PART FIVE.

From Republic to Empire.

The fashion persists of condemning and deploring the last epoch of the Roman Republic. It was turbulent, corrupt, immoral. And some speak of decadence. On the contrary, it was an era of liberty, vitality and innovation... Roman life was coming to feel to the full the liberating effects of empire and prosperity. In the aftermath of the Punic Wars, cult and ritual lapsed, and law was separated from religion... In various other ways good sense or chicanery were able to abate or circ.u.mvent the 'ancient rigour', the 'hardness of the ancients'.Political fraud and Augustan romanticism conspired to embellish the venerable past with unhappy consequences for historical study ever after.

Ronald Syme, Sall.u.s.t Sall.u.s.t (1964), 1617 (1964), 1617 The act of creative policy that was Augustus' abiding legacy to Rome was the bringing into being of an ideology of rule, parallel to the careful traditionalism of most of what has been spoken of so far surprising in that it manifests itself quite early in Augustus' reign, and multifaceted, so that to describe it even summarily involves consideration of many phenomena of which the 'imperial cult' is only one. Glorification of the personality of the ruler, advertis.e.m.e.nt of his role, proclamation of his virtues, pageantry over his achievements, visual reminders of his existence, and the creation of a court and a dynasty: these are, par excellence, the things that madeAD 14 different from 30 14 different from 30 BC BC ... The work known as the 'Dialogus', attributed to Tacitus, contains, through the mouth of an 'opposition' writer, a well-known expression of the view that the ending of the creative phase of, at least, Roman eloquence, was directly due to the loss of freedom. That was not the only view then, nor need it be now ... The work known as the 'Dialogus', attributed to Tacitus, contains, through the mouth of an 'opposition' writer, a well-known expression of the view that the ending of the creative phase of, at least, Roman eloquence, was directly due to the loss of freedom. That was not the only view then, nor need it be now...

J. A. Crook, The Cambridge Ancient History The Cambridge Ancient History, volume X (1996, 2nd edn.), 133 and 144 41938

38.

Antony and Cleopatra.

Never, as those who were present tell us, was there a more pitiable sight. Smeared with blood and struggling with death, Antony was drawn up (to the window of Cleopatra's tomb), stretching his hands out to her as he dangled in the air... Cleopatra clung on with her hands and kept pulling up the rope, her face twisted by the strain, while those below encouraged her and shared her agony. When she had received him in this way and laid him down, she tore her robes over him, beat and tore her b.r.e.a.s.t.s with her hands, wiped some of his blood onto her face and kept on calling him master, husband, Commander...

Plutarch, Life of Antony Life of Antony 77.35 77.35 After Cicero's murder, injustice continued to be set against freedom and 'luxury' to be cited against political rivals. Twelve memorable years brought the great men into conflict, Mark Antony against the young Octavian, and women into lasting fame, Antony's second wife, Octavia, and once more, the Egyptian Queen Cleopatra. Lesser persons, too, had a sudden memorable chance on the stage of power, people like the childless Turia whom we know from her husband's inscription in her honour. She had grovelled and wept before the triumvirs to save his life, and in their household even offered that he should have a child by another woman which she would then bring up as hers (he declined).1 In Octavian's circle we meet loyal 'new men' with a bright future, the urbane Maecenas, Octavian's link with the great poets of the age, and the able Agrippa, the key to so many of Octavian's militarysuccesses. Out east, we first meet Herod the Great, the future 'tyrant' in the story of Christmas. He was imposed for the first time as king of the Jews through Mark Antony's favour. In Octavian's circle we meet loyal 'new men' with a bright future, the urbane Maecenas, Octavian's link with the great poets of the age, and the able Agrippa, the key to so many of Octavian's militarysuccesses. Out east, we first meet Herod the Great, the future 'tyrant' in the story of Christmas. He was imposed for the first time as king of the Jews through Mark Antony's favour.

Yet these years of war and slaughter were also a fertile period for Roman literature. Great art can indeed be born in comparative anarchy. One reason was that new patrons emerged in the social shake-up and helped younger authors to break with older critics and the established canons of scholarly taste.2 The greatest Latin poets, Virgil and Horace, began their careers now, as did the elegist Propertius: none of them came from Rome itself, as all three were Italians. There were also articulate losers, just as there had been in the age of aristocratic Greek lyric poets. One of them, the historian Sall.u.s.t, developed the themes of luxury and liberty to explain political change. A former acolyte of Caesar, he had been forced out of public life and wrote an acid account of the Republic's crisis, tracing it back to Sulla and then forwards through the greed and ambition of the 'n.o.bles'. Seen as a follower of Thucydides, Sall.u.s.t had none of his intellectual depth. But his histories became a school-text for the greater mind of Tacitus and, centuries later, for St Augustine and his view of the l.u.s.t for power in Roman history, as a.n.a.lysed in his The greatest Latin poets, Virgil and Horace, began their careers now, as did the elegist Propertius: none of them came from Rome itself, as all three were Italians. There were also articulate losers, just as there had been in the age of aristocratic Greek lyric poets. One of them, the historian Sall.u.s.t, developed the themes of luxury and liberty to explain political change. A former acolyte of Caesar, he had been forced out of public life and wrote an acid account of the Republic's crisis, tracing it back to Sulla and then forwards through the greed and ambition of the 'n.o.bles'. Seen as a follower of Thucydides, Sall.u.s.t had none of his intellectual depth. But his histories became a school-text for the greater mind of Tacitus and, centuries later, for St Augustine and his view of the l.u.s.t for power in Roman history, as a.n.a.lysed in his City of G.o.d City of G.o.d.

At the time the 'decisive shift' which was visible was political, not literary. In November 42 Antony and Octavian went east and defeated the almost equally enormous army of Brutus and Ca.s.sius in two battles at Philippi. Both of the Liberators, Caesar's murderers, died. It was Mark Antony who earned the military credit, whereas even Octavian's close friends had to admit that he had hidden in the marshes. Octavian was no natural soldier and he later claimed to have been kept from battle, first by an ominous dream, then by sickness. As the dominant figure, Antony retained responsibility both for Gaul and the East at this point. Octavian returned to his much smaller responsibilities, above all to Italy where he had to engage both with s.e.xtus Pompeius' fleet off Sicily and the extremelyawkward problem of overseeing the expropriation of land from up to twenty Italian towns. It involved ejecting the humble occupants in order to settle ever more of Caesar's veteran soldiers. Already, promises to the troops had multiplied, including those in cash, a reason why such vast numbers continued to fight. At Philippi, the triumvirs' army alone equalled any force maintained by Alexander the Great at his zenith: the impossible sum of 150,000 talents had already been promised in arrears and bonuses.

