Bacon's private life soon changed. Within a year of his son's death, a woman named Mary Bushby was pregnant with Bacon's child. At the age of fifty-three he had begun a new family. He and Elizabeth Bacon remained married, and he provided for her. He and Mary Bushby later had other children. The first child was a boy, named Anthony.

Samuel Gist moved quickly to break out and discharge the cargo of the Nancy Nancy after she was moored in the Thames in mid-January 1770. As usual, he thought the tobacco inferior, but he was in a hurry. He wished her to sail for the James early in February, while other merchants held their cargoes until Parliament repealed colonial taxes. Tradesmen delivering merchandise for his cargo delayed him more than a week, but he beat the rush. Gist did not give every vessel he loaded so brief a ride in the Thames. Even so, he spent much time in the years before and after this voyage of the after she was moored in the Thames in mid-January 1770. As usual, he thought the tobacco inferior, but he was in a hurry. He wished her to sail for the James early in February, while other merchants held their cargoes until Parliament repealed colonial taxes. Tradesmen delivering merchandise for his cargo delayed him more than a week, but he beat the rush. Gist did not give every vessel he loaded so brief a ride in the Thames. Even so, he spent much time in the years before and after this voyage of the Nancy Nancy sending goods to Virginia. He often said that he had better uses for his money than shipping merchandise to Virginians on credit. Yet he invested large sums in that trade. sending goods to Virginia. He often said that he had better uses for his money than shipping merchandise to Virginians on credit. Yet he invested large sums in that trade.

Gist set up his younger stepson, John Smith, in the brick store in Hanover. Smith lived in the house his father had built, which now belonged to Gist, and worked for Gist as a retailer on commission. Gist preferred quick returns in commodities and cash, not higher profits based upon extending long credit. Within a year he had shipped 3,000 in goods to Smith. Six months later he put the sum at 5,000. He urged in July 1767: "be as expeditious as Possible to push all you can home." Smith tried to reach a similar arrangement with John Norton, who declined but later shipped merchandise on credit. Smith lacked his stepfather's apt.i.tude for business. He bought tobacco at high prices and, much to Gist's annoyance, paid in cash. Gist concluded that the young man needed help. David Anderson, Captain William Anderson's father, would have done well, Gist thought, but he was out of the question after the elopement. Smith did not get enough help in good time.

Gist's older stepson, Joseph Smith, believed that Gist had cheated him out of his patrimony. He tried to keep as many as possible of the slaves formerly his father's, slaves whom Gist claimed to own. Gist sent a warning: "he will find it difficult to get shut of the sc.r.a.pe he will bring himself into." Joseph Smith was married to the widow of Thomas Read Rootes. The Rootes family also thought that Gist had engrossed his stepsons' property. Gist said: "I am determined to defend my t.i.tle." Yet he offered Smith credit in an amount equal to half the value of the disputed slaves, in return for Smith's conceding that they belonged to Gist. Smith's lawyer, Patrick Henry, thought this proposed compromise "a little singular" and warned his client not to accept.

Gist's ship Elizabeth Elizabeth, with a cargo of "Sundry European Goods," dropped anchor in the York on May 16, 1768. She returned to London late that summer. In February 1769, Gist sent her on a winter voyage to Virginia, under the command of Captain Howard Esten. She still rode in the York early in September, as a hurricane swept up from Cape Hatteras over Albemarle Sound and across the Dismal Swamp, then hit Chesapeake Bay in the middle of the night. Violent winds blew for fourteen hours. Heavy rain came down for half that time. Uprooted trees fell over one another. Corn crops were flattened. Gristmills washed away in flash floods. Drying sheds for tobacco collapsed and flew apart. Many old houses were blown down. Every standing house sprang leaks.

The hurricane's winds damaged almost every vessel in the rivers and the bay. In the Elizabeth River at Norfolk, in Hampton Roads, and in the York, all small craft stranded. All the larger vessels at Norfolk ran aground; many were dismasted. The Fitzhugh Fitzhugh, out of Baltimore, stranded near the capes, her hold full of barrel staves, tobacco hogsheads, and salt water. In the York only the ship Experiment Experiment rode out the storm, after Captain William Hamlin ordered her foremast and mizzenmast cut away. The ship rode out the storm, after Captain William Hamlin ordered her foremast and mizzenmast cut away. The ship Betsy Betsy stranded and soon had 11 feet of water in her hold. A light sloop ran on Gloucester Point, stove to pieces. Gist's stranded and soon had 11 feet of water in her hold. A light sloop ran on Gloucester Point, stove to pieces. Gist's Elizabeth Elizabeth stranded with the others. It was the worst hurricane in living memory. Reading the first brief report in stranded with the others. It was the worst hurricane in living memory. Reading the first brief report in Lloyd's List Lloyd's List in November, Gist could learn nothing about the in November, Gist could learn nothing about the Elizabeth Elizabeth. He also took an interest in the fate of the Fitzhugh Fitzhugh, on which he was an underwriter.

The Elizabeth Elizabeth was soon afloat, having suffered little damage. With her help a stranded brigantine was returned to the water. Less fortunate vessels were declared a total loss. Many were sold for small sums. The owners of the was soon afloat, having suffered little damage. With her help a stranded brigantine was returned to the water. Less fortunate vessels were declared a total loss. Many were sold for small sums. The owners of the Fitzhugh Fitzhugh, Samuel Galloway and Stephen Steward, seeing her stranded on the sand, waves breaking over her hull, thought she looked as bad as any of the condemned vessels. Yet they did not wish to lose her, stained though she was with the dregs of sodden tobacco. To get her afloat at high tide, they threw hogsheads overboard. She righted herself. Her leaky seams stuffed with tobacco and her two pumps working constantly, she sailed back up Chesapeake Bay to her home port.

To his stepson in the Hanover store, Samuel Gist wrote as if he were sacrificing his own interests by shipping merchandise. Nevertheless, in 1770 his Virginia trade expanded. After the Elizabeth Elizabeth returned to London, he sent her back with a cargo arriving before news of Parliament's action on taxes. The returned to London, he sent her back with a cargo arriving before news of Parliament's action on taxes. The Elizabeth Elizabeth sailed up the York, the sailed up the York, the Nancy Nancy sailed up the James and the Appomattox, bearing Gist's goods. The late Thomas Tabb, owner of the sailed up the James and the Appomattox, bearing Gist's goods. The late Thomas Tabb, owner of the Nancy Nancy, had joined with Theophilus Feild and other merchants in Petersburg to start companies retailing merchandise furnished by Gist. In the spring, Feild & Company sent their ship Two Sisters Two Sisters to London. Gist also supplied the new Norfolk firm, Phripp, Taylor & Company. to London. Gist also supplied the new Norfolk firm, Phripp, Taylor & Company.

