What they were about to see, explained the DNC chairman, was a documentary film on the history of the Democratic Party. The delegates should hold their applause until the movie ended.1 A few minutes later, a star was born. "Ladies and gentlemen, I am Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts," said the boyishly handsome face on the screen. "To some, the Democratic Party represents a philosophy, a way of life, a point of view. Others think in terms of personalities-the great Democratic leaders of past and present ... Whatever the unique quality of our party represents to each of you, I believe you will find it in the course of this film, which singles out the principal events which have given the Democratic Party special character and dignity-which make it now, as always, our nation's best and greatest hope."2 At the conclusion of the twenty-eight-minute film called The Pursuit of Happiness (which was shown on ABC and NBC, but not CBS), Butler thanked the narrator, referring to him as "one of our new young Democratic giants."3 Kennedy "was introduced from the floor" and received "prolonged applause." A small group of New England delegates rushed the platform and waved Kennedy placards, but they instantly vanished when Butler "asked them to clear the aisles so [that] the keynoter, Gov. Frank G. Clement of Tennessee, could be introduced."4 Kennedy outclassed the parochial Clement, who delivered a partisan (and much parodied) speech.5 The New York Times called the Massachusetts senator a "movie star" and described his delivery as "excellent." Eleven thousand delegates and millions of TV viewers witnessed Kennedy's exemplary performance. Historian Herbert Parmet says that it made the senator "an overnight hero in Chicago" and that people mobbed him "wherever he went, on the streets, on the convention floor." Dore Schary, the film's producer and one of California's delegates, later said that "the personality of the senator just came right out. It jumped at you on the screen. The narration was good, and the film was emotional. He was immediately a candidate. There was simply no doubt about that because he racked up the whole convention." Schary had cast Kennedy at the behest of Paul Butler, who recognized the young senator's potential. Kennedy threw himself into the film project, contributing his own lines and patiently enduring multiple takes and rehearsals.6 Jack Kennedy was one of the few politicians who understood the emerging power of televised images. His father had made millions in the 1920s off a Hollywood studio called Film Booking Offices (FBO). The elder Kennedy turned FBO into a profitable company by focusing on low-cost productions rather than big-budget blockbusters. Kennedy's target audience was theater owners in small towns and rural areas who usually featured new films every couple of days. Before long, Kennedy had established a lucrative niche for FBO. During the first year of his stewardship, the studio generated nearly $9 million worth of revenue. It remained a profitable company in the years that followed before merging with Keith-Albee-Orpheum (KAO) to form RKO Pictures, one of the studio giants of Hollywood's golden era. The money that came from FBO, the stock market, and other investments allowed Joe-FDR's ambassador to the United Kingdom between 1938 and 1940-to pamper his nine children. Although descended from poor Irish Catholic immigrants who had come to America in the nineteenth century, the twentieth-century Kennedys lived like Boston Brahmins. John Kennedy wore the nicest clothes, ate the best-prepared foods, and attended the finest schools, including Choate-a posh prep school in Connecticut-and Harvard. His father had taught him to play hard and to win at any cost. This lesson gave him the strength to rescue three sailors from a sinking PT boat during World War II, the ambition to run for Congress before he turned thirty, and the temerity to challenge and defeat an old-moneyed WASP named Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., for a U.S. Senate seat in 1952. And in 1956, this same feisty, competitive spirit convinced JFK to try for the Democratic Party's vice presidential nomination.7 According to Ted Sorensen, Kennedy knew "early in 1956" that he was under consideration for the number two slot on the party's ticket. Adlai Stevenson's handlers told Theodore White (who in turn told Sorensen and Kennedy) that two southerners-Senator Al Gore, Sr., of Tennessee and Frank Clement-as well as two Catholics-JFK and New York Mayor Robert F. Wagner, Jr.