PRESIDENT KAEMPF: If you don't obey my orders I will be forced not to let you talk any further to the question.

MEMBER DR. LIEBKNECHT: It is also made impossible for me to look into the dark chamber of our German war policies and military dictatorship.

PRESIDENT KAEMPF: I can't give you the floor for this question any longer.

LIEBKNECHT'S COMMENTS ON THE IMPERIAL CHANCELLOR'S SPEECH

Reichstag Meeting, April 5, 1916

On April 5, 1916, Karl Liebknecht made some sharp comments on certain pa.s.sages of the Imperial Chancellor's speech. a.s.serting that Germany's aims were peaceful, the Chancellor said that Germany wanted the "strength of quiet development" before the war. "We could have had all we wanted by peaceful labor. Our enemies chose war." Liebknecht retorted: "Lies, it was you who chose war." (Uproar followed, with cries of "Scoundrel!" "Blackguard!" "Out with him!" The President at once called Liebknecht to order.)

Later Bethman-Hollweg made reference to the necessity of guarantees against Belgium becoming again a va.s.sal of France and England. "Here also Germany cannot give over to Latinization the long-oppressed Flemish race." Liebknecht interjected, "Hypocrisy!" "We desire to have neighbors who will not again unite against us in order to throttle us, but with whom we can work to our mutual advantage," said the Chancellor.

"Whereupon you suddenly fall upon them and strangle them--the invasion of Belgium," said Liebknecht coolly. This sally caused another uproar, Liebknecht shouting out "Invasion" whenever he got the chance.

Towards the close of his speech the Imperial Chancellor declared that the peace which ends this war must be a lasting peace. It must not contain in it the seeds of new wars, but the seeds of a final peaceful regulation of European affairs. "_Begin by making the German people free!_" shouted Liebknecht. "Germany is only fighting in self-defense,"

remarked the Chancellor. "Can any one believe that Germany is thirsting for territory?" "Yes, certainly," roared Liebknecht as loudly as possible. Thereupon the uproar redoubled. The President had to call the Reichstag to order to prevent personal violence to Liebknecht.

REICHSTAG MEETING, APRIL 7, 1916

VICE-PRESIDENT PAASCHE in the chair.

On April 7, 1916, Liebknecht declared--in the Reichstag during the discussion of the military estimates--that he had doc.u.ments showing an agreement between Herr Zimmerman, the Under Foreign Secretary, and Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt, by which British prisoners were to be drilled to fight against England. After some further remarks about Mohammedan prisoners of war being pressed into service for Germany, Liebknecht was prevented from speaking amid shouts of "Traitor!" from all parts of the Chamber.

Liebknecht was able to speak later about the resignation of Von Tirpitz, but was prevented from discussing the submarine campaign. Here is what he said about the resignation of Von Tirpitz:

"After the War had begun with the cry 'Against Czarism' the aim was soon shifted westward." (Vice-President Paasche: "To say that the war began with one or the other object is to insult the Government. I call you to order and ask you not to dwell at any length on our war policy.")

DR. LIEBKNECHT: "After the war aims had been shifted westward--(the Vice-President: "I repeat my request"). I must touch on this question if I am to discuss the opposing currents in the Government which brought about the change in the Admiralty. The manner in which the conflict was taken up in the Prussian Diet, the way in which the sharpening of the war against England was demanded in the Reichstag on account of the Baralong affair, and the scenes in the Prussian Diet before the change of office, throw an interesting light on the differences within the Government and in capitalist circles. A memorandum was to be published on the subject of armed British merchantmen. It was kept back for some length of time. In this one saw an acknowledgment by the Government of the demand for a sharper submarine warfare. The attack in the Prussian Diet was made premeditatedly, in order to show the strong opposition to certain members of the Government (the Vice-President interrupted the speaker) on pressure from the Prussian Diet. (The Vice-President again requested the speaker to keep to the point.) You must not suppress a most important political question." (General commotion. The Vice-President again requested the speaker to keep to the point.)

"I did keep to the point. I shall now discuss the memorandum on the question of armed merchantmen, for which the Admiralty is responsible.

It is so composed that those who do not read it carefully with all the supplements must be misled. The memorandum attempts to prove that British merchantmen are armed in order to attack German submarines. (The Vice-President again forbade a discussion of the submarine question, and called Dr. Liebknecht to order.) With such a ruling I am unable--(The Vice-President: "I ask the member not to criticise me.") So I am obliged to say nothing on what politically is most material!"

A few days after this scene in the Reichstag Herr Daumig, the editor of the Socialist organ _Vorwarts_, sent a Hungarian journalist with a letter of introduction to Dr. Liebknecht for an interview. The censor condensed the interview, and it only reached Budapest by messenger. The following extracts are from the suppressed portion printed in a Budapest (paper) pamphlet:

Dr. Liebknecht was greatly surprised at the visit, as he had been "quite neglected by reporters nowadays because what I say is generally considered 'dead copy' by the censor."

The correspondent explains that it is a mistake to suppose that Herr Liebknecht is as unpopular in Germany as he appears to be inside the Reichstag. He showed him correspondence from parts of Germany, a pile received in two days amounting to hundreds and hundreds of letters, ninety per cent of which are of an encouraging and congratulatory character. The remaining ten per cent are scurrilous anonymous attacks, and these he puts in a separate bundle, which he compares with great pride and satisfaction with the heap of more flattering epistles.

He is overjoyed at the idea that he is, after all, not alone, as he appears to be, and that although he is persecuted by his fellow-members of the Reichstag, he is recompensed by the hearty congratulations of the people. What he wanted to say in the Reichstag when he was muzzled and expelled was said by two members, and he is quite satisfied on that point.