Samuel Galloway and Stephen Steward submitted to their underwriters at Lloyd's a claim for insurance on 84 hogsheads of tobacco jettisoned from the Fitzhugh Fitzhugh. They thought their claim modest, since they had salvaged the vessel and part of her cargo. They made no claim for damages to the ship. There could hardly have been a clearer case of what underwriters called jettison and loss overboard. To the owners' surprise, the insurers refused to pay them 692 for lost tobacco, saying that this cargo could have been landed rather than thrown into the bay. The owners protested that the tobacco, after twelve days under salt water in the Fitzhugh Fitzhugh's hold, was worthless. But Samuel Gist, they were told, "has the a.s.surance to preposess the rest of the Underwriters with a notion that all your proceedings are base & Dishonest." Gist and his colleagues prevailed when the claim went to arbitration. Samuel Galloway bl.u.s.tered about suing in Chancery, but he could only conclude: "I have learnt a Lesson not to expect even Justice from underwriters."

Fighting policyholders and extending credit to storekeepers, Gist saw his younger colleague at Lloyd's, John Shoolbred, making money in the slave trade and taking his business to Gist's region, the Chesapeake. On June 22, 1770, the captain of a vessel out of Dominica, bound for Bristol, spoke the Providence Providence, one of Shoolbred's vessels, below the Tropic of Cancer. The Providence Providence brought slaves from Gambia. After a stay in the Windward Islands, she was bound for Chesapeake Bay. Captain Thomas Davis said that he had "162 negroes on board, all well." Early in July she dropped anchor at Port Tobacco, Maryland. Shoolbred's representatives held a series of convenient auctions to sell men, women, and children "for Sterling Cash, or good Bills of Exchange, payable in London." brought slaves from Gambia. After a stay in the Windward Islands, she was bound for Chesapeake Bay. Captain Thomas Davis said that he had "162 negroes on board, all well." Early in July she dropped anchor at Port Tobacco, Maryland. Shoolbred's representatives held a series of convenient auctions to sell men, women, and children "for Sterling Cash, or good Bills of Exchange, payable in London."

Despite low remittances, Gist in 1771 loaded the Elizabeth Elizabeth, the Nancy Nancy, and the Two Sisters Two Sisters again. After Phripp, Taylor & Company received three cargoes from him, the partners grew unhappy. Their compet.i.tors sold narrow thread lace for the same amount in Virginia currency that the partners were paying Gist in sterling as their wholesale price. On one batch they noticed that markings of the regular price in England, 1s. 3d. per yard, had not been fully erased before the price charged them, 2s. 6d., was written in. They blamed the cloth dealers. Somehow, they could never make enough money to clear themselves of debts owed to Gist. again. After Phripp, Taylor & Company received three cargoes from him, the partners grew unhappy. Their compet.i.tors sold narrow thread lace for the same amount in Virginia currency that the partners were paying Gist in sterling as their wholesale price. On one batch they noticed that markings of the regular price in England, 1s. 3d. per yard, had not been fully erased before the price charged them, 2s. 6d., was written in. They blamed the cloth dealers. Somehow, they could never make enough money to clear themselves of debts owed to Gist.

On August 17, 1771, Gist's ship Elizabeth Elizabeth sailed from the York, bound for London, laden with lumber, iron, and 482,000 pounds of tobacco. Two months later, as she entered the Channel, she stranded near Cherbourg, a total loss. sailed from the York, bound for London, laden with lumber, iron, and 482,000 pounds of tobacco. Two months later, as she entered the Channel, she stranded near Cherbourg, a total loss. La Mademoiselle La Mademoiselle out of Cherbourg saved the crew. Gist took the first opportunity, by a vessel bound for New York, to send word to planters with tobacco in the out of Cherbourg saved the crew. Gist took the first opportunity, by a vessel bound for New York, to send word to planters with tobacco in the Elizabeth: Elizabeth: all of it was safely insured at 10 per hogshead. all of it was safely insured at 10 per hogshead.

After New Year's Day 1772, Gist reviewed his books, kept by his clerk, Aiskew Birkett. They showed that he was "in Advance" for his Virginia trade by 40,000, the gap between invoices he had sent and remittances he had received. That was far too much, he said. He decided to restrict his shipments of goods, serving only those who paid punctually. His stepson owed him 1,787. Gist cut him off. John Smith had formed his own firm, Smith & Clarke. His autumn order for goods in 1772 went unfilled. Without comment, Gist sent it around the corner to John Norton, charging Norton transatlantic postage. In July 1772, Smith closed the Hanover Store and deeded away some of the land in Goochland County he had inherited from his father. In October he made his last entry in his ledger.

The partners expanded the Dismal Swamp Company's land claims. Their entry in August 1770 for all the ungranted sector of the Dismal Swamp in Norfolk County cooperated with Anthony Bacon's arrangements in London. In February 1770 he had spoken of his intent to get the North Carolina portion of the swamp for them. He did not seem to care whether James Parker and men of the Campania Company in Norfolk learned of his moves. If Bacon hoped to scare the Scots, he succeeded. Within weeks they heard of "advances" made by the Dismal Swamp Company to the estate of the late Earl Granville. The proposed purchase was huge: all ungranted acreage in the four counties of North Carolina covering the Dismal Swamp south of the dividing line. Bacon might reasonably suppose that the Granville proprietary existed to yield cash, as in the days when he had dealt with the old earl. Parker and William Aitchison wrote to their friend in London, Charles Steuart, urging him to talk, "as it were accidentally," to people who knew what the Dismal Swamp Company was doing about North Carolina. Surely, after so many legal precautions and so much effort cutting their way into the swamp, they could not be "tossed out" now.

Steuart's inquiries revealed that Bacon was dealing not with the new earl, whom the old Lord Granville "never would see," but with those who hoped to succeed to the proprietary. The earl was childless and likely to remain so. His wife had worked as "superintendent of a bagnio" but had retired upon becoming Countess Granville. The earl long had been eccentric. "He drinks hard, and has a swelld leg, and looks heated"-signs that the Dismal Swamp Company might not have to wait long. Steuart had "no doubt" that Bacon would try to obtain the North Carolina sector of the swamp; Bacon could be "a very friendly man." The Campania partners ought to empower someone in London to counteract him. Two months later, in August, George Mercer said that the Dismal Swamp Company had secured a grant of all the swamp south of the dividing line. Steuart talked to the company's London partners. Samuel Gist said that Mercer was wrong, "but Mr. Bacon said he had got a promise of it."

Parker and Macknight had done nothing in the swamp since their expedition in 1769. A local man called the "road" to Lake Drummond cut by the slaves "a species of Road such as Squirrels use." The partners had made no other marks of possession, though they hoped to profit from cutting shingles while waiting to merge with the Dismal Swamp Company. Bacon's backstairs arrangement in London threatened to leave them with nothing to show for their ingenious plan to force the Virginians to make them rich.

Some of the Virginia partners feared threats in London to their claims in the west. In October and November 1770, George Washington traveled with some companions through the upper Ohio Valley. They went down the Ohio more than 200 miles, to the mouth of the Kanawha, then up the lower reaches of that river. Washington took notes on the land and chose some tracts for himself. He already had taken an interest in improving the Potomac River. If waterborne commerce could pa.s.s the falls by a ca.n.a.l or other means, the Potomac and the Ohio could become parts of a single system. He imagined a "Channel of conveyance of the extensive & valuable Trade of a rising Empire." Visitors bathing at the Hot Springs in Augusta County during the summer of 1770 saw families daily pa.s.sing westward to live along the Ohio and its tributaries. No orders from London could stop them. Such migration foretold a rising empire and gave Washington another reason to act quickly.

