The Tanners were regulated by a new composition in 1639, the Smiths in 1661, the Barbers in 1662. The records of the Mercers contain entries of "cessments for renewing the Composition" in several years--1639, 1640, 1644, 1646 etc.

[Sidenote: _Many new Gilds formed._]

In many places of recent growth, or where the old Gilds had been destroyed without there having been any construction of fresh machinery to take their place, deliberate grants were made of new trade companies. The Merchant Adventurers of Exeter were incorporated by Elizabeth expressly for the purpose of supervising trade and "on account of the inconveniences arising from the excessive number of artificers and unskilled persons occupying the art or mystery of merchandising[135]." The charter which was granted "hominibus mistere Marceriorum" at York in 1581 allowed them to form themselves into a company under officers chosen with the consent of the munic.i.p.al authorities: the evils which necessitated the forming of the company being expressly stated to be such as had ensued from a lack of due regulation of trade[136]. At Axbridge every householder, whether engaged in trade or not, was ordered, in 1614, to enrol himself in one of the three companies of the town[137].

[Sidenote: _Intimate connection with civic authorities._]

In all these charters care was taken that the new corporations should be in due subordination to the town authorities[138]. In some places the Mayor or other officer of the town was _ex officio_ head of the Gild.

Sometimes it was granted to the "Mayor, bailiffs and commonalty and their successors for ever, that they shall and may from time to time ordain, create, and establish, a society, gild, or fraternity, of one master and wardens of every art, mystery and occupation used or occupied, or hereafter to be used or occupied, within the said city and the suburbs thereof; and that they with the a.s.sistance of the wardens of the said arts and mysteries may make, const.i.tute, ordain and establish laws, const.i.tutions and ordinances for the public utility and profit and for the better rule and regiment of our city of Winchester and of the mysteries of the citizens and inhabitants of the same[139]." Such power of supervision was generally allowed to the munic.i.p.al authorities. The head of the Gild frequently took his oath of office before the Mayor. The Common Council of the town had power to make such ordinances as it might think fit for the good estate, order and rule of the Gildsmen. In certain cases too the Mayor had power "to call and admitt unto the same Free Guild and Burgeshipp of the said Town such and soe many able and discreete persons as ... shall seeme fitt" and also "uppon any iust and lawful grounds and causes to disffranchise them[140]." Under these conditions the public authorities of the town would be ready to support the companies. In some cases they were expressly ordered to do so. At Shrewsbury we shall find the town Bailiffs a.s.sisting the companies in the efforts of the latter to prevent the encroachments of foreigners.

What all this change and reform amounted to was this. The system of Gilds was re-organised and strengthened. Part of the functions which the Craft Gilds had performed were taken over by the state. Part were left to be still performed by the companies. The companies were in all cases brought into the closest possible connection with the town and the town authorities.

As regards the designation of these 16th century trade a.s.sociations it appears that they were generally termed societies or companies in public doc.u.ments, probably because the name "Gild" might seem to savour somewhat of the Chantries and ma.s.s-priests. But in their own books and lists they still called themselves Gilds and fraternities.

[Sidenote: _The new companies show permanence of Gild-feeling._]

Though they differed essentially from these, as has been already pointed out, yet, viewed superficially, they might seem to have retained many of the features of the old Gilds. In practice they bore no small share of the burden of public charities. They were also not unmindful of the wants of their members, though of course these now consisted of masters only.

Elizabeth's charter to the Merchant Adventurers of Bristol ordered them to distribute yearly among twenty poor men twenty "vestes panneas" and to a.s.sist all of the company who were impoverished by mischance or otherwise.

In their ordinances and compositions they were even more similar in appearance to the old Gilds. The composition which Elizabeth granted to the Glovers of Shrewsbury in 1564 is as strict as any mediaeval regulation.

It restricted all masters to a maximum of three apprentices. It confined each brother to a single shop, and to the selling of the products of his own work only. It authorised the Wardens to seize corrupt or insufficient wares, and was altogether a most thorough piece of industrial regulation, entirely modelled on the lines of the old Gild arrangements.