-were under consideration for the running mate job. Connecticut governor Abraham Ribicoff was the first politician to publicly endorse Kennedy; Governor Dennis Roberts of Rhode Island quickly followed suit. So did Governor Luther Hodges of North Carolina, who thought that JFK would be acceptable to the southern wing of the party. Newspapers and magazines also played up the possibility of a Kennedy vice presidency during this period.8 During the convention, the delegates and media speculated on who Stevenson, the presumed nominee, would choose as a running mate. The influential former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt made it clear that she did not want Kennedy on the ticket. Several weeks before the convention, she received a letter from a friend who wanted her to endorse the ambassador's son. "Across the bottom of her reply, Mrs. Roosevelt added that, before she would support Senator Kennedy for the second spot, he would have to declare his views on Senator [Joseph] McCarthy (R-Wis.) so that she could know 'how he really stands.' " McCarthy, a Kennedy family friend and enemy of the left, had made a name for himself in the early 1950s by accusing prominent people of supporting Communism without real evidence. Careers had been ruined and reputations besmirched as a result of the senator's witch hunts. Kennedy had never publicly denounced fellow Irish American McCarthy, aware that many of the voters in his district supported the Wisconsin senator. During the convention, Kennedy made a backhanded attempt to appease Mrs. Roosevelt by telling her that he would make his views on McCarthy known "when the occasion presented itself." Mrs. Roosevelt was not satisfied and continued giving JFK the cold shoulder.9 On August 14, the New York Times reported that Al Gore, Sr., was Stevenson's "personal choice" for vice president. But Gore was reluctant to pick a fight with Estes Kefauver, a fellow Tennessean, who he purportedly said would "attract more widespread voting support to Mr. Stevenson than any other Democrat." Gore was honest enough, however, to admit that Kefauver-perceived as too liberal by many southerners-might be a drag on the ticket in the former Confederate states. John Kennedy was Gore's second choice. On August 15, the Times reported that the Stevenson camp was leaning toward Kefauver or Minnesota's Hubert Humphrey but preferred a man who would be acceptable to the various factions represented at the convention. Thus, John Kennedy's name made Adlai's short list.10 The same day, Kennedy received word "by a circuitous route" that he was no longer under consideration as the party's vice presidential nominee. In response, Kennedy sought, and received, an audience with Stevenson, who insisted to JFK that he was noncommittal. The presidential nominee-to-be did, however, ask JFK to deliver his (Stevenson's) official nomination speech. Kennedy accepted but interpreted the offer as effective proof that he was no longer in the running for the vice presidential slot. One of Stevenson's aides delivered a prewritten speech to Kennedy that had been slap-dashed together, partly by Arthur Schlesinger. Kennedy and Sorensen worked late into the night redrafting it.11 The senator scored big political points the next day (August 16) when he read the new and improved speech before the convention. He received "a great cheer" when he appeared on the platform. "Sometimes in the heat of a political convention, we forget the grave responsibilities which we as delegates possess," said Kennedy.

For we here today are selecting a man who must be something more than a good candidate, something more than a good speaker, more than a good politician, a good liberal, or a good conservative. We are selecting the head of the most powerful nation on earth, the man who literally will hold in his hands the powers of survival or destruction, of freedom or slavery, of success or failure for us all. We are selecting here today the man who for the next four years will be guiding, for good or evil, for better or worse, the destinies of our nation and, to a large extent, the destiny of the free world. I ask you, therefore, to think beyond the balloting of tonight and tomorrow-to think beyond even the election in November and to think instead of those four years that lie ahead, and of the crises that will come with them.12 Kennedy also took the required pot shots at the GOP, which entertained his partisan audience. He wisely chose to attack the often-reviled Nixon instead of the popular Eisenhower: "Our party will be up against two of the toughest, most skillful campaigners in its history-one who takes the high road, and one who takes the low." According to Sorensen, this line "was picked up by subsequent speakers and became part