Virginians knew in the early months of 1770 that Samuel Wharton of Pennsylvania, his London ally, Thomas Walpole, and a group of Pennsylvanians, with help from English partners, sought a vast tract: 20,000,000 acres of western Virginia. They envisioned a new colony, with its own government "a necessity." They contrasted their own "public Spirit" with Virginians' attempt "to monopolise on narrow and sinister Principles the Country to the Westward of the Allegheny Mountains." Wharton, Walpole, and their partners offered to pay the Crown for its grant by a.s.suming the expense incurred in the treaty of Fort Stanwix.

George Washington said that such a grant would "give a fatal blow" to Virginia's interest. The prospect was "alarming" to Dr. Walker and to the Loyal Company. After a brief attempt to fight Wharton and Walpole, George Mercer joined them. He united the claims of the Ohio Company with the pet.i.tion of Wharton and Walpole in return for a 1 1/36 share of the new scheme, to be divided among the twenty members of the Ohio Company. He took a share of the new scheme, to be divided among the twenty members of the Ohio Company. He took a 1 1/72 share for himself, hoping to win appointment as governor of the new colony. Though the Lee brothers were members of the Ohio Company, Arthur Lee, representing the Mississippi Company in London, opposed Wharton and Walpole. He wrote: "there are not a sett of greater knaves under the sun." Wharton, in moving to London, left behind large debts in Pennsylvania. His sometime partner, George Morgan, called him "faithless & dishonourable." Wharton feared arrest in London for unpaid tradesmen's bills. Only success with his new company might save him. He could not afford scruples. He thought of naming his colony Pittsylvania but changed his mind: "in Compliment to the Queen, it will be called Vandalia; as her majesty is descended from the Vandals." One of his former partners wrote in November: "The worst wish I pray may happen to this Generous gratefull, Polite Partner of ours is Abundant Success in all his honest undertakings." share for himself, hoping to win appointment as governor of the new colony. Though the Lee brothers were members of the Ohio Company, Arthur Lee, representing the Mississippi Company in London, opposed Wharton and Walpole. He wrote: "there are not a sett of greater knaves under the sun." Wharton, in moving to London, left behind large debts in Pennsylvania. His sometime partner, George Morgan, called him "faithless & dishonourable." Wharton feared arrest in London for unpaid tradesmen's bills. Only success with his new company might save him. He could not afford scruples. He thought of naming his colony Pittsylvania but changed his mind: "in Compliment to the Queen, it will be called Vandalia; as her majesty is descended from the Vandals." One of his former partners wrote in November: "The worst wish I pray may happen to this Generous gratefull, Polite Partner of ours is Abundant Success in all his honest undertakings."

Wharton mocked the Virginians. He sarcastically asked whether Washington thought the Mississippi Company's "very extraordinary pet.i.tion" for 2,500,000 acres gave a fatal blow to Virginia's interests. Washington's "patriotic sentiment" in that instance went no further than desire for free land. Though Wharton could alarm and disparage rival speculators, he could not easily get around them. The Earl of Hillsborough, secretary of state for America, did not trust land speculators and did not approve of promoters eager to buy from Indians and sell to new settlers. Hillsborough used Virginians' claims as grounds for prolonging consideration of Wharton's proposal. Uncontrolled migration westward, though Hillsborough deplored it, went on, but neither Wharton's a.s.sociates nor their rivals profited from it.

Virginia's opponents of Parliament's taxes tried to revive "the Spirit of a.s.sociation" in the summer of 1770. They drew up another list of goods and promised not to import these items of "luxury and extravagance." Lord Botetourt and the Earl of Hillsborough agreed that promptings from England began this effort. The colonists may have hoped that their signatures would help their allies in London win repeal of the tax on tea. In June and July the a.s.sociation attracted many signers. Scottish merchants and Samuel Gist's stepson, John Smith, signed. David Meade served on the committee of enforcement in Nansemond County. Yet the effort did not last out the year. Neither merchants in other colonies nor signers in Virginia sustained the cause. A meeting called for December 14 brought so few a.s.sociators to Williamsburg that those present immediately adjourned.

Lord Botetourt did not live to see the final collapse of the spirit of a.s.sociation. He contracted a fever on September 23. His condition turned sharply worse on Friday, October 12-he suffered three severe convulsions. After the third he expected to die. He faced this prospect with composure and resignation, but before dawn he said: "'tis a little unluckie, had I Stayd a little longer the people in America would have been Convinced, that I had their good at heart." These were almost his last words. Less than forty-eight hours later he died.

Members of the Council praised Botetourt, calling his administration "Golden days." They covered his casket with superfine black cloth fastened by double rows of large gilt tacks; they held services for him in Bruton Parish Church and buried his remains in the chapel of the College of William and Mary. In the sale of the estate's effects, William Nelson bought the six white horses and the post coach. The ornate state coach was retained for future governors. John Blair, president of the Council, was eighty-three years old. He slept through Botetourt's administration, waking only to eat. The Council announced after the governor's death that Blair made "a free & voluntary Resignation." William Nelson became president of the Council and acting governor. Although Lord Botetourt died "universally lamented," no one surpa.s.sed Nelson in commending him for bringing to Virginians "the compleatest Happiness We ever experienced."

Robert Munford, burgess for Mecklenburg County, a friend of Francis Farley's and William Byrd's, had stood with Patrick Henry in opposing the stamp tax and had signed the a.s.sociation of 1770. Political life in Virginia disillusioned him as much as it disappointed David Meade. Unlike Meade, Munford stayed in office. In private, however, he wrote satirical verse and plays. He began The Candidates The Candidates, his portrait of ambitious politicians and loutish freeholders, with his version of Virginians' reaction to their governor's death. A burgess named "Wou'dbe" enters with a newspaper in his hand and begins a soliloquy: "I am very sorry our good old governor Botetourt has left us. He well deserved our friendship, when alive, and that we should for years to come, with grat.i.tude, remember his mild and affable deportment. Well, our little world will soon be up, and very busy towards our next election."

IV.

THE LAST VOYAGE OF THE SLAVE SHIP HOPE HOPE.

PART 1: The Voyagers The Voyagers SHE WAS A SNOW, NOT A SHIP. She had two masts, not three, and her rigging, though baffling to anyone but a sailor, was less elaborate than rigging of ships of her burden, 150 tons. By her name in the Admiralty's register, a clerk wrote: "French made free." Such vessels had been built in France for the smuggling trade. They bore thousands of gallons of wine and brandy to British waters, where smugglers' boats came out to meet them. Some were unlucky: revenue cruisers took them, and customs officers seized them for the Crown. Thus they were "made free"; they could be purchased from the Crown and turned to new service. The Hope Hope became a slaving vessel, owned by Samuel Gist and others. She was to sail to the Gold Coast, and from there, take hundreds of slaves to Virginia. But she did not reach Chesapeake Bay. As a slave ship, she brought misfortune, loss, or death to almost everyone connected with her. This is her story. became a slaving vessel, owned by Samuel Gist and others. She was to sail to the Gold Coast, and from there, take hundreds of slaves to Virginia. But she did not reach Chesapeake Bay. As a slave ship, she brought misfortune, loss, or death to almost everyone connected with her. This is her story.