In the aftermath of Philippi, the protagonists' personal images developed differently. Octavian was still only in his early twenties; his portraits on his coins expressed youth and dignity, while his patron G.o.d was Apollo, the G.o.d of moral restraint and dignity, the arts and prophecy. His strongest card was his adoption by Caesar. He played it to the full by a serial change of names. First, he had called himself 'Caesar' too: then, 'Caesar, son of the divine one' (divi filius).3 He claimed the further protection of Venus, the ancestral G.o.ddess of the Julii. His 'father' Julius had particularly favoured the Asian city of Aphrodisias, whose leaders had presented themselves as the special city of Venus, Caesar's divine ancestor. The city had been badly treated under the Liberators in 43/2, but the new 'Caesar' then wrote in 39 He claimed the further protection of Venus, the ancestral G.o.ddess of the Julii. His 'father' Julius had particularly favoured the Asian city of Aphrodisias, whose leaders had presented themselves as the special city of Venus, Caesar's divine ancestor. The city had been badly treated under the Liberators in 43/2, but the new 'Caesar' then wrote in 39 BC BC to affirm that he would keep it 'free' as his city in Asia. His letter was rediscovered only recently at Aphrodisias and shows that in such personal matters, the division of the East and West with Antony was not cast-iron. to affirm that he would keep it 'free' as his city in Asia. His letter was rediscovered only recently at Aphrodisias and shows that in such personal matters, the division of the East and West with Antony was not cast-iron.4 Antony, by contrast, took on a much more flamboyant role. After the victory at Philippi, he went down for the winter of 42/1 to Athens where he won Greek hearts by attending to intellectual debates, remaining accessible and liking to be called not just 'philh.e.l.lene' but 'friend of Athens'.5 Like Julius Caesar, he had hard words for neighbouring Megara, a sure way, since the age of Pericles, to win Athenian affection. In the following spring (41 Like Julius Caesar, he had hard words for neighbouring Megara, a sure way, since the age of Pericles, to win Athenian affection. In the following spring (41 BC BC) he crossed into Asia and found himself, like other powerful Romans before him, being welcomed as a G.o.d.

In 41 Antony still had responsibility in Gaul too, and so the Greek East was only one area of significance for him. At Ephesus, however, the Greeks promptly greeted him as a 'new Dionysus'. He drew a circle of Greek acolytes; perhaps there really were processions around him of men dressed as Pans and satyrs and women as wild Bacchants; in Greek eyes, Antony was as powerful as the many kings for whom these shows had been mobilized before. But there was a reciprocal willingness in Antony himself. He had been accompanied to the East bya famous courtesan, Volumnia. In the previous decade he had seen his superior officer, Gabinius, going along with such 'luxury' and the free ways of the East. As his funeral speech over Caesar showed, he also had a sense of theatre, just what his new Greek friends (including actors and mime artists) appreciated in a h.e.l.lenistic king. But Antony also had important work to do, raising yet more money and appointing new client-rulers over the adjoining hinterlands of Asia Minor. The Liberators had complicated both tasks by robbing the Greek cities and by favouring allies who could no longer be trusted. Antony had a good eye for a client king and both now and especially in 37/6 his main appointments, including Herod, proved capable and durable. If he wanted to appeal to his newly confirmed kinglets and to smooth the necessary exaction of money (nine years' tribute, to be paid in two years), it was helpful to go along with Greek honours and compliments. They helped both parties to soften the hard edges of power.

Antony also had a sharp eye for a client queen. Already in summer 41 he slept with one nominee, Queen Glaphyra, and ever fertile, fathered a child on her. Then in autumn 41 he met another, vastly more important one: Cleopatra of Egypt, who was now aged twenty-eight to Antony's forty-two and was still a crucial player in the balance of power and finance in the East. There was also something else. She had had the baby son Caesarion in 47 BC BC and since leaving Rome in 44 she had continued to claim that his father was Julius Caesar. The truth mattered less than the fact that she claimed it and that n.o.body could prove her wrong. and since leaving Rome in 44 she had continued to claim that his father was Julius Caesar. The truth mattered less than the fact that she claimed it and that n.o.body could prove her wrong.

When summoned to Antony at Tarsus, Cleopatra arrived as befitted an eastern queen, in a golden boat under a golden canopy, with roses, it was said, strewn thickly on the floor.6 She seemed like Aphrodite while her maids resembled Cupids: Shakespeare's magnificent lines on the occasion are based on Plutarch's well-founded ancient account. Yet again, a Roman general could not resist her. She and Antony entertained each other in turn on their boats, made love and returned for the winter to Alexandria. It was later said that when Antony bet her that she could not eat a dinner worth millions of sesterces, she took an enormous pearl and dissolved it in a cup of vinegar. She is said to have drunk it and won the bet, leaving a story which, centuries later, inspired Tiepolo's magnificent frescos in the Palazzo l.a.b.i.a in Venice. Octavian, meanwhile, was bogged down by a siege of Perusia (modern Perugia) in Italy and was writing coa.r.s.e verses about the choice between 's.c.r.e.w.i.n.g' jealous Fulvia (Antony's wife) or making war, not love. She seemed like Aphrodite while her maids resembled Cupids: Shakespeare's magnificent lines on the occasion are based on Plutarch's well-founded ancient account. Yet again, a Roman general could not resist her. She and Antony entertained each other in turn on their boats, made love and returned for the winter to Alexandria. It was later said that when Antony bet her that she could not eat a dinner worth millions of sesterces, she took an enormous pearl and dissolved it in a cup of vinegar. She is said to have drunk it and won the bet, leaving a story which, centuries later, inspired Tiepolo's magnificent frescos in the Palazzo l.a.b.i.a in Venice. Octavian, meanwhile, was bogged down by a siege of Perusia (modern Perugia) in Italy and was writing coa.r.s.e verses about the choice between 's.c.r.e.w.i.n.g' jealous Fulvia (Antony's wife) or making war, not love.7 In Egypt, Antony as the 'new Dionysus' acquired an unforeseen aptness. Dionysus was the G.o.d whom the kings, the Ptolemies, honoured as their ancestor; he was also the consort of the G.o.ddess Isis who was sometimes equated with the Ptolemaic queen. At Alexandria, meanwhile, the art for human beings was to mix high life with low. Antony and Cleopatra excelled at it. They founded their own exotic club and called it the Inimitable Lives: we have even found an inscription for a statue-base in which a Greek, calling himself 'Parasitos' (the 'parasite'), honours Antony as a G.o.d (in 34 BC BC) and as 'Inimitable at s.e.x'.8 Music, acting and the world of mythological models set their revels far apart from a modern wallow in drugs and debauchery. At night, in plain clothes, they would roam the streets of Alexandria among inhabitants who had always relished a witty exchange with their kings. They drank, they played dice, they hunted. Antony was not living out some stereotype of the decadent man of 'luxury', although critics pinned this label to him. Princes in the h.e.l.lenistic world were loved for luxurious display, as several Ptolemies had exemplified, especially Ptolemy IV and Cleopatra's own father. Antony had a flamboyant, theatrical streak in him, combined with the down-to-earth coa.r.s.eness of a hardened soldier. He sported with the cultured attention paid to him, but then repaid it in his own uproarious style. Its models were dramatic and theatrical, with the support of myth and poetry which had surrounded Alexander's Successor kings. By the spring Cleopatra was heavilypregnant with what turned out to be twins, a boy and a girl. Music, acting and the world of mythological models set their revels far apart from a modern wallow in drugs and debauchery. At night, in plain clothes, they would roam the streets of Alexandria among inhabitants who had always relished a witty exchange with their kings. They drank, they played dice, they hunted. Antony was not living out some stereotype of the decadent man of 'luxury', although critics pinned this label to him. Princes in the h.e.l.lenistic world were loved for luxurious display, as several Ptolemies had exemplified, especially Ptolemy IV and Cleopatra's own father. Antony had a flamboyant, theatrical streak in him, combined with the down-to-earth coa.r.s.eness of a hardened soldier. He sported with the cultured attention paid to him, but then repaid it in his own uproarious style. Its models were dramatic and theatrical, with the support of myth and poetry which had surrounded Alexander's Successor kings. By the spring Cleopatra was heavilypregnant with what turned out to be twins, a boy and a girl.