Other indications of the same spirit were not lacking. In 1621 "by and with the allowance and agreement of the right worthie" the town authorities, skins and fells were ordered to be purchased only between sunrise and sunset. As though the Wardens of the Barbers' company had not been sufficiently thorough in executing their duties the new composition which the company received from Charles II. in 1662 made provision for the appointment of a searcher and defined the duties appertaining to the office. The composition granted to the Smiths in 1621 forbade the keeping of two shops by a single tradesman in the town, and disallowed the employment of foreigners for a longer period than a week without express permission obtained from the Wardens. The composition of the Tailors, granted in 1627, forbade the wearing of "any lyvere of any Earle Lorde Barronett Knight Esquire or Gentleman" while occupying any Gild office; prohibited unfair compet.i.tion and the employment of foreigners; and ordered that "noe pettie Chapman or other p'son or p'sons shall buy any Skynnes of furre" within the town. In the composition of 1686 the articles are repeated against indiscriminate admittance of foreigners, and against the piratical infringement of unfree persons on the province of the brethren.

The "Regulated Companies" which arose about the same time were a further development of the same movement, but on a larger scale. In many respects indeed the Craft Gilds of the 14th and 15th centuries were but little different from the Regulated Companies of the 17th. Admission was practically free on payment of a fine, the individual so received into membership being left to prosecute his trade in his own way, by his own means, and to his own particular profit.

[Sidenote: _Though altered conditions of trade make their work difficult._]

But the difficulties attendant on attempts to regulate expanding trade were daily growing greater and more numerous. "The false making and short lengths of all sortes of cloths and stuffes" necessitated the appointment by the Mercers of two men "to oversee and look after" these things in 1638. The Barbers too in 1662 empowered the stewards to search for bad materials. In 1639 the Glovers' company was brought to something like a crisis "by the taking of many apprentices." It was thought necessary to dock each brother of one of the apprentices allowed by the Elizabethan composition of 1564[141].

The frequency with which it was necessary to renew the compositions, the reiteration of the same articles,--against employing foreigners, against unfair compet.i.tion, against neglect of the legal period of apprenticeship,--again shows the futility of such restrictions. Actions against intruders even thus early figure frequently on the records. In those of the Tailors and Skinners the decision of the company under date of August 23, 1627, is recorded thus:--"The Wardens and Sitters met and agreed that the Wardens should fetch process for Intruders and implead them before the Council in the Marches, and Mr Chelmicke to draw the bill against them."

The history of the Welsh woollen trade in its connection with Shrewsbury well exhibits the economic policy of the day, and as it therefore ill.u.s.trates several of the points with which we have been concerned it may be given here at some length.

[Sidenote: _The features of the period seen in history of Welsh woollen trade of Shrewsbury._]

[Sidenote: _Flourishing in reign of Elizabeth,_]

In the earlier part of the 16th century Oswestry appears to have been the princ.i.p.al market for the Welsh products. At Shrewsbury however there was also a large woollen trade, as we learn from the Act 8 Elizabeth, cap. 7, ent.i.tled, "An Act touching the Drapers, Cottoners, and Frizers of Shrewsbury." This statute recited that there had been time out of mind a Gild of the art and mystery of Drapers legally incorporated in Shrewsbury, which had usually set on work above six hundred persons of the art or science of Shearmen or Frizers. Of late however it had come to pa.s.s that divers persons, not being members of the said company, neither brought up in the use of the said trade, had "with great disorder, upon a mere covetous desire and mind, intromitted with and occupied the said trade of buying Welsh cloth or lining, having no knowledge, experience or skill in the same." The result is a.s.serted to be that the men of the company are impoverished and like to be brought to ruin unless speedy remedy be provided. It is therefore forbidden that anyone inhabiting Shrewsbury shall "occupy the trade" of buying Welsh woollens, unless he be free of the company of the Drapers[142].