In the autumn of 1770, Gist began to write to his Virginia correspondents about his "African Scheme," a voyage to buy slaves on the Gold Coast and take them to Virginia. If all went well, he could pay 16 or 20 in Africa for a slave to be sold for 45 in Virginia. He wrote to his partners in the Dismal Swamp Company, urging them to "add largely" to the force working in the swamp. Such expansion made all the more sense in light of the company's effort to acquire more of the swamp in Norfolk County and all of it in North Carolina. Gist offered to lend the company any amount its members chose to spend on new slaves, charging 5 percent interest, the maximum allowed by law. If, as he obviously expected, his partners bought from him, he would profit from the sale and the loan. He shipped clothing, tools, and other supplies for the company's slaves on credit.

Gist mentioned his plan to Virginia storekeepers. Neither John Tabb nor Roger Atkinson wished to sell slaves-"it is a Business I was never fond of," Atkinson told him-but they and others believed that slaves would find buyers. In a letter written to a planter that fall, a friend in London congratulated him on his return to "what you call your Land of Promise" Land of Promise" to enjoy the colony's ideal life: "a comfortable Habitation, an extensive and fruitful Estate, amply stocked with what const.i.tutes the princ.i.p.al Riches of your Province, viz. a large Number of healthful robust Negroes." The 187,000 slaves in Virginia made up 40 percent of its population. Gist felt sure that planters would buy as long as they had money or credit. He envisioned an annual ship from Africa. Some slaves were imported into Virginia from the West Indies, but most new slaves came from Africa. Planters preferred those from the Gold Coast. Why should Gist not send them what they wanted by a direct route, to their mutual advantage? With proper effort by his representatives in Virginia, his vessel, like most slave ships sailing back to Britain, would return laden with tobacco. to enjoy the colony's ideal life: "a comfortable Habitation, an extensive and fruitful Estate, amply stocked with what const.i.tutes the princ.i.p.al Riches of your Province, viz. a large Number of healthful robust Negroes." The 187,000 slaves in Virginia made up 40 percent of its population. Gist felt sure that planters would buy as long as they had money or credit. He envisioned an annual ship from Africa. Some slaves were imported into Virginia from the West Indies, but most new slaves came from Africa. Planters preferred those from the Gold Coast. Why should Gist not send them what they wanted by a direct route, to their mutual advantage? With proper effort by his representatives in Virginia, his vessel, like most slave ships sailing back to Britain, would return laden with tobacco.

By paying 2, Gist became a member of the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa, joining Anthony Bacon and many underwriters and merchants he saw every day on 'Change and in Lloyd's. The law did not allow corporate ventures by the Company of Merchants, and few men in Gist's position wished to bear alone the whole expense and risk of a slaving voyage. He needed other investors and an ally who specialized in the trade to help finance and guide his African scheme. He turned to his acquaintance at Lloyd's, John Shoolbred.

A Cutter Off Sh.o.r.e, Samuel Atkins. Courtesy of the Henry E. Huntington Art Gallery. A cutter sails toward a vessel similar to the Hope Hope.

In January 1771, Shoolbred's small ship Providence Providence, which had taken slaves to Port Tobacco, Maryland, the previous year, sailed for the African coast, then took 170 slaves to Georgia. At the age of thirty-one, Shoolbred was a rising man in the Company of Merchants. One of his a.s.sociates described him in August: "a merchant in the City, an Underwriter or a.s.surer, who transacts a vast deal of Business & is chiefly concerned in the African Trade." He was also a member of the Laudable Society for the Benefit of Widows. Though he complained about control of the trade by the dominant influence of Gilbert Ross and James Mill, of the firm Ross & Mill, he was taking steps toward changing the firm to Shoolbred, Ross & Mill. The ship Peggy Peggy in the Gold Coast trade changed her registered owner from Ross & Mill to John Shoolbred, making him an employer of Captain Hercules Mill, brother of James Mill. Shoolbred was a pitiless compet.i.tor. An investor in the in the Gold Coast trade changed her registered owner from Ross & Mill to John Shoolbred, making him an employer of Captain Hercules Mill, brother of James Mill. Shoolbred was a pitiless compet.i.tor. An investor in the Hawke Hawke, which he dispatched to Africa in the fall of 1771, said after the skewed division of profits: "I have indeed been monstrously abused by Shoolbred." Samuel Gist saw that Shoolbred would become the most important man in the slave trade. Shoolbred later wrote: "the Effects of this Trade to Great Britain are beneficial to an infinite Extent...there is hardly any Branch of Commerce in which this Nation is concerned that does not derive some Advantage from it." He added more vessels to his Africa fleet and sought new investors, such as Gist. Large profits might flow from a single voyage, especially one bringing to England a cargo of commodities from the port where slaves landed. Not all voyages succeeded; some barely broke even; some vessels and their crews never returned. Investors bought a cargo of manufactured goods on credit, and they bought insurance at a premium of 7 percent or 8 percent. In the course of many voyages, they could expect a profit of as much as 14 percent.

Eddystone Lighthouse, John Cleveley. Courtesy of the Henry E. Huntington Art Gallery. A view of the English Channel south of Plymouth. The lighthouse was completed in 1759.

With help from the government, the Company of Merchants maintained a chain of forts along the Gold Coast. The men appointed to governorships by the company made the work of a ship's captain seeking a cargo of slaves easier or more difficult. Any shipowner was supposed to rest a.s.sured that all vessels on the Gold Coast were treated alike. The happiest owners, however, had a friend in command of the fort where their ships dropped anchor. The senior officer in the company's service on the Gold Coast was the governor of Cape Coast Castle, a position newly filled by David Mill, brother of Captain Hercules Mill and James Mill. The second-ranking man commanded the fort at Annamaboe, ten miles to the east. Charles Bell, according to his harshest critic, was "a man of the most rapacious, avaricious, mean disposition of any in the service." Yet, during the voyage of the Hope Hope, Gist and Shoolbred always found him eager to help.

In the years 1768 to 1772, English vessels annually took about 38,000 slaves from Africa to the western hemisphere. Of these, on average, almost 6,000 came from the Gold Coast. In 1771, Samuel Gist invested in the Meredith Meredith, a 120-ton ship, part of the fleet of slaving vessels sailing from Liverpool for Miles Barber & Company. Liverpool's Africa trade far surpa.s.sed that of London and Bristol combined. Few ships had been designed and built to carry slaves; "any vessel was thought good enough for it." Mariners spoke of a vessel that looked unseaworthy as "not better than a Guineaman." Departing on September 30, the Meredith Meredith made a successful voyage to the Windward Coast of Africa and the Leeward Islands. By the usual standard, she would have been fully laden with 264 slaves on board. She took 280 to St. Kitts. During her voyage, Gist wrote: "The high Prices Negroes have sold for all over the West Indies Carolina & Georga. will I hope Prevent many Comg. to Virga." He was unhappy that Barber had offered planters twelve months of credit without interest if the made a successful voyage to the Windward Coast of Africa and the Leeward Islands. By the usual standard, she would have been fully laden with 264 slaves on board. She took 280 to St. Kitts. During her voyage, Gist wrote: "The high Prices Negroes have sold for all over the West Indies Carolina & Georga. will I hope Prevent many Comg. to Virga." He was unhappy that Barber had offered planters twelve months of credit without interest if the Meredith Meredith sold slaves in the Chesapeake. "This Mr Barber has certainly dreamt, for I never Promisd it." Gist got his wish. The sold slaves in the Chesapeake. "This Mr Barber has certainly dreamt, for I never Promisd it." Gist got his wish. The Meredith Meredith did not have to sail to Virginia to dispose of her cargo. did not have to sail to Virginia to dispose of her cargo.