There were other gains for the partners. Antony needed Egypt's loyalty, its invaluable riches and its co-operation in the eastward attacks on Parthian territory which he was probably already planning. Cleopatra wanted to be strengthened against her sister and her many enemies in Egypt; obligingly, Antony hunted them all down. But sound reasons were already only part of the story. During winter 41/0, the Parthians struck first, pressing far into Syria. If Antony had been at Antioch, on alert, would they really have come so far west? Meanwhile, back in Italy, Antony's brother Lucius and his loyal wife Fulvia had exploited the discontent which the proscriptions and veteran settlements were causing: they had declared war against Octavian in the name of 'freedom'. They had also found a natural ally, s.e.xtus Pompeius, Pompey's son. s.e.xtus could use his naval supremacy to squeeze the grain-supply into Italy and provoke second thoughts among the crowds in Rome about their favour for Octavian 'Caesar's' cause. Was Antony really so cut off by the winter seas in Egypt that he could not have urged his friends in the West to seize the moment, a.s.sist his family, and multiply Octavian's serious troubles as he fought a grim war round Perusia? Arguably, chances were being missed while Antony's mind was on Alexandria and pa.s.sion.

When Antony did return westwards, from February 40 onwards, the cause of 'freedom' and the 'Republic' took a novel turn: its supporters attached themselves to Antony's advance. Cicero would have turned in his grave. The brave s.e.xtus Pompeius was also looking to Antony for support, and a combined strike at Octavian in Italymight well have succeeded. But once again the two leaders' veteran soldiers refused to fight each other after their last horrible encounter up at Mutina three years before. In autumn 40, at Brundisium, Octavian and Antony met and made a pact instead. Octavian agreed to marry Scribonia, the sister, significantly, of an important senator who was the father-in-law of s.e.xtus Pompeius. The marriage was to an older woman who had already had two husbands but it was surely an attempt to win her brother over from s.e.xtus' camp and damage the young Pompey who had become a major player on the stage. Since the summer of 40, crucially, Antony had lost control of Gaul; he was now centred on the East, and his part of the pact was simply to marry Octavian's elegant sister, Octavia (his own wife Fulvia had died). Nothing was agreed about Cleopatra and the twins.

After the pact the two rivals went up to Rome where their welcome was far from one-sided. s.e.xtus had damaged the city's imports of grain. Had people begun to wonder if Pompey's son was perhaps a sounder and straighter bet than Julius Caesar's heir? Both Octavian and Antony had troubles with their own officers, and in 39 BC BC it was as well that they sought to make terms with s.e.xtus in the south. He was now calling himself 'son of Neptune', the sea-G.o.d, an allusion to his own sea-power and to his father Pompey's great naval victories over pirates. In late summer 39 the three of them eventuallymet down at Cape Misenum. s.e.xtus was offered Sicily and other territory and promised a consulship years in advance; the slaves with him were to be freed and his veterans would be eligible for rewards. These offers would make such people much harder for s.e.xtus to retain. When Antony and Octavian joined him for dinner on his ship, it was said that s.e.xtus' 'pirate' captain urged him to cut the cable and leave the two rivals at his mercy so that he, s.e.xtus, could be master of all the world. it was as well that they sought to make terms with s.e.xtus in the south. He was now calling himself 'son of Neptune', the sea-G.o.d, an allusion to his own sea-power and to his father Pompey's great naval victories over pirates. In late summer 39 the three of them eventuallymet down at Cape Misenum. s.e.xtus was offered Sicily and other territory and promised a consulship years in advance; the slaves with him were to be freed and his veterans would be eligible for rewards. These offers would make such people much harder for s.e.xtus to retain. When Antony and Octavian joined him for dinner on his ship, it was said that s.e.xtus' 'pirate' captain urged him to cut the cable and leave the two rivals at his mercy so that he, s.e.xtus, could be master of all the world.9 Pompey's heir was more scrupulous than Caesar's, and did nothing. At Rome, meanwhile, Antony continued to own the great Pompey's house. Pompey's heir was more scrupulous than Caesar's, and did nothing. At Rome, meanwhile, Antony continued to own the great Pompey's house.