[Sidenote: _but injured by over-regulation caused by selfish interests._]

Such a stringent regulation of trade met with directly contrary results to those which had been expected. A statute six years later acknowledges the failure of the measure, although it attempts to shift the blame from the shoulders of the Government by representing the measure as one taken at the request of the Drapers, instead of as a piece of state-craft[143].

The statute of 14 Elizabeth, cap. 12, almost entirely repeals 8 Elizabeth, cap. 7, "at the humble suit of the inhabitants of the said town and also of the said artificers, for whose benefit the said Act was supposed to be provided[144].... For experience hath plainly taught in the said town that the said Act hath not only not brought the good effect that then was hoped and surmised, but also hath been and now is like to be the very greatest cause of the impoverishing and undoing of the poor Artificers and others at whose suit the said Act was procured, for that there be now, sithence the making of the said Act, much fewer persons to set them awork than afore."

The whole incident is extremely interesting. It affords an excellent ill.u.s.tration of the way in which the Gilds were in some places made state agents for carrying into effect 5 Elizabeth, cap. 14. It also shows plainly that state intervention was beginning to be found harmful even by the men of that day. It evidences, moreover, how large the Welsh trade of Shrewsbury had already grown.

Oswestry however continued to be the chief emporium, and the Drapers of Shrewsbury repaired thither every Monday for a long period after the date of the statutes we have been considering.

[Sidenote: _The Drapers' Company represents the interests of Shrewsbury_]

The company of the Drapers was the most considerable and influential of the trade a.s.sociations of Shrewsbury. It numbered among its brethren the great majority of the chief burgesses of the town. Its relations with the munic.i.p.al corporation were, as would be expected, very intimate. It was the custom of the Drapers to attend divine worship in the church of St Alkmund before setting out for the Oswestry market. In 1614 an order was made for the payment of six and eightpence to the clerk of the church for ringing the morning bell to prayers on Monday mornings at six o'clock, not by the company as we should expect, but by the corporation[145].

[Sidenote: _in opposition to Oswestry, Chester,_]

There arose considerable compet.i.tion for the lucrative market which the expansion of Welsh industry was every day rendering more profitable. The inhabitants of Chester made a vigorous attempt to obtain the erection in their city of "a staple for the cottons and friezes of North Wales."

Shrewsbury was however enabled to prevent the completion of the scheme[146].

[Sidenote: _London; especially the last._]

The attempt of London to obtain a share in the trade seemed fraught with so much danger that the two rivals, Shrewsbury and Oswestry, made common cause against the intruder. The complaint was a general one that the merchants of London and their factors forestalled and engrossed productions before they came to market. These obnoxious practices seem to have been carried to a particularly distasteful length on the borders of Wales. The transactions of a London dealer named Thomas Davies in 1619 appear to have brought matters to a crisis.

There had been complaints about the same man, with others, previously. He had, by craft, obtained admission to the freedom of Oswestry, by which means he could the better purchase the Welsh cloths. These he then carried to London where he sold them "privately"[147]--that is, not in the proper and public market. The Drapers of the two towns pet.i.tioned that the matter might be settled before the Council[148]. Being foiled in his attempt to plead his freedom of Oswestry[148] Davies appealed to the Lord Mayor and Corporation of the Metropolis to support his claims to trade throughout England in right of his citizenship of London[149]. The order of the Council depriving the Londoners of what they called their "ancient privilege" evoked strenuous opposition in the Metropolis, and pet.i.tions numerously signed[150] were sent in a.s.serting that the Drapers of Shrewsbury and Oswestry had obtained the order by misrepresentation[151].

It does not appear that these pet.i.tions were successful, as Thomas Davies in his examination before the Council a little later, expressed his willingness to resign his London freedom and to confine his dealings to Oswestry. The fear of creating a precedent which would be largely followed, and with probable detriment to the trade of Shrewsbury and Oswestry, restrained the Council from allowing him to do this[152].