As the Meredith Meredith began her long voyage, ship's carpenters, joiners, painters, and caulkers, as well as tradesmen, prepared the began her long voyage, ship's carpenters, joiners, painters, and caulkers, as well as tradesmen, prepared the Hope Hope for hers. No matter how much work they did, she would still be a French-built ship, "liable to all the accidents, to which ships of that construction are peculiarly subject." She had to be converted from a smuggler to a slaver, leaving more s.p.a.ce between the main deck and the lower deck, less in the hold. As she disposed of her cargo of goods on the Gold Coast, she would fill with Africans confined between decks most of each day. At 150 tons, she was about average for a slaving vessel. She needed manacles, fetters, and chains for three hundred men, women, and children. Slave ships took gallons of vinegar to be poured over the lower deck for cleaning. The best trading cargo included colorful patterned cotton cloth from India, silk taffeta, chintz, linen from Europe, woolen goods from England, felt hats, bra.s.s pans, gunpowder, gunflints, tobacco pipes, bottled beer, and malt liquor. for hers. No matter how much work they did, she would still be a French-built ship, "liable to all the accidents, to which ships of that construction are peculiarly subject." She had to be converted from a smuggler to a slaver, leaving more s.p.a.ce between the main deck and the lower deck, less in the hold. As she disposed of her cargo of goods on the Gold Coast, she would fill with Africans confined between decks most of each day. At 150 tons, she was about average for a slaving vessel. She needed manacles, fetters, and chains for three hundred men, women, and children. Slave ships took gallons of vinegar to be poured over the lower deck for cleaning. The best trading cargo included colorful patterned cotton cloth from India, silk taffeta, chintz, linen from Europe, woolen goods from England, felt hats, bra.s.s pans, gunpowder, gunflints, tobacco pipes, bottled beer, and malt liquor.

The owners and the captain hired a crew of thirty-eight for the Hope Hope. Ten or twelve able seamen sailed a snow; the rest of a slaver's complement were a chief mate, a second mate, a surgeon, a carpenter, a cook, a tailor, a number of ordinary seamen making their second or third voyage, and tradesmen whom the sailors called "Landsmen." Captains met at Lloyd's and agreed upon a uniform wage. Seamen's pay ranged from 1 10s. to 2 per month. They received two months' pay in advance and half their pay when vessel and slaves reached port in the West Indies or North America.

Gist found that buying the Hope Hope, manning her, fitting her out, and furnishing a cargo of goods came to "a great deale of money." The brig Unanimity Unanimity, of the same tonnage as the Hope Hope, was purchased at about the same time for 680 and prepared in London for the Africa trade at a cost of 4,658 15s. 1d. Gist paid a "Considerable" portion of his share of the Hope Hope's costs before she sailed. The remainder typically fell due six, nine, and twelve months later. By extending credit, manufacturers and storekeepers supplying goods for the Africa trade enabled men such as Miles Barber and John Shoolbred to send more vessels, to attract more investors, and to take bonds, not just cash, from purchasers of slaves. Eventually, Miles Barber & Company expanded its ventures to a total of more than 100,000, "never having a capital of a t.i.the of the money their own property." Their "great push" ended in bankruptcy. Shoolbred and Gist were more prudent.

For master of the Hope Hope, the owners turned to a man with experience in the slave trade, James Dougall. He had commanded vessels sailing from Bristol for the firm Thomas Jones & Company. He had just returned from a sixteen-month voyage to Annamaboe, St. Thomas, and Grenada. Four months after mooring at Bristol, he was getting ready to take the Hope Hope from London to Annamaboe. Masters of slave vessels received a salary of 5 per month; a "coast commission" of 4 for every 104 worth of slaves bought in Africa; and the right to buy, transport, and sell five slaves on a private account. A chief mate took three slaves, a second mate two, and a surgeon three. from London to Annamaboe. Masters of slave vessels received a salary of 5 per month; a "coast commission" of 4 for every 104 worth of slaves bought in Africa; and the right to buy, transport, and sell five slaves on a private account. A chief mate took three slaves, a second mate two, and a surgeon three.

Compared to other routes, Africa voyages attracted seamen who were "more disorderly and irregular," a retired captain said. Many had "a turbulent, refractory Disposition." For their part, sailors told stories of especially cruel captains in slave ships-tales of short rations, little water, kickings and beatings with handspikes, musket b.u.t.ts, and rope ends. Captain George Colley, who took slaves to Fredericksburg in the snow Hare Hare in 1761, was an "inhuman monster," who caused the deaths of some seamen. Captain Samuel Pemberton, master of the ship in 1761, was an "inhuman monster," who caused the deaths of some seamen. Captain Samuel Pemberton, master of the ship Matty Matty on the African coast with the on the African coast with the Hope Hope, treated his men in "a very barbarous manner." Accounts of his brutality still made the rounds seventeen years later. With more violence or with less, or with threats of it, ships' masters ruled their crews.

These captains had reason to stay wary not only of slaves between decks but also of crewmen. Sailors often wound up in the trade because their fortunes were desperate. Captain Joseph Spencer departed for the coast of Africa a few months after the Hope Hope did and returned safely to Liverpool. But on his next slaving voyage he died at the hands of his men. The boatswain and part of the crew of his brig did and returned safely to Liverpool. But on his next slaving voyage he died at the hands of his men. The boatswain and part of the crew of his brig Will Will plotted to seize her and become pirates. About 200 miles east of Madeira, during the night, the men of the watch killed Spencer, his chief mate, and the carpenter, then threw the bodies overboard. The boatswain proclaimed himself commander. To reduce the size of the crew, he ordered men out in the longboat, intending to leave them at sea. One sailor, fearing the boatswain's enmity, killed him with a hammer. The second mate regained command. Another seaman was killed and four put in irons. A few days later, the plotted to seize her and become pirates. About 200 miles east of Madeira, during the night, the men of the watch killed Spencer, his chief mate, and the carpenter, then threw the bodies overboard. The boatswain proclaimed himself commander. To reduce the size of the crew, he ordered men out in the longboat, intending to leave them at sea. One sailor, fearing the boatswain's enmity, killed him with a hammer. The second mate regained command. Another seaman was killed and four put in irons. A few days later, the Will Will arrived at Madeira, bearing a story that spread quickly. Owners and masters ran risks in sending out large crews in small vessels, but they needed these seamen and officers because the African trade "requires experienced men on the coast as much as the Greenland trade requires experienced Harpooneers." Captain Dougall had shown that he could control a crew, as well as buy and sell a cargo of slaves. arrived at Madeira, bearing a story that spread quickly. Owners and masters ran risks in sending out large crews in small vessels, but they needed these seamen and officers because the African trade "requires experienced men on the coast as much as the Greenland trade requires experienced Harpooneers." Captain Dougall had shown that he could control a crew, as well as buy and sell a cargo of slaves.