"Herr Davidson," said Liebknecht, "referred to the two cases I wanted to mention, and he drew just as vivid a picture of the spirit prevailing in the army and of the illegal persecutions as I should have done if I had been allowed.

"I wanted to call attention to the case of Dr. Nicolai, the world-famous professor at the University of Berlin, who attended the Empress before the war, and who was persecuted some time ago by the military authorities for what were termed indiscreet utterances. He was appointed to the directorship of two military hospitals at the beginning of the war at Graudentz, but some one reported him to the military authorities and he was discharged. On March 1st he was again sent away from Berlin, this time to Danzig, and was ordered to be sworn in as a soldier. He refused to obey, and as a consequence the world-famous professor was degraded to the status of a private. Orders were given that he was not to be allowed to provide his own food, and he was ordered to submit all his scientific literary work to the military authorities for approval.

"The same thing happened to another scientist, who wrote in a letter: 'I am sorry for and disapprove of the cruelties committed in Belgium, and, as a good Christian, I regret and disapprove of the terrors of this war.'

"I know for a fact that the higher command uses German soldiers to spy on other German soldiers, a system which brands soldiers and commanders alike."

LIEBKNECHT'S REMARKS ON THE GERMAN WAR LOAN

(_Reichstag Meeting, April 8, 1916_)

DR. LIEBKNECHT: "Gentlemen, the princ.i.p.al work of the Secretary of the Treasury, whose salary we are asked to vote for, was his activity for the war loan during the last year. I intend to examine critically those activities (great merriment). The new loan has brought 1,400,000,000 marks less than the preceding one, but still a grand total of 10,000,000,000 marks. We should investigate carefully from what funds the money invested in the war loan comes. Does this money invested in the war loan come from private or public funds." (Cries of protest from all sides of the House. Many Deputies rise from their seats in excitement. Continued cries: "This is the limit! Shall we allow him to go so far?" Cries of "Treason." "The fellow belongs in an insane asylum.")

Dr. K. Liebknecht clenches his fists and shouts a few words which cannot be understood. Great uproar again. Shouts of "Finish! Finish!" A few members of the Reichstag call out loudly: "Mr. President, you must preserve our rights!" "Down," from the platform! The Secretary of the Treasury tries to calm a few members of the House.

PRESIDENT DR. KAEMPF: According to the order of business the floor cannot be taken from a member of the House until he is called to order three times.

MEMBER DR. MuLLER MEININGEN (Progressive Party): "Then he will betray us three times." (Stormy applause in the House in which the galleries join.)

DR. K. LIEBKNECHT: In regard to our loans, it has been said that our system of inbreeding--that the practice of obtaining loans on a former loan in order to invest the capital thus obtained in another new war loan is a sort of "_perpetuum mobile_." In a certain sense the loans may be compared to a merry-go-round. To a large extent it means simply the centralization of public wealth in the Treasury. (Great uproar and cries of "Finish" and "Treason.") I have the right to criticise. The truth must be spoken and you shall not hinder me. (Great uproar. Member Hubrich goes to Dr. Liebknecht and s.n.a.t.c.hes Liebknecht's notes from his hands, and throws them on the floor. Stormy applause in the House in which the galleries join. Liebknecht raises his clenched fists and shouts. He then addresses himself to the President in an agitated tone.

He is twice called to order by the President. Around the speakers'

tribune are small and excited groups gesticulating. Member Dr. Muller Meiningen goes to the tribune and in a violent tone hurls indignant reproaches at Liebknecht. The minority Social-Democrats of the Reichstag--Henke, Dittmann and Zubeil--rush to the tribune and put themselves in front of Liebknecht, other members of the House try to calm down the excited ones. The majority Social-Democrat Keil shouts: "Put the fellow out and then all will be finished." The whole House is in great excitement and uproar, notwithstanding the continual clang of the presidential bell. Finally the President is able to restore order, and declares that the chair finds that there is no quorum. The meeting is adjourned.)

LIEBKNECHT'S MAY DAY MANIFESTO

This May Day Manifesto called the people of Berlin to the May Day Demonstration of 1916. He was sentenced to jail for expressions in this May Day Speech.

"Poverty and misery, need and starvation, are ruling in Germany, Belgium, Poland and Servia, whose blood the vampire of imperialism is sucking and which resemble vast cemeteries. The entire world, the much-praised European civilization, is falling into ruins through the anarchy which has been let loose by the world war.

"Those who profit from the war want war with the United States.

To-morrow, perhaps, they may order us to aim lethal weapons against new groups of brethren, against our fellow-workers in the United States, and fight America, too. Consider well this fact: As long as the German people does not arise and use force directed by its own will, the a.s.sa.s.sination of the people will continue. Let thousands of voices shout 'Down with the shameless extermination of nations! Down with those responsible for these crimes!' Our enemy is not the English, French, nor Russian people, but the great German landed proprietors, the German capitalists and their executive committee.

"Forward, let us fight the government; let us fight these mortal enemies of all freedom. Let us fight for everything which means the future triumph of the working-cla.s.ses, the future of humanity and civilization.

"Workers, comrades, and you, women of the people, let not this festival of May, the second during the war, pa.s.s without protest against the Imperialist Slaughter. On the first of May let millions of voices cry, 'Down with the shameful crime of the extermination of peoples!' 'Down with those responsible for the War!'"

LIEBKNECHT'S MAY DAY, 1916, SPEECH