of that year's campaign vocabulary."13 Looking ahead to the 1960 presidential race (or perhaps worried about the current vice presidential one), the senator made passing reference to "the nation's distressed farmers." Kennedy had earned the ire of this group in April 1956 by voting against "90-percent-of-parity price supports for one year," which basically amounted to a new government welfare program for farmers.14 Kennedy closed his speech with a tribute to Stevenson, whom he described as a man of "compassion" and "courage" who also happened to be "the top vote-getter in the Democratic Party." "Fellow delegates," he proclaimed, "I give you the man from Libertyville-the next Democratic nominee and our next president of the United States-Adlai E. Stevenson." The crowd cheered. Jacqueline Kennedy, six weeks pregnant at the time, stood on her chair and waved a Stevenson placard from the convention floor.15 Shortly after eleven P.M., Stevenson threw the convention into an uproar when, in a move unprecedented in modern times and apparently with no advance word to any of the possible contenders, he asked the delegates to choose his running mate for him. "The choice will be yours," said the Illinois politician. "The profit will be the nation's." Stevenson wanted to highlight the differences between the two parties by showing that Democrats were the only true supporters of majoritarian rule. The decision also relieved him of the politically risky burden of choosing a running mate.16 Kennedy and his energetic supporters instantly swung into action. Bobby and John Bailey held an impromptu meeting at the Stockyards Inn and began handing out assignments and lining up key backers. Eunice lobbied state delegations for support. Jack buttonholed Robert Wagner in the men's room of the Blackstone Hotel sometime after midnight and proposed a deal: the candidate who came up short after the first ballot would throw his support to the other. The New York City mayor agreed. "By sunrise that morning, overnight button factories had produced Kennedy-for-Vice-President stickpins, which went on sale outside the International Amphitheater."17 Inside the arena, the real work got under way. After the first ballot, Estes Kefauver led with 483 votes; Kennedy came in second with 304 votes; Al Gore earned 178 votes, while Robert Wagner and Hubert Humphrey finished with 162 and 134 respectively. On the second ballot, the race broke open. Southerners who were anxious to stop Kefauver-an advocate of civil rights-began throwing their support to Kennedy. "Kennedy's supporters raised a yell as Arkansas switched its 26 votes from Gore to the young New England senator." Delaware soon followed suit. True to his word, Wagner delivered 96 of New York's 98 votes to JFK, which sparked a spontaneous outburst of chanting on the convention floor: "We want Kennedy! We want Kennedy!"18 Kennedy watched the drama unfold from the comfort of his hotel room. Sorensen later recalled the scene: "Our television set showed wild confusion on the convention floor and a climbing Kennedy total. But the Senator was as calm as ever. He bathed, then again reclined on the bed. Finally we moved, through a back exit, to a larger and more isolated room."19 Though it wasn't recognized as such at the time, perhaps the most historically evocative moment came when Senator Lyndon Johnson hollered on the convention floor, "Texas proudly casts its vote for the fighting senator who wears the scars of battle, that fearless senator, the next vice president of the United States, John Kennedy of Massachusetts." Johnson had come to Chicago with his eyes on the top prize. But when Stevenson secured the nomination instead, LBJ decided to play vice presidential kingmaker. He threw Texas's 56 votes to Clement and then Gore and finally to Kennedy when it looked as if the Massachusetts senator had a decent shot at beating Kefauver, who was not one of Johnson's Senate favorites.20 Johnson's announcement triggered a burst of applause and activity; California gave Kennedy 14 more votes; North Carolina contributed 17 ; Kentucky switched its 30 votes from Gore to JFK. He was now leading Kefauver 618 to 551. He needed 686 votes to win the nomination. Back at the Stockyards Inn, Sorensen offered his boss a congratulatory handshake. "Not yet," said Kennedy. Even so, Kennedy was upbeat; he dressed, kept one eye on the TV, and discussed what sort of speech he would deliver if nominated. A cordon of cops arrived, ready to escort the thirty-nine-year-old senator to the convention center.21 And then the momentum suddenly, almost mysteriously, shifted. The young Kennedy had soared too close to the sun.