Sailors in the slave trade who did not mutiny still had more than the usual excuse for "Debauchery and Intoxication" when they reached port. One of their chanteys ran: Beware and take care of the Bight of Benin There's one comes out for forty goes in.

Anch.o.r.ed along the coast of Africa or sailing across the Atlantic with a cargo of people in chains, mostly young men, who outnumbered them eight to one, they faced both the customary perils of the sea and special risks. While James Dougall made a safe voyage from Bristol in 1770 and 1771, other vessels did not. The Duke of Bridgewater Duke of Bridgewater out of Liverpool was boarded by Africans and set on fire. On the coast of Sierra Leone the out of Liverpool was boarded by Africans and set on fire. On the coast of Sierra Leone the African Queen African Queen was boarded and run aground, with Captain North and nine of his crew killed. Every man in the was boarded and run aground, with Captain North and nine of his crew killed. Every man in the George George except Captain Bare was killed by an African boarding party off the Windward Coast, taking Africans whom Bare had bought. Seriously wounded, Bare sailed for Liverpool with a new crew, but the except Captain Bare was killed by an African boarding party off the Windward Coast, taking Africans whom Bare had bought. Seriously wounded, Bare sailed for Liverpool with a new crew, but the George George foundered at the entrance to Liverpool Harbor. After a successful voyage to Africa and Barbados, the foundered at the entrance to Liverpool Harbor. After a successful voyage to Africa and Barbados, the Sam Sam, bound for Liverpool, foundered off the coast of Ireland. Her crew was picked up by a pa.s.sing vessel. The Loyalty Loyalty, bound for Georgia from Gambia, foundered during a gale in the Atlantic. All the slaves went down, as did all but two of the crew.

Few words at sea troubled a sailor's ear as much as the word "founder"- to fill with water and sink. On January 16, 1770, the sloop Expedition Expedition, two days out of Senegal with 110 slaves on board, began to take on water. Captain Edward Williamson hailed a pa.s.sing sloop, the James James. Her master agreed to take on board the crew of the Expedition Expedition. The James James then sailed on, leaving behind chained Africans in a leaking sloop. Three weeks later the then sailed on, leaving behind chained Africans in a leaking sloop. Three weeks later the James James arrived at Barbados. Captain Williamson filed a report, enabling Edward Grace, owner of the arrived at Barbados. Captain Williamson filed a report, enabling Edward Grace, owner of the Expedition Expedition, to recover 3,200 insurance on the sloop and her cargo. He thought this sum "full as much as they could have produced if they had arrived at a market."

But the Expedition Expedition had not foundered. The leak was not so bad as her captain reported. With no one at the helm, she drove before the wind until her tattered sails had blown from her yards. Below deck Africans died, their corpses still chained to the living. When sailors of the ship had not foundered. The leak was not so bad as her captain reported. With no one at the helm, she drove before the wind until her tattered sails had blown from her yards. Below deck Africans died, their corpses still chained to the living. When sailors of the ship Gregson Gregson sighted her, she looked like a ghost vessel, adrift with neither canvas nor crew. By admiralty law, she belonged to anyone who took her. Of the 110 Africans from Senegal, 60 still lived. The sighted her, she looked like a ghost vessel, adrift with neither canvas nor crew. By admiralty law, she belonged to anyone who took her. Of the 110 Africans from Senegal, 60 still lived. The Gregson Gregson, out of Liverpool, also pursued the slave trade. Captain Richard Hanly took the Expedition Expedition's survivors on board his vessel, adding them to his cargo of slaves. Since the Expedition Expedition could not make way without sails, he scuttled her. She went to the bottom at last, and the could not make way without sails, he scuttled her. She went to the bottom at last, and the Gregson Gregson sailed on to the West Indies. sailed on to the West Indies.

The members of the Dismal Swamp Company in Virginia took Samuel Gist's advice to buy more slaves. They accepted his offer to lend money for this purpose. They wrote to John Tucker, brother of the late Robert Tucker, in Barbados with an order for twenty slaves and instructions to draw a bill of exchange on Gist to pay for the purchase. This was not what Gist had expected. The Hope Hope was going to deliver slaves to Virginia. How could his partners suppose that he would advance 800 or more to buy slaves in Barbados? Gist wrote to Tucker "to desire he will not make the Purchase." He let William Nelson and others know that he would not honor Tucker's bill. Nelson had to scramble to make sure that some other merchant in London would take up any bill Tucker drew. To one firm he vented his anger at Gist: "He is (S.G.) a dirty Fellow, and I was sorry he was admitted a Partner." was going to deliver slaves to Virginia. How could his partners suppose that he would advance 800 or more to buy slaves in Barbados? Gist wrote to Tucker "to desire he will not make the Purchase." He let William Nelson and others know that he would not honor Tucker's bill. Nelson had to scramble to make sure that some other merchant in London would take up any bill Tucker drew. To one firm he vented his anger at Gist: "He is (S.G.) a dirty Fellow, and I was sorry he was admitted a Partner."

Gist sent instructions to John Tabb for selling slaves. The Hope Hope, he said, would bring more than three hundred Gold Coast slaves but would not arrive early in the selling season of May to August. "These Slaves are rather too good for Virga.-that is ordinary slaves sell for near as much money." He remembered thirty years past, during rapid expansion of slavery in Virginia-William King & Company sold a Gold Coast slave for 5 more than one from elsewhere. Now he had to rely on Tabb to make the best of the Hope Hope's cargo. A few days after Gist wrote, John Shoolbred approached him with an offer. Would Gist take a share in another Shoolbred slave ship, perhaps the Mentor? Mentor? Gist declined, later telling Tabb he had done so because "you do not chuse to go deeper in that Article." Gist declined, later telling Tabb he had done so because "you do not chuse to go deeper in that Article."

On Wednesday, December 11, 1771, Captain James Dougall obtained a pa.s.s for the Hope Hope from the Admiralty. The following week she dropped down the Thames, pa.s.sing miles of flat fields, to the anchorage at Gravesend. On December 20, the from the Admiralty. The following week she dropped down the Thames, pa.s.sing miles of flat fields, to the anchorage at Gravesend. On December 20, the Hope Hope weighed anchor and, with a southwest wind, sailed out of the estuary, bound for Africa. weighed anchor and, with a southwest wind, sailed out of the estuary, bound for Africa.