A pact did not solve what was now an uneasy triangle; late in 39, Octavian felt confident enough to compound it bydivorcing Scribonia. Instead, he fell in love (we are told) with Livia, the wife of a n.o.ble senator who had fled to s.e.xtus to escape the recent proscriptions. In January 38 he went on to marry her, and she would remain his wife for more than fifty years of childless marriage. At the time she was pregnant by her previous husband, but for Octavian she had another attraction: she was the granddaughter of the great Livius Drusus who had been so significant for the Italians' cause back in 91 BC BC. Octavian's image in Italy certainly needed to be enhanced.

As for Antony, it suited him if s.e.xtus and Octavian now fought each other off the coast of Italy. He left Rome in October 39 (he would never see it again) and went east to Athens, from where he could visit the war which had begun against Parthia. Matters were still going his way there. In 39 and 38 his able general Ventidius won two good victories over the Parthians in the Near East. At Athens, meanwhile, the people hailed him as 'new Dionysus' and took his new wife Octavia to heart as their 'divine Benefactress'. Octavian, by contrast, turned on s.e.xtus, hoping to eliminate him, but failed. In 37 the wayforward was obvious: Antony himself should follow up in the East, attack the Parthians as directlyas possible and take advantage of the quarrels which had split their royal family. Octavian, meanwhile, would be bogged down in yet more civil war with s.e.xtus Pompeius off Italy. Success in the East would eclipse the new 'Caesar's' star, because Parthia had been Julius Caesar's last known objective. By 33, when there would be the next break in the triumvirs' five-year powers, Antony could return to Rome as the most glorious conqueror, rich with Eastern booty.

Even without his hold on Gaul, Antony was still the stronger of the two rivals. However, his infantrywas not strong enough to be sure of conquering Parthia and so he needed recruits from Italy in order to maximize his chances. In summer 37 he crossed to south Italy with a huge force of 300 ships, an advantage which Octavian would envy in his own struggles against s.e.xtus. After threatening to fight, however, Antony was obliged to negotiate and at Tarentum, the rivals agreed yet another pact: Antony would give Octavian ships to conclude the war against s.e.xtus, while Octavian would give him troops to use against Parthia. It was to be the last pact, but its outcome was not as Antony hoped. Both the main players had war in mind, but whereas Antony gave Octavian ships, he did not receive from Octavian most of the promised troops. At the time, Octavia had helped the pact along by mediating between her husband and her brother. In only three years of marriage Antony had already fathered two healthy daughters on her (a third, perhaps, had been short-lived). But there would now be problems for her, too. She was not to go east with him: there were the girls, perhaps a pregnancy, and all the eastern dangers, but there was promptly something else. In winter 37/6 Antony had returned to Antioch, preparing for the Parthian War, and to him came Cleopatra, his 'Egyptian dish'. She may not have been given all the new territoryshe wanted, but she certainlyreceived significant swathes of it. She also became pregnant with yet another son.

Like the Parthian venture, Cleopatra had Julius Caesar's imprint. Together, they would allow the 'new Dionysus' to counter Octavian's trump card, his name as the new 'Caesar': Cleopatra also had the little Caesarion, the son, they still said, of Julius Caesar's own blood. Antony even wrote to the Senate to insist on the boy's parentage. Seeing the chance and the danger, Octavian began the most overt war of spin-doctoring yet mounted in the ancient world. He made fun of Antony's women in coa.r.s.e verses; he dismissed him as a drunk voluptuary in thrall to a queen of Egypt and her animal-G.o.ds; in due course, he would even open Antony's will and allege that he planned to transfer the capital to Alexandria and be buried beside the Nile. Staid opinion in the towns of Italy might believe these shocking, but riveting, stories. At Rome, many senators were less bothered. Antony defended himself in a pamphlet 'On His Own Drunkenness' (sadly lost to us) and wrote an earthy letter, observing that Cleopatra was not his wife, that Octavian had all sorts of drearylittle women on the side and that 'what did it matter where a man stuck his c.o.c.k?'10 Octavian was also said to have a 'prettyboy', Sarmentus, presumably a slave. Octavian was also said to have a 'prettyboy', Sarmentus, presumably a slave.

The year 36 nonetheless proved pivotal. In it, Octavian at last succeeded in defeating s.e.xtus Pompeius at sea. The credit for the naval victorybelonged to his officer Agrippa, but Octavian won popular favour by having the prisoners executed in a show at Rome. s.e.xtus did escape but only to be put to death in the East a year later. Instead, Octavian took the 'sacrosanct' protection of a tribune both for himself and for poor Octavia who could be cleverly represented as Antony's 'abandoned' wife: he vowed the spoils of victory to a ma.s.sive new temple of Apollo in Rome beside which he would place his own house, not far from the supposed ancient 'hut of Romulus'.11 Antony, by contrast, had to cover up a campaign against Parthia which went badlywrong. After a change of direction, Antony had marched north from Syria, then east through Armenia, apparently hoping to win by a pitched battle. However, the Parthians were a mobile enemy who would keep retreating despite the loss of a fort or city. Antony was fighting a war as if it was the previous one, his campaign with Julius Caesar in the very different setting of Gaul. Antony, by contrast, had to cover up a campaign against Parthia which went badlywrong. After a change of direction, Antony had marched north from Syria, then east through Armenia, apparently hoping to win by a pitched battle. However, the Parthians were a mobile enemy who would keep retreating despite the loss of a fort or city. Antony was fighting a war as if it was the previous one, his campaign with Julius Caesar in the very different setting of Gaul.12 His army was huge, about two-thirds bigger than Alexander's in western Asia, and more than 30,000 of his soldiers died on their cold, hungry retreat during winter 36/5. Antony was left to celebrate a hollow victory. In 35 he prepared to invade Armenia again, and Octavian artfully compromised him: he sent him troops (a mere 2,000 of those promised in 37) and his Octavia as an envoy. Antony took the troops, but forbade Octavia to meet him: he was too involved with Cleopatra. In summer 34 he did regain Armenia, but reports of his celebration were alarming. He and Cleopatra sat on golden thrones in the gymnasium in Alexandria; he gave her yet more territory and named her 'queen of kings'. He gave royal t.i.tles to their young son and daughter (called the Sun and the Moon) and, above all, he named Caesarion, now seventeen years old, the 'king of kings'. His army was huge, about two-thirds bigger than Alexander's in western Asia, and more than 30,000 of his soldiers died on their cold, hungry retreat during winter 36/5. Antony was left to celebrate a hollow victory. In 35 he prepared to invade Armenia again, and Octavian artfully compromised him: he sent him troops (a mere 2,000 of those promised in 37) and his Octavia as an envoy. Antony took the troops, but forbade Octavia to meet him: he was too involved with Cleopatra. In summer 34 he did regain Armenia, but reports of his celebration were alarming. He and Cleopatra sat on golden thrones in the gymnasium in Alexandria; he gave her yet more territory and named her 'queen of kings'. He gave royal t.i.tles to their young son and daughter (called the Sun and the Moon) and, above all, he named Caesarion, now seventeen years old, the 'king of kings'.13 Caesar's adopted heir, Octavian, was right to be alarmed, but there was an extravagance here which he could attack instead. Among all the propaganda, it does seem that Antony was overplaying his relationship. In my view, Cleopatra still fascinated him. Caesar's adopted heir, Octavian, was right to be alarmed, but there was an extravagance here which he could attack instead. Among all the propaganda, it does seem that Antony was overplaying his relationship. In my view, Cleopatra still fascinated him.

