The next day a hole is made in the ice near the kasgi, and each hunter dips his spear in the water, and, running back to the kasgi, stirs up the bladders with it. The presence of the sea water reminds the inua of their former home, and they make ready to depart. The bladders are then tied into one large bundle, and the people await the full moon.

At sunrise the morning after the full moon each hunter takes his load of bladders, and filing out of the kasgi starts for the hole in the ice on a dead run. Arriving there, he tears off the bladders one by one, and thrusts them under the water. This signifies the return of the inua to the sea.

As the bladders float or sink success is prophesied for the hunter by the shaman in attendance.

In the meantime the old men build a fire of driftwood on the ice in front of the kasgi. The small bundle of parsnip stalks which stood in front of the bladders is brought out and thrown on the fire, and as the stalks kindle to the flame, each hunter utters a shout, takes a short run, and leaps through in turn. This performance purifies the hunter of any matter offensive to the inua, and concludes the ceremony.

During the Bladder Feast all intercourse between the married men and their wives is tabooed. They are required to sleep in the kasgi with the bachelors. Neither is any girl who has attained p.u.b.erty (Wingiktoak) allowed near the bladders. She is unclean (Wahok).

THE FEASTS TO THE DEAD

The Eskimo idea of the life after death and the rationale for their most important ritual, the Feast to the Dead, is nowhere better ill.u.s.trated than in a quaint tale current along the Yukon, in which the heroine, prematurely buried during a trancelike sleep, visited the Land of the Dead. She was rudely awakened from her deathlike slumber by the spirit of her grandmother shaking her and exclaiming, "Wake up.

Do not sleep the hours away. You are dead!" Arising from her grave box, the maiden was conducted by her guide to the world beneath, where the dead had their dwellings in large villages grouped according to the localities from which they came. Even the animal shades were not forgotten, but inhabited separate communities in human shape.[19]

After some travel the girl found the village allotted to her tribe, and was reclaimed by her departed relatives. She was recognized by the totem marks on her clothing, which in ancient times the Eskimo always wore. She found the inmates of this region leading a pleasant but somewhat monotonous life, free from hardships and from the sleet and cold of their earthly existence. They returned to the upper world during the feasts to the dead, when they received the spiritual essence of the food and clothing offered to their namesakes[20] by relatives. According to the generosity or stinginess of the feast givers there was a feast or a famine in spirit land, and those who were so unfortunate as to have no namesake, either through their own carelessness[21] or the neglect of the community,[22] went hungry and naked. This was the worst calamity that could befall an Eskimo, hence the necessity of providing a namesake and of regularly feeding and clothing the same, in the interest of the beloved dead.

[19] The shapes of animals are thought by the Alaskan Eskimo to be like those of men, and in ancient times animals possessed the power of changing their forms at will. This was effected by pulling the muzzle up over the head to become people or of pulling it down again to regain their original form.

[20] The first child born in the village after his death becomes the deceased's namesake. However, if born in camp, its mother gives it the name of the first natural object to catch her eye.

[21] Childless people provide for this contingency by adoption.

[22] One who has made himself odious to his fellow villagers is purposely neglected in the feasts to the dead.

THE ANNUAL FEAST, AIL['=I]GI

The Annual Feast to the Dead is a temporary arrangement, whereby the shades of those recently departed are sustained until the advent of the Great Feast to the Dead. The essence of the offerings of food and drink are supposed to satisfy the wants of the dead until they can be properly honored in the Great Festival. In the latter event the relative discharges all his social obligations to the dead, and the ghost is furnished with such an abundance that it can never want in the world below.

The makers of the feast (n['a]skut) are the nearest relatives of those who have died during the past year, together with those villagers who have not yet given the greater festival. The day before the festival the male mourners go to the village burial ground and plant a newly made stake before the grave of their relative. The stake is surmounted by a wooden model of a spear, if the deceased be a man; or a wooden dish, if it be a woman. The totem mark of the deceased is carved upon it. In the north simple models of kayak paddles suffice. The sticks are a notification to the spirits in the land of the dead that the time for the festival is at hand. Accordingly they journey to the grave boxes, where they wait, ready to enter the kasgi at the song of invocation. To light their way from the other world lamps are brought into the kasgi and set before their accustomed places. When the invitation song arises they leave their graves and take their places in the fireplace (Kenethluk), where they enjoy the songs and dances, and receive the offerings of their relatives.

The Annual Feast is celebrated after the Bladder Feast during the December moon. By the Yukon tribes it is repeated just before the opening of spring. During the day of the festival a taboo is placed on all work in the village, particularly that done with any sharp pointed tool which might wound some wandering ghost and bring retribution on the people.

At midday the whole village gathers in the kasgi, and the ceremony begins. Soon the mourners enter bearing great bowls of food and drink which they deposit in the doorway. Then the chorus leader arises and begins the song of invitation accompanied by the relatives of the dead. It is a long minor chant, a constant reiteration of a few well worn phrases.

"Tukomalra-[=a]-, tung lik-a, tis-ka-a a-a-yung-a-a-yung-a, etc.

Dead ones, next of kin, come hither,

Tuntum komuga thetamtatuk, moqkapik thetamtatuk moqsulthka.

Reindeer meat we bring you, water we bring you for your thirst."