Vessels to the Gold Coast usually followed a familiar route. Its three princ.i.p.al points were the Canary Islands, the Cape Verde Islands, and Cape Palmas, where the African coast turned eastward. Once past Cape Finisterre, the Hope Hope could run before the northeast trade winds. Dougall guarded against the easterly current into the Straits of Gibraltar that wrecked vessels on the coast of Morocco. From the Canary Islands the route lay amid strong land winds and dangerous waterspouts between the Cape Verde Islands and Senegal, westernmost point of Africa. The could run before the northeast trade winds. Dougall guarded against the easterly current into the Straits of Gibraltar that wrecked vessels on the coast of Morocco. From the Canary Islands the route lay amid strong land winds and dangerous waterspouts between the Cape Verde Islands and Senegal, westernmost point of Africa. The Hope Hope sailed through the horse lat.i.tudes and picked up the Guinea current. On this pa.s.sage, early in winter, sailors encountered the harmattan, a dry wind from the northeast bearing clouds of red dust lifted off the Sahara. These darkened the sky, parched the skin, and coated decks and sails far from sh.o.r.e, giving vessel and crew their first taste of Africa. sailed through the horse lat.i.tudes and picked up the Guinea current. On this pa.s.sage, early in winter, sailors encountered the harmattan, a dry wind from the northeast bearing clouds of red dust lifted off the Sahara. These darkened the sky, parched the skin, and coated decks and sails far from sh.o.r.e, giving vessel and crew their first taste of Africa.

A wise captain rounded Cape Palmas well out to sea, reducing the risk that southerly winds or a mistake in calculating longitude would land his vessel west of the cape. It was safer to make landfall at Drewin, 120 miles east of Cape Palmas. Sighting high ground at the mouth of the Sa.s.sandra River, experienced seamen knew that a few days' run would bring them to Annamaboe. The Hope Hope dropped anchor in Annamaboe Road in February 1772, after a voyage of about eight weeks. dropped anchor in Annamaboe Road in February 1772, after a voyage of about eight weeks.

The Hope Hope mounted two pieces of artillery. Custom and courtesy required Captain Dougall to fire a salute to the great fort at water's edge. A gun would return the salute from the fort. Sailing along the Gold Coast, the mounted two pieces of artillery. Custom and courtesy required Captain Dougall to fire a salute to the great fort at water's edge. A gun would return the salute from the fort. Sailing along the Gold Coast, the Hope Hope had pa.s.sed other forts belonging to the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa, as well as Dutch and Danish posts. More lay to the east. All had been built to protect the slave trade. Looking westward from his anchorage, Dougall saw, ten miles away, Cape Coast Castle atop a rocky headland jutting into the sea. There the Company of Merchants' chief officer, David Mill, had his headquarters. From his vantage point, Mill kept his eye on shipping anch.o.r.ed in the road. had pa.s.sed other forts belonging to the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa, as well as Dutch and Danish posts. More lay to the east. All had been built to protect the slave trade. Looking westward from his anchorage, Dougall saw, ten miles away, Cape Coast Castle atop a rocky headland jutting into the sea. There the Company of Merchants' chief officer, David Mill, had his headquarters. From his vantage point, Mill kept his eye on shipping anch.o.r.ed in the road.

Shipping was almost always in sight. English slavers trading as far west as Appolonia or as far east as Great Prampram and Little Prampram, beyond Accra, remained at Annamaboe. Often a dozen or more vessels rode at anchor a mile off sh.o.r.e. The sh.o.r.e's edge was rocky. Winds and breakers, though severe only during spring rains, warned any vessel to beware. Men and trade goods in canoes plying between ships and land sometimes arrived soaked. From May to August a "dreadfull Sea" often came on from the southwest, forcing canoes to stay on the beach, breaking them to pieces if they did not. The waves were high enough to swamp a ship's longboat. A man in the water might not live long, because the "road is full of sharks."

Above the sh.o.r.eline at Annamaboe, thick woods and shrubs covered low hills and valleys, except where fields of corn grew. In the distance, 100 miles north, a chain of hills ran along the coast-the land of the Asante, as every master of a slave vessel knew. Back of the beach stood the new white fort, two stories high, 40 yards square, built of imported bricks covered with whitewashed plaster. The southwest and southeast bastions pointed out to sea, the northwest and northeast overlooked the town. In its parapets, embrasures opened for artillery and slits for small arms. Within, its buildings were stone. Inside the northeast bastion stood holding cells for slaves, a row of narrow vaults with stone floors and high, dark walls. The fort held forty-seven cannons but only one gunner. It was authorized a garrison of thirteen soldiers but had only nine. It was a post for trade. Around it lay a town with two districts: the English called them Fishing Town and Fantee Town. Both contained substantial dwellings holding several thousand people. Another large brick building near the northwest bastion loomed over the town. Its owner, Richard Brew, called it "Castle Brew." A former employee of the Company of Merchants, he was a private trader in slaves. Within his home he strove for the effect of an English country residence. His guests were masters of vessels anch.o.r.ed in the road.

To acquire a cargo of slaves, Captain Dougall had to negotiate with the slave dealers of Annamaboe. They were Fante, and the princ.i.p.al man-or omanhene omanhene-at Annamaboe, Amonu k.u.ma, was friendly to the trade. The most important British posts lay within the territory of the Fante states, stretching along the coast from the Pra River, 90 miles eastward, almost to Accra. The Fante took pains to deny their neighbors, especially the Asante, direct access to the sea and to white men who came to buy slaves. The British on the coast believed that dealing with local leaders within a Fante confederation served their interests better than if the trade were controlled by the Asante. Still, Dougall knew from past months at anchor in Annamaboe Road, and other British captains complained steadily, that Fante businessmen were shrewd bargainers. A former governor of Cape Coast Castle had called them "the most rapacious set of People on earth." Yet the British were glad to deal with these men whose greed they reproached. Governor David Mill believed that, without the Fante, "our trade would be totally ruined."

Since Captain Dougall had been away from Annamaboe only a year, he could expect to welcome on board the Hope Hope the same Fante gold-taker who had worked with him before. In some vessels he dined at the captain's table. One or more of the gold-taker's men lived on board as long as the the same Fante gold-taker who had worked with him before. In some vessels he dined at the captain's table. One or more of the gold-taker's men lived on board as long as the Hope Hope remained at Annamaboe. He and his men ensured the quality of gold used in transactions and arbitrated any dispute between Dougall and slave dealers. By old custom they received salaries, and the gold-taker a commission equivalent to 4s. 6d. or 5s. on each slave. remained at Annamaboe. He and his men ensured the quality of gold used in transactions and arbitrated any dispute between Dougall and slave dealers. By old custom they received salaries, and the gold-taker a commission equivalent to 4s. 6d. or 5s. on each slave.

All captains knew the princ.i.p.al slave dealers in Annamaboe. These included Amonu k.u.ma himself and a man claiming to be his son, Kwasi Tuh. The chief elders of Fishing Town and Fantee Town, known to the British as Yellow Joe and Little Adu, as well as Sham, who lived in Fishing Town, were discriminating judges of merchandise in a slave ship's trading cargo. Kwasi Kuah was a great trader; a variety of other men operated on a smaller scale: the bush trader Amuru, the military man Kwasi Nkomah, the corn merchant Kobea, and the linguist known as Old Tooth John. Annamaboe had more than sixty slave dealers, and many people in the towns sold a few slaves to make extra money. A young Fante man, Philip Quaque, who had returned to the Gold Coast after his ordination in the Church of England, deplored "the vicious practice of purchasing flesh and blood like oxen in market places." He wished to evangelize, and he blamed the "gentlemen of the fort" for opposing anyone who might obstruct the "cursed slave trade."