Al Gore withdrew from the contest and asked his supporters to back Kefauver. Oklahomans, unhappy at the prospect of having to vote for a Catholic from an industrial state, happily complied. Missouri and Michigan also jumped on the Kefauver bandwagon. South Carolina tried to stanch the bleeding, but without success. Pennsylvania added 74 votes to the Tennessee senator's column, which encouraged the delegations from Iowa, Montana, California, Delaware, West Virginia, and Maine to adjust their votes. At the end of the second ballot, Kefauver secured the nomination with 755 votes. Kennedy finished with a respectable 589. Knowing that he'd been beaten, he headed to the amphitheater to congratulate Kefauver.22 Kennedy received a warm welcome as he took the stage. "Recognizing that this convention has selected a man who has campaigned in all parts of the country," he said just after four o'clock, "I hope this convention will now make Estes Kefauver's nomination unanimous." As the young senator started to leave the stage, Sam Rayburn called him back and handed him the chairman's gavel. Kennedy raised it and said, "I move we suspend the rules and nominate Estes Kefauver by acclamation." The crowd roared its approval. Kennedy's magnanimous concession endeared him to millions. His "near victory and sudden loss, the impression he gave of a clean-cut boy who had done his best and who was accepting defeat with a smile-all this struck at people's hearts in living rooms across the nation. In this moment of triumphant defeat, his campaign for the presidency was born." In private, JFK was hugely disappointed that he had lost. He flew to France for a vacation, leaving behind his pregnant wife, who had already had one miscarriage and would soon suffer another. But as events would show, losing the vice presidential nomination was the best thing that could have happened. If Kennedy had won the contest, he would have been blamed in part for Stevenson's subsequent defeat. Inevitably, the press would have cited the Catholic issue. Instead, he received extensive, positive media coverage yet was held harmless for Stevenson's November rout.23 Kennedy spent the next few months crisscrossing the country on Stevenson's behalf. These trips raised the senator's public profile and gave him the opportunity to chat up party leaders and build a loyal following. Stevenson and Kefauver were happy to ride Kennedy's coattails. J. Howard McGrath, Kefauver's special assistant, told the press that the Massachusetts senator would "play a leading role in the Democratic presidential campaign, second only to that of the presidential and vice presidential candidates."24 Kennedy's help, though, turned out to be the kind politicians often offer-me first, you second. While ostensibly stumping for the party ticket, he frequently promoted his own record. In California, he told a roomful of union workers about his time on the Labor Committee and how hard he had worked to boost the minimum wage. At the World Affairs Council luncheon in Los Angeles he bolstered his foreign policy credentials by lecturing on the security threats posed by "four Middle Eastern-Mediterranean areas-Suez, Cyprus, Israel, and French North Africa." In Springfield, Massachusetts, the topic turned to energy: "I was gratified when the Congress accepted my amendment to the Atomic Energy Act and gave preference to areas with high power costs in the location of reactors ..." Thousands of people turned out to hear Kennedy, whose popularity began to transcend sectional boundaries.25 But endorsements from political celebrities were not enough to save Stevenson's campaign. Eisenhower trounced the Illinois senator at the polls by an even greater margin than in 1952. Without a discernible pause, JFK geared up for his own 1960 race. Shortly after the Democratic loss, he bluntly offered to a Chattanooga Times reporter, "Now, this is the time for me."26 Kennedy was still savoring the attention he'd received in Chicago. He knew that it meant he had a decent shot at the 1960 nomination. Over the Thanksgiving holiday, he told Dave Powers that he wanted to run for president. "With only about four hours of work and a handful of supporters, I came within thirty-three and a half votes of winning the vice presidential nomination," he said. "If I work hard for four years, I ought to be able to pick up all the marbles."27 In January of 1957, the Los Angeles Times reported on the "blossoming" of "a bumper crop of [Democratic] presidential hopefuls"-Senator Lyndon Johnson of Texas, Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, Senator Frank Lausche of Ohio, Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois, Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, and of course Kennedy were among the names mentioned. The following month, the paper published a survey that showed JFK trailing Kefauver among the party faithful, 49 to 38 percent.28 In April, the influential journalist Stewart Alsop opined that one could not swing a cat "on the Democratic side of the Senate aisle" without hitting a presidential candidate. Still, Alsop thought that Kennedy and Johnson had the best chance of securing the nomination. "Kennedy ... has great ability, as well as great appeal for the voters (the ladies especially) and unlimited financial backing. His Catholicism is no bar to the nomination, any more than Johnson's heart attack-indeed, a good case could be made that his religion is a political asset." 29 During the first half of 1957, Kennedy's stock climbed as a result of two major triumphs. First, he snagged a spot on the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which he knew would help him overcome concerns about his youth and inexperience. Second, he received a Pulitzer Prize for his best-selling book, Profiles in Courage. JFK's fellow senators were impressed that one of their own had won such a prestigious award. Congratulations-as well as invitations to speak-poured in from all over the country. The Massachusetts senator "braved bad weather and visited out-of-the-way places in small planes" in order to fulfill his many speaking engagements. Critics accused Kennedy of taking credit for someone else's work. On December 7, 1957, the journalist Drew Pearson went on ABC's Mike Wallace Show and charged that Profiles in Courage had been written by someone other than the senator. Incensed, JFK hired Clark Clifford, a Truman administration alumnus, as his attorney. Clifford sent ABC a sworn affidavit from Ted Sorensen (Pearson's prime suspect), who denied that he'd ghostwritten the book. On December 14, ABC issued a formal apology: "We deeply regret this error and feel it does a grave injustice to a distinguished public servant and author, to the excellent book he wrote, and to the prize he was awarded." Kennedy rewarded his lawyer with a Patek Philippe watch-arguably the finest timepiece in the world.