At the end of 33 the triumvirs' second five-year term would expire. Back in Rome, 'Caesar' held his second consulship and was winning favour with the common people through the public works of his trusted lieutenant, Agrippa. The long-neglected drains and sewage were cleaned out in the city; Agrippa even travelled symbolically down the city's main sewer: he developed links with the chariot-racing factions in the Circus Maximus and there were plans to improve the Campus Martius, a popular open s.p.a.ce. Nonetheless, in 32 the consuls would be Antony's men and Antony himself could return, be consul for 31 and be voted a vast personal province, with a supposed Parthian triumph behind him. Octavian had to strike back. After a bad start to 32, he boldly called 'all Italy' to swear an oath of allegiance to him. The move had echoes of a military emergency, in which a Roman leader would traditionally call for men to band together and save their cause.14 Next, the oath was taken by the western provinces, Octavian 'Caesar's' second wing of support. He then declared war in public by re-enacting an ancient Roman rite, but cleverly declared war on Cleopatra only. Old Roman values, Italian steadiness against Egyptian corruption, the new 'Caesar's' care for his troops and for the Roman plebs: these were Octavian's public messages, but Antony still had more legions. More than three hundred senators fled Rome to join his side. Next, the oath was taken by the western provinces, Octavian 'Caesar's' second wing of support. He then declared war in public by re-enacting an ancient Roman rite, but cleverly declared war on Cleopatra only. Old Roman values, Italian steadiness against Egyptian corruption, the new 'Caesar's' care for his troops and for the Roman plebs: these were Octavian's public messages, but Antony still had more legions. More than three hundred senators fled Rome to join his side.

With Cleopatra and his fleet beside him, Antony eventually took up his position around Actium on the north-west coast of Greece. However, important desertions from his camp began early, probably when the newly arrived senators saw that Cleopatra was indeed at large in their camp. A first-cla.s.s general could have won the war, but, as the Parthian march had shown, Antony was only second cla.s.s. Octavian's fleet was allowed to cross unopposed from Italy and then to blockade Antony's smaller fleet in the bay just north of the island of Leucas. Delay induced disease, hunger and desertion in Antony's camp. The obvious tactic, a difficult one, was for Antony to try to break through at sea and escape. Cleopatra was evidentlyalerted (she did not simply desert) because the fleet went into battle with their sails at the ready: when the battle began on 2 September she and her sixty ships escaped through a gap in Octavian's centre. Antony quickly sailed after her. Actium is the last major sea-battle in antiquity, but although Octavian won the campaign (actually, it was Agrippa again who won it for him), there was very little fighting. Cleopatra and Antony won their objective, by escaping.

At first Antony fled to Greece and Cleopatra to Egypt. Finally the two were reunited in Alexandria, and as they waited for the follow-up, the club of 'Inimitable Lives' became refounded as 'Those about to Die Together'. Antony, the new Dionysus, even founded a shrine to the legendary Timon of Athens, the man without true friends.15 After a brief return to Italy, Octavian arrived in Egypt in the summer of 30 After a brief return to Italy, Octavian arrived in Egypt in the summer of 30 BC BC, but Antony's offers to fight a duel were not accepted. Desertions continued apace and despite a brief flurry by the cavalry, by 1 August 30 Octavian held Alexandria. Antony wounded himself almost fatally and the greatest death scene in history began.

Detailed accounts of it were soon written byeyewitnesses, including the doctor Olympus.16 It is probably to him that we owe the account of Cleopatra's retreat into her Mausoleum, up to whose window the dying Antony was then hauled on ropes by herself and her maids. We are not sure what he said to her, but he certainlydied in her company. When the new Caesar entered, he wept over his great rival, now dead before him. It was a customary emotion on these occasions, just as Antony had once wept over the corpse of Brutus the Liberator, a fellow Roman senator. The obvious plan was to retain Cleopatra for exhibition in the triumph at Rome, but nine days later she outwitted it. Some said she had hidden poison in a hairpin, but Octavian accepted the cause was snakebite. Either in a water-jar or a basket of figs, two Egyptian asps were smuggled to her. She held one to her arm, not to her breast, and her serving-maids Iris and Charmian died beside her. Young Caesarion was caught and killed. It is probably to him that we owe the account of Cleopatra's retreat into her Mausoleum, up to whose window the dying Antony was then hauled on ropes by herself and her maids. We are not sure what he said to her, but he certainlydied in her company. When the new Caesar entered, he wept over his great rival, now dead before him. It was a customary emotion on these occasions, just as Antony had once wept over the corpse of Brutus the Liberator, a fellow Roman senator. The obvious plan was to retain Cleopatra for exhibition in the triumph at Rome, but nine days later she outwitted it. Some said she had hidden poison in a hairpin, but Octavian accepted the cause was snakebite. Either in a water-jar or a basket of figs, two Egyptian asps were smuggled to her. She held one to her arm, not to her breast, and her serving-maids Iris and Charmian died beside her. Young Caesarion was caught and killed.