Enslavement had a long history in West Africa. Most people sold on the Gold Coast in the decades before the voyage of the Hope Hope had been prisoners or spoils of war, as the Asante expanded their rule. Opportunities for profit made war more lucrative, and Europeans brought to the coast weapons making combat more effective. During his previous stay at Annamaboe, Captain Dougall had disposed of lead, gunflints, and gunpowder. The Fante prohibited sale of these to the Asante, but demand among the Asante was "fully, tho' secretly, supplied, by those very Fantees." had been prisoners or spoils of war, as the Asante expanded their rule. Opportunities for profit made war more lucrative, and Europeans brought to the coast weapons making combat more effective. During his previous stay at Annamaboe, Captain Dougall had disposed of lead, gunflints, and gunpowder. The Fante prohibited sale of these to the Asante, but demand among the Asante was "fully, tho' secretly, supplied, by those very Fantees."

Slaves bought on the Gold Coast might be Asante, Fante, or Koromanti. People could be enslaved for unpaid debts, for witchcraft, and for crimes such as murder, adultery, and theft. Others had been kidnapped. Pa.s.sing through the hands of several African dealers and on board Europeans' ships, slaves found few who showed interest in the story of their enslavement. One English trader said: "The Gold Coast Brokers go from 100 to 150 Miles up the Country to pursue them; from what further Distance they may be brought, it is impossible to say; but it is probable they come from a very great Distance, and from different Countries, for they talk different Languages." Bound with rope made of gra.s.s or bark, lying wet in a canoe at the feet of a Fante dealer, slaves were rowed out to the Hope Hope and other vessels. Dealers sold slaves from Gabon, Lagos, and Benin, sometimes persuading a novice captain that he was buying Gold Coast Africans. On his first voyage to Annamaboe, one trader wrote of the Fante: "they think it meritorious to Cheat a White man all that lyes in their power." and other vessels. Dealers sold slaves from Gabon, Lagos, and Benin, sometimes persuading a novice captain that he was buying Gold Coast Africans. On his first voyage to Annamaboe, one trader wrote of the Fante: "they think it meritorious to Cheat a White man all that lyes in their power."

Captain Dougall began buying in February. He found the trade slow and the supply unequal to the demand. His cargo of goods would not go as far as Gist had calculated. It looked as if he would have to linger at Annamaboe longer than he had stayed in the autumn of 1770. To buy an adult male slave at the latest price set by dealers, ten ounces, Dougall must pay either five ounces of gold, which was out of the question, or goods valued at ten trade ounces, slightly more than 20 retail. But he could not get a slave solely with manufactured goods. Dealers insisted on at least some gold with each transaction. Captains found gold expensive; Africans might hold out for 30 in goods as the price for five ounces of gold. Nor did dealers always accept whatever goods were offered-they expected to receive an a.s.sortment of their own choosing. Fashion changed rapidly. An official of the Company of Merchants wrote: "the Choice of Goods entirely Commands the Trade."

One commodity was always in demand on the Gold Coast: tobacco from Brazil, grown in the Portuguese colony of Bahia. A 50-pound, 300-foot roll of this dark, rank, "reject" tobacco, slathered with mola.s.ses by the Portuguese, subst.i.tuted for an ounce of gold. Yet Dougall could buy it from the captain of a tobacco vessel for 3 in goods. A large Portuguese snow might be laden with 5,000 rolls. And such vessels visited or sailed by Annamaboe Road often, bound eastward to buy slaves for Bahia. Both the government in Lisbon and Dutch officers on the Gold Coast told Portuguese captains not to trade with the British, but neither orders nor punishments stopped them. John Shoolbred said that tobacco from Bahia was "essential to the African trade," and he knew from his captains and from governors of the Company's forts that the rolls were "not to be got accidentally." The Dutch disliked sales between tobacco vessels and the British because the Dutch wished to be sole suppliers, forcing the British to buy from them.

Charles Bell and David Mill usually kept a stock of tobacco in Annamaboe Fort and Cape Coast Castle, just as they kept slaves. Bell and Mill offered these for sale but at higher prices than the Portuguese or the Fante dealers charged. Since Captain Dougall was working for men in London who were close to the committee of the Company of Merchants, he could expect courtesy and a.s.sistance from Charles Bell and David Mill. The governors sold tobacco or slaves, however, not as representatives of the Company of Merchants but as private traders. Bell meant to make his fortune and retire to Rose Street in Edinburgh. He supplemented his salary and profits from slave sales by embezzling 7,000 from the Company of Merchants. No one need look to him for bargains. A captain buying slaves in the forts was a captain in a hurry to leave the Gold Coast or a captain who could get slaves nowhere else.

Shortly after the Hope Hope reached her anchorage, the snow reached her anchorage, the snow Greenwich Greenwich, out of Bristol, sailed into Annamaboe Road, bringing with her a schooner from Jamaica and a story of the kind familiar to men in the slave trade. The Greenwich Greenwich had been out eleven months and still did not have a full cargo of slaves. Her captain had died and been succeeded by Captain Edmund Williams. Off Grand Ba.s.sam, 190 miles west of Annamaboe, Williams sent out a longboat. An officer in it sighted the Jamaica schooner in distress. On board were only two boys. They said that along the Ivory Coast above Grand Ba.s.sam the schooner had been boarded by Africans, who killed Captain John Blow and all the crew except themselves. They got off with the vessel but could not make a voyage on their own. Captain Williams delivered the schooner to Governor David Mill, and he put her up for sale. The auction was attended by most of the captains in Annamaboe Road. The had been out eleven months and still did not have a full cargo of slaves. Her captain had died and been succeeded by Captain Edmund Williams. Off Grand Ba.s.sam, 190 miles west of Annamaboe, Williams sent out a longboat. An officer in it sighted the Jamaica schooner in distress. On board were only two boys. They said that along the Ivory Coast above Grand Ba.s.sam the schooner had been boarded by Africans, who killed Captain John Blow and all the crew except themselves. They got off with the vessel but could not make a voyage on their own. Captain Williams delivered the schooner to Governor David Mill, and he put her up for sale. The auction was attended by most of the captains in Annamaboe Road. The Greenwich Greenwich did not sail for Tobago with a cargo of slaves until she had stayed on the African coast for eighteen months. did not sail for Tobago with a cargo of slaves until she had stayed on the African coast for eighteen months.

Spring brought no increase in the number of slaves for sale on the Gold Coast. It did bring more news of other captains and crews. On the coast of Sierra Leone, upriver from Yawri Bay, slaves on board a brig from London, the Exeter Exeter, concerted an uprising. They killed Captain Richard Savery, a veteran of the trade between Sierra Leone and South Carolina, his mate, and twelve of his crew, allowing only a boy to live. They cut the Exeter Exeter's anchor cable, stranded her, and escaped.

The ship Betty and Jenny Betty and Jenny, commanded by Captain Alexander Thomson, sailed from London a few weeks before the Hope Hope departed. She