When the song is completed the mourners arise, and going to the food in the doorway set it on the planks over the fireplace, after which they take a ladleful from each dish pouring it through the cracks in the floor, and the essence of this offering supplies the shades below with food until the next festival. The remainder of the food is distributed among those present. When the feast is over, the balance of the day is given over to songs and dances. Then the spirits are sent back to their homes by the simple expedient of stamping on the floor.

THE GREAT FEAST, AiTHUK['=A]TUKHTUK

After making offerings to his relative at the annual feast the chief mourner begins saving up his skins, frozen meat, and other delicacies prized by the Eskimo, until, in the course of years, he has acc.u.mulated an enormous amount of food and clothing. Then he is prepared to give the great feast in honor of his kinsman. Others in the village, who are bereaved, have been doing the same thing. They meet and agree on a certain time to celebrate the feast together during the ensuing year. The time chosen is usually in January after the local feasts are over, and visitors from neighboring tribes are free to attend. There are no set intervals between these feasts as has been generally supposed. They are celebrated at irregular intervals according to the convenience of the givers.

At the minor festival preceding the Great Feast, the usual invitation stakes planted before the dead are supplemented by others placed before the graves of those in whose honor the festival is to be given.

On these is a painted model of the totemic animals of the deceased.

The feast giver sings an especial song of invitation, requesting the dead kinsman to be present at the approaching feast.

On the first day of the Great Feast the villagers welcome the guests.

Early in the morning they begin to arrive. The messenger goes out on the ice and leads them into the village, showing each where to tie his team. During the first day the guests are fed in the kasgi. They have the privilege of demanding any delicacy they wish. After this they are quartered on various homes in the village. Salmon or meat must also be provided for their dogs. This is no small item, and often taxes the resources of a village to the utmost. I have known of a village so poor after a period of prolonged hospitality that it was reduced to starvation rations for the rest of the winter.

Immediately on tying up their dogs, the guests go to the kasgi. On entering each one cries in set phraseology, "Ah-ka-ka- Piatin, Pikeyutum." "Oh, ho! Look here! A trifling present." He throws his present on a common pile in front of the headman, who distributes them among the villagers. It is customary to make the presents appear as large as possible. One fellow has a bolt of calico which he unwinds through the entrance hole, making a great display. It may be thirty yards long. Sometimes they accompany the gift with a short dance. It is considered bad form for one coming from a distance[23] not to make the usual present, as in this way he purchases the right to join in the festival dances.

[23] During the inter-tribal festivals, guests are given seats of honor next to the headman of the village according to the distance from which they have come. The back of the room (kaan), the place of honor, is reserved for this purpose.

As soon as all are gathered in the kasgi, a feast is brought in for the tired travelers. Kantags of sealmeat, the blackskin of the bowhead, salmon berries swimming in oil, greens from the hillsides, and pot after pot of tea take off the edge of hunger. After gorging themselves, the guests seem incapable of further exertion, and the remainder of the day is spent in visiting.

THE FEAST GIVERS

The feast givers or n['a]skut a.s.semble in the kasgi the second day, and the ceremony proper begins. They range themselves around the pugyarok or entrance, the chorus and guests occupying the back of the room and the spectators packing themselves against the walls.

Each feast giver is garbed according to the s.e.x of his dead relative, not his own, so that some men wear women's clothes and vice versa.

Each bears in his right hand a wand about two feet long (Kelezruk).[24] This is a small stick of wood surmounted with tufts of down from ptarmigan (Okozregewik). All are dressed to represent the totem to which the deceased belongs. One wears a fillet and armlet of wolfskin (Egoalik); others wear armlets of ermine (Tareak); still others are crowned with feathers of the raven (Tulua) or the hawk (Tciakauret).[25] After a short dance they withdraw and the day's ceremony is finished.

[24] The same arrangement characterizes the finger masks of the Inviting-In Dance. (Kiggilunok), meaning wand, in southern dialect.

[25] Southern dialect. Akkizhzhigik, Ptarmigan. Teibuviak, hawk; Tulukauguk, meaning raven.

The following day the n['a]skut a.s.semble again, but they have doffed their fine feathers, and are dressed in their oldest clothes. The suits of the day before they carry in a gra.s.s sack. They wear raincoats of sealgut tied about the waist with a belt of dogskin, and enter the kasgi with eyes cast on the floor. Even in the dances they keep their faces from the audience.

This att.i.tude of humility is in accord with Eskimo ethics. They say that if they adopt a boastful air and fail to give as many presents as the other n['a]skut they will be ashamed. So they safeguard themselves in advance.

THE RITUAL

Advancing with downcast eyes, the n['a]skut creep softly across the kasgi and take their places before the funeral lamps. Then taking out their festival garments, they slip them on. Immediately the drummers start tapping lightly on their drums, and at a signal from their leader the song of invitation begins. Each n['a]skuk advances in turn, invoking the presence of his dead in a sad minor strain.

Toakora ilyuga takina Dead brother, come hither A-yunga-ayunga-a-yunga.

Or:

Nuleaga awunga toakora Sister mine, dead one, Takina, nuleaga, takina, Come hither, sister, come hither.

Or:

Akaga awunga takina Mother mine, come hither.

Nanaktuk, takina, We wait for you, come hither.