It is easy to say that the 'right man won', steady Octavian against flamboyant Antony. Certainly no issue of principle, no notion of greater freedom or fairer justice divided the two. It was a straight power struggle between rivals, in which respected Romans had remained on terms with both sides, men like the rich, civilized Atticus, who stayed a friend of both. Others had simply done something 'last minute' and changed sides, like Plancus or Ahen.o.barbus or Dellius, known as the 'circus-rider' of the Civil Wars. At Rome, on the Capitol, there was even said to have been a man with two crows on his arm, one of which he had trained to say 'Hail, Caesar, Victorious Commander', one 'Hail, Antony, Victorious Commander', as the circ.u.mstances required.17 Nonetheless, Antony had had his aims and a style to match them. The great campaign in the East had been a disaster, but the subsequent appointment of a friendly king in Armenia was to be a long-running Roman solution to the Parthian question. His other choices as 'friendly kings' in the East were successful too. Had Antony won, Rome would have had a very special tie with Egypt and Alexandria. Unlike Octavian, Antony had no need to compensate for militarymediocrity and to seek glory by conquering in Europe. Thousands of barbarian lives might have been spared during the next fifty years, while a regeneration of the ravaged Greek cities could have been brought forward. There would also have been no shortage of heirs. Cleopatra already had two sons by the triumvir (whose paternity-rate, at least, was so much higher than Octavian's). As for the 'Augustan' poets of the future, they need not have lost their Italian voices. Patronage had won them over to Octavian in the 30s, but patronage would certainly have won them back to Antony.18 Horace would then have been spared the need to write morally correct public poetry: there was so much for him to enjoy in Antony's less reputable entourage. Propertius retained a soft spot for it anyway, Horace would then have been spared the need to write morally correct public poetry: there was so much for him to enjoy in Antony's less reputable entourage. Propertius retained a soft spot for it anyway,19 and as for Virgil, his masterpiece, the and as for Virgil, his masterpiece, the Georgics Georgics, was already finished. Dionysus, surely, would have been much more exciting to him than his next obligatory hero, the tongue-tied Aeneas. Through Virgil's genius, Bacchus would somehow have flowered poeticallyat Rome. The winner would have been Ovid. The wit and the polished detachment of his poetrywould have found a real centre in Rome's flamboyant couple, Antony and Cleopatra. They would have lived out his themes of love and myth, bringing his life and poetry into harmony. But members of the senatorial order still had their 'moral' values and loved 'liberty', not eastern queens: they would have had them murdered first.

39.

The Making of the Emperor On fifty-five occasions the Senate decreed that thanksgivings should be offered to the immortal G.o.ds on account of the successes on land and sea gained by me or my legates under my auspices. The days on which thanksgivings were offered according to the decree of the Senate numbered eight hundred and ninety. In my triumphs nine kings or children of kings were led before my chariot. As I was writing this, I had been consul thirteen times and I was in the thirty-seventh year of tribunician power.

Augustus, in The Achievements of the Divine Augustus (Res Gestae), in the edition of AD 14 The Achievements of the Divine Augustus (Res Gestae), in the edition of AD 14 The new 'Caesar's' victory at Actium was represented as the welcome triumph of sober values. In fact it was followed promptly by reports of a conspiracy at Rome. The son of the third triumvir, Lepidus, is said to have had plans to a.s.sa.s.sinate Octavian and he had to be put down by Octavian's man on the spot, the obliging non-senator Maecenas.1 The plot, if genuine, was perhaps a.s.sociated with that long-running trouble, the settlement of so manyveteran soldiers. After Actium it was the reason why Octavian had had to return briefly to Italy in case the protests became too serious. The plot, if genuine, was perhaps a.s.sociated with that long-running trouble, the settlement of so manyveteran soldiers. After Actium it was the reason why Octavian had had to return briefly to Italy in case the protests became too serious.

After the further victory in Egypt, in August 30, the immense riches of the country were brought under Roman 'domination', as the new rule was called. After Antony's example, it was obviously too risky to entrust Egypt to a senator. Octavian chose a knight as governor, Cornelius Gallus, who had distinguished himself in the recent fighting; he was also a noted poet, which Alexandrians would like. The province was actually called 'Alexandria and Egypt' and Alexandrians were to be important in administering it. Octavian would never use the equestrian order as a whole as a counterweight to the more political Senate, but in this exceptional case he realized that a knight was a safer bet.2 The precedent persisted and senators were banned (as were important knights) from visiting Egypt without the emperor's permission. These decisions were ratified at Rome, presumably in 30/29. Treasure in Egypt vastly increased Octavian's capacity for gifts to the Roman public. Its grain was also crucial for Rome's food-supply: after fifty years, the 'Egyptian question' was settled in one player's favour, thanks to civil war. The precedent persisted and senators were banned (as were important knights) from visiting Egypt without the emperor's permission. These decisions were ratified at Rome, presumably in 30/29. Treasure in Egypt vastly increased Octavian's capacity for gifts to the Roman public. Its grain was also crucial for Rome's food-supply: after fifty years, the 'Egyptian question' was settled in one player's favour, thanks to civil war.

Having won, how was the new 'Caesar' to rule? n.o.body could have imagined that he would dominate for forty-four years and that the powers which he a.s.sumed by stages would become the mainstays for those we call the 'Roman emperors' for the next three centuries. Like Augustus, all emperors would refer to their consulships, their 'tribunician power', their role as Commander (Imperator) of the armies. Hadrian would have a particular respect for Augustus, who was his role-model in so many ways. He had a portrait-head of Augustus on his seal-ring and he kept a bronze bust of the boy Octavian among the household G.o.ds in his bedroom. But we can see, as Hadrian perhaps could not, how Augustus' years as 'First Citizen' (Princeps) had been a b.u.mpy ride. They marked a fundamental change in freedom and justice, with attempted consequences for luxury too.

In 30 and 29 one side of 'Caesar's' position was made clear to him. Ever since Alexander the Great, cities and individuals in the Greek-speaking East had become used to negotiating personally with kings and princes. They had no interest whatsoever in the arcane details of the old Roman const.i.tution and had already regarded Roman commanders of the late Republic as personal dynasts. Octavian stepped easily into this role. He personallywrote to cities in the East and praised personal friends in them who had helped him in the recent troubles. He even referred to his wife Livia's keen efforts on behalf of the island of Samos:3 Greeks were used to royal families and helpful queens, although royalty was anathema to Roman traditionalists. Greeks were also used to offering living rulers 'G.o.dlike honours'. The new 'Caesar' drew a cautious line here. Temples to 'Rome and Deified Julius' could be put up byRoman citizens in places like Ephesus: cult for himself while alive was un-Roman. Greeks, however, could put up temples to himself and Rome in the central cities of their provincial a.s.semblies. Other cities would simply pay him cult outside Rome without asking permission. Greeks were used to royal families and helpful queens, although royalty was anathema to Roman traditionalists. Greeks were also used to offering living rulers 'G.o.dlike honours'. The new 'Caesar' drew a cautious line here. Temples to 'Rome and Deified Julius' could be put up byRoman citizens in places like Ephesus: cult for himself while alive was un-Roman. Greeks, however, could put up temples to himself and Rome in the central cities of their provincial a.s.semblies. Other cities would simply pay him cult outside Rome without asking permission.