From the vantage point of the twenty-first century, the Profiles in Courage controversy appears quaint. After all, few politicians today write their own speeches or books and instead rely on ghostwriters and staff members to come up with memorable lines.30 At the time, though, this was considered a serious charge that might have derailed Kennedy's presidential ambitions.

On Capitol Hill, Kennedy worked hard to maintain his reputation as a political moderate. He investigated cases of labor racketeering (an issue popular with voters) and tiptoed around the civil rights issue. Many younger Americans today associate the Kennedy name with liberalism, but it was the post-1963 Bobby and Ted who transformed the family name's ideology. JFK was first and foremost a pragmatic politician: tough on crime and Communism, fiscally conservative, and certainly not at the forefront of the civil rights movement. "I think [JFK's] legacy in the larger public mind is ... one that's kind to him, probably kinder than he deserves," says Julian Bond, former chairman of the NAACP. "He had a chance to be a bigger fighter for civil rights than he was and didn't take that chance."31 Kennedy also formed lasting friendships with members of the opposition party at a time when bipartisan camaraderie was still possible in Washington. Senator John Sherman Cooper of Kentucky, who would later serve on the Warren Commission, was one of Kennedy's closest Republican pals. "When Cooper was reelected in 1952, JFK was coming in as a freshman senator," recalls Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, one of Cooper's former interns. "They socially played the same game and lived a block apart in Georgetown. John Sherman Cooper was every Democratic president's favorite Republican. One of the few private dinners that JFK had during the very busy time between his election and inauguration was with the Coopers in Georgetown. Loraine Cooper and Jackie Kennedy became buddies and since Senator Cooper voted with the Democrats a lot, it was a natural combination of political and social connections that intertwined."32 Cooper, the Republican, was actually more liberal than Kennedy on the issue of civil rights. When the Civil Rights Bill of 1957 came up for a vote, Kennedy cast his lot with Southern Democrats by sending the bill to the Judiciary Committee, then chaired by James Eastland, a Democrat from Mississippi and an unapologetic segregationist. But at the same time he voted for Title III of the bill, a provision supported by liberals who wanted the government to get serious about integration. This back-and-forth on civil rights became the template for Kennedy as president, at least until the summer of 1963. JFK always had his eye on Southern electoral votes.33 Other issues with less political risk engaged Kennedy more. For example, JFK stood up in the Senate on July 2, 1957, and called for an end to the French war in Algeria. He advocated a negotiated settlement, but also American recognition of Algerian independence in the event that negotiations failed. Eager that attention be given to his stand on a top-ranked international concern, the senator made sure that the French embassy and State Department received advance copies of his speech. The New York Times called it "perhaps the most comprehensive and outspoken arraignment of Western policy toward Algeria yet presented by an American in public office." Secretary of State John Foster Dulles remained skeptical. He thought that it would be a better idea to simply offer U.S. assistance rather than "openly intervene" in the situation. Dulles added that he would be "very sorry" to see the Algerian war become an American problem. The conservative Wall Street Journal worried that Kennedy's plan might lead to U.S. military intervention and rejected a comparison between the American and Algerian revolutions: "Any resemblance between the politically literate men who wrote the Declaration of Independence and the politically primitive Algerian nationalists is coincidental. It is important that we be able to make distinctions between different kinds of independence movements."34 The French response was understandably harsher. The French minister for Algeria, Robert Lacoste, accused Kennedy of being brainwashed by Arab propaganda and "badly informed" on the situation in North Africa. Lacoste drew cheers from a group of French veterans when he denounced JFK and "the old maids and Quakers of the United States." In Europe, French patriotic groups boycotted Fourth of July celebrations. France's minister of defense, Andre Morice, accused Kennedy of prolonging the bloodshed.35 In October 1957, JFK published an article in Foreign Affairs in which he accused the Eisenhower administration of diplomatic obtuseness. "To an observer in the opposition party there appear two central weaknesses in our current foreign policy," the senator argued. "First, a failure to appreciate how the forces of nationalism are rewriting the geopolitical map of the world-especially in North Africa, southeastern Europe and the Middle East; and second, a lack of