Not that the trade of Shrewsbury, at any rate, was likely to decrease through any apathy on the part of its company of Drapers. They were on the contrary singularly active at this time. And there was every need for them to be vigilant. For, with the object of stimulating the industry of the Princ.i.p.ality by allowing a more extensive market, and probably also as a result of the recent proceedings between the Drapers of Shrewsbury and Oswestry and the citizens of London, a Proclamation was issued allowing free trade in Welsh cloths. The novelty pleased neither the Welshmen[153]

nor the merchants of the borders. To the latter the chief consequence seemed to be that the French company, which had the monopoly of exporting such goods to France, was enabled to purchase direct from the manufacturers in Wales instead of through the Drapers. The case was undoubtedly a hard one for the latter, who could not export. Consequently their grievance was a real one, and, as they showed in their pet.i.tion to the Council, ruin stared them in the face unless they too might be allowed to export and so dispose of the large stock which was thrown on their hands[154].

But at the same time they were successfully endeavouring to draw the Welsh trade from Oswestry entirely to Shrewsbury[155].

They had prepared for the attempt by obtaining a new charter from Elizabeth's successor in 1605. That they had lost no time in putting their privileges to practical use is seen from their answer, four years later, to a mandate issued to them by Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, who held the overlordship of Oswestry, to desist from their efforts to undermine the trade of his town. Their answer is ent.i.tled "The Copy of a Letter sent by the Company to the Earle of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlen of his Majesties Househoulde, the 24 June 1609," and begins

"Right Honerabell,

"Your letter bearing date the second of this June by the hands of Mr Kinaston wee have receaved: wherein ytt appeareth yo{r} Lordship was informed that wee the Societie of Drapers wentt abowte by underarte and menesses to withdrawe your markett of Walshe Clothe from your towne of Oswester."

[Sidenote: _All compet.i.tors worsted._]

Though they proceed to exculpate themselves from the charge, it is evident their intention was to pursue in the future the same policy which they had hitherto practised. In 1618 Suffolk fell and Oswestry was deprived of his support, so that in 1621 the Shrewsbury Drapers felt justified in resolving "That they will not buy Cloth at Oswestry or elsewhere than Salop," in spite of the opposition of the clothiers of North Wales[156], who, whether from convenience or old a.s.sociation, appeared to prefer Oswestry as the locale of their market. However the Drapers' company, a.s.sisted by the town[157], was sufficiently powerful to turn the Proclamation allowing free trade in Welsh cloths to their own good, and the market was drawn to Shrewsbury in spite of orders by the Council that it should be re-established at Oswestry. The company did not hesitate to declare to the Council itself that they were prepared, if necessary, to disregard its orders. By 1633 the market at Oswestry had practically died out. It was held at Shrewsbury on Wednesdays, and afterwards on Fridays.

In 1649 the date was altered to Thursday.

[Sidenote: _Expansion of trade, and interlopers, destroy Shrewsbury's monopoly._]

To the Market House flocked the Welsh farmers, their bales of cloth being borne to the town on the backs of hardy ponies. The merchandise was exposed for sale in the large room upstairs. The Drapers a.s.sembled beneath, and proceeded to make their purchases in order of seniority, according to ancient usage. The custom which the Welshmen brought to the town easily accounts for the keenness of the compet.i.tion to secure the market. For a long time the trade flourished. Gradually however the action of "foreigners" in buying from the Welsh manufacturers at their homes[158]

broke down the monopoly which Shrewsbury had so long enjoyed. At the end of the 18th century the sales had shrunk to miserable proportions. In 1803 the room over the market was relinquished by the Drapers, and though a certain amount of Welsh trade was still carried on, it withdrew gradually from the town until it finally left Shrewsbury altogether. The Drapers might have realised that the time for restricting trade to the freemen of their company was past.

CHAPTER VI.

THE DEGENERACY OF THE COMPANIES.

[Sidenote: _Outside compet.i.tion_]

The compet.i.tion of "interlopers" ruined the Welsh trade of Shrewsbury. It was not, as we have seen, from any lack of vigilance on the part of the companies. Stimulated by their new compositions they became extremely active. As early as 1622 the actions against "foreigners" begin. Soon afterwards they become of frequent occurrence until at length the books of the companies are almost mere records of a daily struggle for existence.