When he returned to Rome in 29, the obvious first move was celebration. In mid-August Octavian held a magnificent triple triumph for three victories, those in 3533, the win at Actium and the follow-up in Egypt. Gladiatorial shows accompanied it, always a great attraction for the people, together with magnificent gifts of money to each member of the Roman plebs and two and a half times as much to each discharged soldier. All around them grand new monuments were being built in the city, arising from OctavianCaesar's personal exploits. His own Mausoleum was alreadyunder construction, a type of building which Hadrian would later imitate. A great temple to the Deified Julius Caesar was being finished in 29, and a huge new temple was being finished on the Palatine hill beside his house. In October 28 it would be dedicated to Apollo, his patron-G.o.d at Actium. A big arch to commemorate Actium was begun in the Forum, where columns were to be made of bronze from the prows of Cleopatra's ships. The face of Rome was being changed by its despot's career, but he could not continue in this personal style on the path of his adopted father. Prolonged dictatorship, 'kingship' or cult as a G.o.d inside Rome would be fatal. Although many of the great families of the Republic had been diminished in the Civil Wars, they had not died out. Members of them were among the senators of the moment and would be the provincial army-commanders of the future, yet some of them had hoped with Cicero for a restored Republic as recently as spring 43 BC BC. They had to be reconciled to a new 'order'. It was a mixed blessing that house prices were rising sharply in Rome, propelled by the spending of the captive spoils from Egypt.

Peace, at least, was a blessing, and it came at an apt moment. Since the 50s BC BC a new confidence had been spreading in many areas of intellectual life at Rome, as if Romans could at last measure up to the feats of the Greeks. After so much civil war, there were hopes for a return from armyservice to 'life on the land'. After all the devastation, there was a pride in the special qualities of Italy, potentially such a blessed country. Augustus' scholarly freedman, Hyginus, would even write a book on the origins and sites of Italian cities. In 30/29 a new confidence had been spreading in many areas of intellectual life at Rome, as if Romans could at last measure up to the feats of the Greeks. After so much civil war, there were hopes for a return from armyservice to 'life on the land'. After all the devastation, there was a pride in the special qualities of Italy, potentially such a blessed country. Augustus' scholarly freedman, Hyginus, would even write a book on the origins and sites of Italian cities. In 30/29 BC BC these themes came together in Virgil's marvellous poem, the these themes came together in Virgil's marvellous poem, the Georgics Georgics. The 'best poem by the best poet' combined praises of Italy and country living with tributes (often playful) to the new Caesar. A virtuoso ending blended Greek myths into a new, entrancing whole. As such a poem proves, there was hope and also confidence after so much terror. It was up to the new 'Caesar' to harness them, for they underlie what he was to make into a cla.s.sicizing age.

In 28 BC BC Octavian and his loyal 'new man' Agrippa began the process by holding the consulship together. A newly found gold coin, struck in this very year, shows Octavian seated on his chair of office, holding a scroll: the caption refers to the Restoration of Laws and Rights to the Roman People. Octavian and his loyal 'new man' Agrippa began the process by holding the consulship together. A newly found gold coin, struck in this very year, shows Octavian seated on his chair of office, holding a scroll: the caption refers to the Restoration of Laws and Rights to the Roman People.4 The triumvirate, therefore, was regarded as illegal and the law courts and elections, by implication, could now function normally. The swollen number of senators was reduced; the public Treasury was put back on its feet, an 'urban praetor' was appointed (to see to regular justice again in Rome) and by the end of the year, the illegal acts of the triumvirs were to be cancelled. Looted treasures were also to be returned to their temples. Meanwhile, military prowess caught the headlines. Three separate commanders celebrated personal triumphs in Rome during the summer, and it was as well that games to commemorate Actium could follow from the unmilitary 'Caesar's' own corner in September. Much more awkwardly, one of the most distinguished surviving n.o.blemen, Licinius Cra.s.sus, claimed the highest and rarest of military honours for the feat of slaying an enemy in single combat. It was not exactly a feat which timid 'Caesar' could match, and so Cra.s.sus' request was refused. He had a fair case, but Octavian denied him with a feeble lie about past history. The triumvirate, therefore, was regarded as illegal and the law courts and elections, by implication, could now function normally. The swollen number of senators was reduced; the public Treasury was put back on its feet, an 'urban praetor' was appointed (to see to regular justice again in Rome) and by the end of the year, the illegal acts of the triumvirs were to be cancelled. Looted treasures were also to be returned to their temples. Meanwhile, military prowess caught the headlines. Three separate commanders celebrated personal triumphs in Rome during the summer, and it was as well that games to commemorate Actium could follow from the unmilitary 'Caesar's' own corner in September. Much more awkwardly, one of the most distinguished surviving n.o.blemen, Licinius Cra.s.sus, claimed the highest and rarest of military honours for the feat of slaying an enemy in single combat. It was not exactly a feat which timid 'Caesar' could match, and so Cra.s.sus' request was refused. He had a fair case, but Octavian denied him with a feeble lie about past history.5 Nonetheless, the 'restoration' continued into the following year. Again, Octavian was consul and on 13 January 27 BC BC he raised in the Senate the traditional question of the allotment of provinces to the consuls. One answer, no doubt prearranged, was to offer him them all. A few days later he kindly accepted not all but many, including the important trio of Gaul, Spain and Syria, together with others which had most of the main armies. He would govern them for 'up to ten years'. He was also offered a new, solemn name: Augustus (Romulus was said to have been suggested, but Romulus had had his darker sides, including the murder of his brother and his death, on one view, at the hands of his own senators). An honorary wreath of oak-leaves was voted to adorn the entry to the new Augustus' house and an honorific shield proclaimed, and therefore defined, his special 'virtues'. Nearly twenty years before, Cicero had picked out similar virtues when pleading before Julius Caesar: valour, clemency, justice and piety. he raised in the Senate the traditional question of the allotment of provinces to the consuls. One answer, no doubt prearranged, was to offer him them all. A few days later he kindly accepted not all but many, including the important trio of Gaul, Spain and Syria, together with others which had most of the main armies. He would govern them for 'up to ten years'. He was also offered a new, solemn name: Augustus (Romulus was said to have been suggested, but Romulus had had his darker sides, including the murder of his brother and his death, on one view, at the hands of his own senators). An honorary wreath of oak-leaves was voted to adorn the entry to the new Augustus' house and an honorific shield proclaimed, and therefore defined, his special 'virtues'. Nearly twenty years before, Cicero had picked out similar virtues when pleading before Julius Caesar: valour, clemency, justice and piety.6 It was not that Octavian had necessarily read Cicero's speech, although Atticus could have lent it to him, but these virtues had entered the 'climate of opinion'. There were precedents of a sort for his new command in the enlarged commands for the likes of Pompey under the Republic. At first, many senators may genuinely have thought of it all as restoration, especially as the other provinces were being restored to the 'people' as 'public'. Augustus then left Rome for Gaul with talk of a trip to Britain. In fact, he contented himself with a nearer edge of the world, the coast of north-west Spain (Finisterre, 'Land's End'). Perhaps not everybody expected that he would continue to be consul in the following years, but if so, he could point out that he was continuing to fight wars. In the summer of 27, in his absence, Licinius Cra.s.sus could enjoya triumph, at least, in the city: Augustus could not deny him that honour, too, but he personally did not have to witness it on 4 July. It was not that Octavian had necessarily read Cicero's speech, although Atticus could have lent it to him, but these virtues had entered the 'climate of opinion'. There were precedents of a sort for his new command in the enlarged commands for the likes of Pompey under the Republic. At first, many senators may genuinely have thought of it all as restoration, especially as the other provinces were being restored to the 'people' as 'public'. Augustus then left Rome for Gaul with talk of a trip to Britain. In fact, he contented himself with a nearer edge of the world, the coast of north-west Spain (Finisterre, 'Land's End'). Perhaps not everybody expected that he would continue to be consul in the following years, but if so, he could point out that he was continuing to fight wars. In the summer of 27, in his absence, Licinius Cra.s.sus could enjoya triumph, at least, in the city: Augustus could not deny him that honour, too, but he personally did not have to witness it on 4 July.