decision and conviction in our leadership, which has recoiled from clearly informing both our people and Congress, which seeks too often to substitute slogans for solutions, which at times has even taken pride in the timidity of its ideas." Kennedy wanted the United States to provide more economic support for struggling countries (even Communist ones) and embrace a more flexible foreign policy. He accused Secretary of State Dulles of falling prey to a dangerous teleological rigidity, not unlike the kind that had convinced the Soviets of capitalism's imminent demise. Instead, the United States should show greater diplomatic flexibility by accepting "partial gains in order to undercut slowly the foundations of the Soviet order." Another part of the solution, argued Kennedy, lay in championing the nationalistic aspirations of people living in the world's newest nations. He again referenced the Algerian crisis, which he claimed had spilled "over into the rest of free Africa," and undermined the strength of NATO and the United Nations.36 Kennedy's opinions endeared him to "Third Word nationalists" and Frenchmen who were opposed to the war in Algeria. They also convinced some American political elites that he had a keen understanding of international affairs. Meanwhile, "a major publicity blitz accompanied Kennedy's heightened Senate activity. Joe Kennedy generated much of it, quietly using ... friends such as [Time publisher Henry] Luce and [New York Times reporter Arthur] Krock." Kennedy staffers cranked out a steady stream of articles under their boss's byline for Look, Life, McCall's, and other popular periodicals. In October 1957, ABC television broadcast Navy Log, the story of JFK's PT-109 adventures, with the lead role played by actor John Baer.37 Kennedy, who had served as a consultant during production, admitted that he was impressed by the show's special effects, but also "slightly embarrassed" by its campy dialogue. In December 1957, JFK made the cover of Time. The accompanying article described him as the Democratic Party's "Man Out Front" who was leaving "panting politicians and swooning women across a large spread of the U.S." in his "unabashed run" for the nomination.38 Kennedy was careful to cultivate ties with the various factions inside the Democratic Party-not easy given the uneasy marriage between Northern liberals and Southern conservatives that all gathered under the same party label. The civil rights issue in particular proved to be a bed of nails. On September 23, 1957, an angry mob harassed nine black students as they tried to enter Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. President Eisenhower responded by federalizing the Arkansas National Guard and deploying 1,000 paratroopers to quell the unrest. Prior to the incident, Kennedy had promised Congressman Frank Smith that he would address a group of Young Democrats in Jackson, Mississippi, but now it seemed a risky move. Yet Kennedy was determined to keep his promise to Smith even though he couldn't predict the outcome. White Mississippians were angry over the civil rights issue and outside interference in what they perceived as a strictly local matter, and Kennedy represented to them the Northern politicians pushing "too much change." Sensing an opportunity, Mississippi's Republican state chairman asked Kennedy to clarify his position on segregation. "I have no hesitancy in telling him ... the same thing I have said in my own city of Boston," Kennedy replied, "that I have accepted the Supreme Court's decision on desegregation as the law of the land. I know we do not all agree on that issue-but I think most of us do agree on the necessity to uphold law and order in every part of the land. I now invite [the] Republican chairman ... to tell us his views on President Eisenhower and Mr. Nixon." The crowd of fifteen hundred clapped and whistled. Carroll Kilpatrick, a reporter for the Washington Post, interpreted the applause as a sign of respect rather than full agreement. What is more likely is that the crowd was responding to Kennedy's dig at the administration. After all, Republicans were the ones sending troops into Arkansas, not Democrats, and most white Southerners at the time were still loyal members of the party of Andrew Jackson. Still, as this episode demonstrates, Kennedy's reputation as a leading civil rights supporter has been exaggerated. At least until his final months, JFK viewed civil rights as a distraction-a powder keg that could blow a hole in his political career. Although reckless in his private life, Kennedy usually took a cautious, pragmatic approach to politics and governing.39 The senator's public statements on organized crime were much more direct. During a speech in Gainesville, Florida, on October 20, 1957, he lambasted lawyers who accepted jobs from corrupt union bosses. JFK talked about his work on the McClellan committee and the ugly cases of professional misconduct that it had uncovered. Both he and Bobby were becoming known as honest reformers. In an earlier era, Theodore Roosevelt and Robert La Follette had battled corruption and corporate malfeasance; now two great-grandsons of Irish immigrants were following in the footsteps of Protestant patricians. The torch of American progressivism had been passed to a new generation. Of course, Kennedy's critics accused him of playing politics with the McClellan hearings. Why was a Republican such as Teamsters boss Jimmy Hoffa under investigation, they wondered, while allegedly corrupt liberals such as Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers union, were exempt? JFK denied that he had a partisan agenda.40 John Kennedy also chose to identify with the battle against Communism. This was an easy decision, since any hint of being "soft on Communism" would have been a career breaker. If anything, Kennedy was more hawkish than many Republicans, at least while he was in campaign mode. His was a tough Democratic posture that left no room on the right for Republicans to claim to be the party of military might, as became the case in the 1970s and 1980s. The same month that JFK spoke in Florida, Americans learned that the Soviet Union had launched the world's first manmade satellite, a 22-inch orb known as Sputnik. The ensuing public panic led to "a crash program of upgrading mathematics and science teaching" and acceleration in the U.S. space program. Kennedy capitalized on the event by claiming that America was losing the "satellite-missile race" due to Republican parsimony and ineptitude. At the same time, he joined labor leaders in denouncing the Soviet occupation of Eastern Europe. Labor, one of the Democratic Party's most vital constituency groups, was traditionally anticommunist-reinforcement for Democratic candidates such as JFK in positioning himself as rough on the "Reds."41 Aware that his Catholic background offended many Democratic Protestants, Kennedy worked hard to neutralize the religious issue. On November 24, 1957, he told a television audience that there was no logical reason why Catholics should be prevented from seeking the presidency. "Now, what church I go to on Sunday or what dogma of the Catholic Church I believe in is a personal matter," he explained. "It does not involve public questions of policy or as the Constitution defines responsibilities of the president, senator, or member of the armed forces." Several months earlier, Kennedy had told the press that he thought the American public was running ahead of the political establishment on the faith issue: "People are more interested in a man's talent than his religious convictions." As the campaign progressed, Kennedy could be seen pretesting the themes that would enable him to sidestep, though never fully overcome, the Catholic issue in the general election of 1960.42 By June 1957, JFK was leading the pack of Democratic presidential contenders. A Gallup poll showed that a majority of Democrats favored his candidacy over Kefauver, a stark reversal from four months earlier.43 The Kennedy campaign continued to gather steam the following year. In March 1958, the senator introduced the Kennedy-Ives Bill, which targeted corruption among union leaders. Although the bill failed, Kennedy reinforced his image as a reformer. This was also another example of his political pragmatism. He supported anticommunist unions that advocated for fair wages but also distanced himself from the dishonesty that existed in parts of organized labor-a major reason for public distrust of unions. Further, Kennedy issued warnings about the alleged "missile gap" with the Soviet Union, which he said would place the United States in "a position of grave peril"-a charge he would often make during the 1960 presidential race. Look, Life, the Saturday Evening Post, Redbook, Parade, and other popular magazines ran favorable stories about the senator and his attractive family. In November, Massachusetts voters sent their favorite son back to the Senate with 1,362,926 votes. Kennedy's relatively unknown Republican opponent, Vincent Celeste, garnered 488,318 votes. It was "the largest [popular-vote] margin ever" achieved by a Bay State candidate.44 Not everyone backed Jack, though. Eleanor Roosevelt continued to criticize Kennedy for ducking the McCarthy issue, and in May she told a reporter that she doubted whether a President Kennedy would be able to make decisions without the Vatican's approval. In today's pluralistic society, it is hard to fathom Roosevelt's comments or understand why Kennedy's faith mattered so much to many Americans. But at the time, both conservative and liberal Protestants believed that Catholics took their marching orders from Rome, a situation they saw as antithetical to republican self-government.45 Mrs. Roosevelt's comments reflected a deep strain of anti-Catholicism in American life that had been present since the nineteenth century, when large numbers of Catholic immigrants first began arriving in largely Protestant eastern cities. In addition, many Democrats were still haunted by the ghost of 1928, when the Catholic New Yorker Al Smith lost the White House in a landslide to Herbert Hoover, a conservative Quaker from the Midwest.

Of course the Catholic issue wasn't Kennedy's only hurdle. James Reston, the influential New York Times columnist, raised reasonable questions about his youth and inexperience, while Washington Star columnist William White attributed Kennedy's political successes to his father's deep pockets. Kennedy fought back against these attacks with humor. At the 1958 Gridiron Dinner, which annually brings together top journalists and politicians for good-natured roasting, he addressed the rumor that his father was trying to buy the election: "I have just received the following wire from my generous daddy: 'Dear Jack: Don't buy a single vote more than is necessary-I'll be damned if I'm going to pay for a landslide.' "c He went on to poke fun at his Democratic rivals: "I dreamed about 1960 the other night, and I told Stuart Symington and Lyndon Johnson about it in the cloakroom yesterday. I told them how the Lord came into my bedroom, anointed my head, and said: 'John Kennedy, I hereby anoint you President of the United States.' Stu Symington said: 'That's strange, Jack, because I, too, had a similar dream last night, in which the Lord anointed me and declared me, Stuart Symington, President of the United States and outer space.' And Lyndon Johnson said: 'That's very interesting, gentlemen: because I, too, had a similar dream last night-and I don't remember anointing either one of you!' "46 The speech was a hit, the result of careful preparation. According to Ted Sorensen, none of Kennedy's Senate speeches "worried him longer or more deeply." The senator enlisted the help of a number of "experts," including Clark Clifford, whom Kennedy referred to as "Washington's best wisecrack artist."47 In January 1959, Stephen Smith, Kennedy's brother-in-law, quietly opened the "first presidential headquarters of the Kennedy campaign" in Washington. Three months later, JFK met with his team in Palm Beach to discuss critical details. Which primaries should they enter? Who were the key decision makers in the various state delegations? Where and when should the candidate speak? Knowing that he had his work cut out for him, Kennedy stayed on the road and out of the Senate for much of the year giving "speeches, speeches, and more speeches." "In October and November, he spent four days in Indiana, one day each in West Virginia, New York, and Nebraska, two days in Louisiana, made a stopover in Milwaukee on the way to Oregon, flew back to New York, followed by three- and four-day stays in Illinois, California, and Oregon, and briefer visits to Oklahoma, Delaware, Kansas, and Colorado. He addressed audiences of every size on street corners, at airports, on fairgrounds, and in theaters, armories, high schools, state capitols, restaurants, gambling casinos, hotels, and pool, union, lodge, and convention halls. The groups he addressed were as varied as the venues-farmers, labor unions, chambers of commerce, bar associations, ethnic societies, state legislatures, college and university students and faculties, and civic organizations."

As candidates always do, Kennedy made sure that he ingratiated himself with each Democratic voting bloc. He told the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, popular with farmers, that "REA rates must remain low-more generating capacity must be developed" and "the vast resources of nuclear energy must be tapped." In Indianapolis, he told a racially diverse audience that there were "few educational drives more important or of more vital significance than that of the United Negro College Fund." At the National Civil Liberties Clearing House Annual Conference, he recited the preamble to the Declaration of Independence. In August he told a roomful of AFL-CIO members to watch out for the "Republican-Southern Democratic coalition in the House of Representatives." "I come to you today as a friend of labor," he gushed. "I have never concealed or apologized for my friendship with labor, and I do not intend to start now."48 Kennedy also tried to stay out in front of the Catholic issue. In an interview with Look magazine, he expressed his opposition to U.S. diplomatic relations with the Vatican, thereby distancing himself from his father, who was a quiet supporter of such an official attachment. JFK also spoke out against federal aid for religious schools, which was a high priority for the Catholic community.49 At the end of the year, Kennedy overcame a short-lived controversy when a special presidential report showed the strength of U.S. foreign aid programs being undermined by a global population explosion. The report recommended help for those countries that wanted assistance in dealing with "the serious challenge posed by rapidly expanding populations." Catholic bishops immediately condemned the report's recommendations, since the bishops viewed birth control as immoral. When asked to weigh in on the issue, Kennedy said that he personally opposed U.S. support for overseas birth control programs, but also that "this was a question for other countries to decide for themselves." He added that if he won the White House, "he would decide any issue that came before him on this question on the ground of what was best for the interests of the United States." It was an effective tap dance that bought him time until the controversy died down.50 On January 2, 1960, Kennedy made his candidacy official. Speaking from the Senate Caucus Room, he told the press that he was seeking "the most powerful office in the Free World." "Through its leadership can come a more vital life for our people," he said.