Despite the changed presentation, Augustus's power-base remained unchanged: like Julius Caesar the Dictator's, it was still the army, the favour of Rome's common people and a vast personal fortune. When millions of Rome's subjects abroad were looking to him as a sort of king, and many could not even have spelled a complicated word like imperium imperium, why did the careful re-presentation of his power at Rome matter? It did not matter much to most of the leading families in Italy's towns. The 'Roman const.i.tution' had never been high on their list of concerns and many of their leaders were now 'new men' who had profited mightily from the killings and proscriptions of the late 40s, the very opposite of true republican liberty. What they wanted now was peace and the absence of armies and militarysettlers tramping over their property. As for the people of Rome, their main concern was that somebody would feed them and attend to their security, which the Senate historically would not do. Security, however, is not the same as liberty. Rather, the important const.i.tuency for the 'restoration' was senatorial opinion, on which the supply of army-commanders, Augustus' personal safety and his legitimacydepended. Augustus' tricks here included the modern art of airing a very extreme proposal, only (mercifully) to accept something slightly less extreme. He also kept a simple profile, accessible, low-key and civil. In so many ways, he epitomized ordinariness.

Not that his position was secure. In 26 an attempt to attend to the potential problems of the 'urban mob' by appointing a Prefect of the City collapsed within seven days, no doubt through traditionalist senators' protests: there were precedents for such a job, but only if both consuls, not one, were away from Rome. In Spain, Augustus' health then went badly wrong and in the Balkans, a delicate manoeuvre went wrong too. In 24 (probably) the governor of Macedonia, a 'public province', was moved to wage war outside its boundaries. Revealingly, this illegal war had as its target a people whom the great Licinius Cra.s.sus had gained as 'clients' by his recent military prowess.7 The action was illegal (only the Roman people had the right to make war or peace) and Augustus' tacit encouragement was suspected: it was too tempting an opportunity, a snub to Cra.s.sus yet again. Worse, there were suspicions that Augustus' young nephew, Marcellus, had urged on the offending governor. Marcellus had begun to enjoy an accelerated public career with Augustus' backing, but his advancement was not uncontroversial and, on any view, he had absolutely no business to be involved in such an order. Augustus was seriouslyill, but he could see scandal coming. The year 23 began with a non-partisan n.o.ble as consul; in the spring there were real fears that Augustus would die. The action was illegal (only the Roman people had the right to make war or peace) and Augustus' tacit encouragement was suspected: it was too tempting an opportunity, a snub to Cra.s.sus yet again. Worse, there were suspicions that Augustus' young nephew, Marcellus, had urged on the offending governor. Marcellus had begun to enjoy an accelerated public career with Augustus' backing, but his advancement was not uncontroversial and, on any view, he had absolutely no business to be involved in such an order. Augustus was seriouslyill, but he could see scandal coming. The year 23 began with a non-partisan n.o.ble as consul; in the spring there were real fears that Augustus would die.

The surrounding chronologyis still disputed, but certainlyon 1 July 23 Augustus ceremonially resigned his consulship. Instead, he took a new card, the powers of a tribune but detached from the popular office of tribune itself. The consulship could then be opened up to senatorial compet.i.tors to their satisfaction. The first holder of the honour was another non-Augustan, a man, however, whom Horace teased for his taste in slave-boys. Augustus also received the power of an ex-consul, made greater than the power of all provincial governors (he had lost this power by surrendering the consulship). Other specific powers were voted to him to 'legalize' his dealings with the Senate and people, but he could not stop the Balkan scandal playing itself out. It was arguably in early 22 that the offending governor in Macedonia was finallyput on trial in Rome. In defence, he cited the advice 'now of Augustus, now of Marcellus'. It was a dreadful moment, making a nonsense of Augustus' professed 'Republic'. Augustus appeared unexpectedly in court, but let down the defendant and his defending lawyer by his answers. He was then confronted with a serious plot against his life, which was shared in by the defence lawyer whom he had betrayed. The conspirators were killed off: an informer was thoroughly rewarded. It was a real crisis.8 During these months Augustus might have been killed and the Republic could have been restored in earnest. Things were still very fragile. However, Augustus' new bundle of powers was certainly not a retreat from his previous legal position. Instead, they made different strengths in his power-base more prominent. The tribune's power evoked his special relations with Rome's plebs (including his power to propose laws), while his proconsular power kept him connected with the standing armies in his many provinces. It was 'greater' than that of other proconsuls, like the power voted to Pompey to cope with the grain crises of 57 BC BC: ironically, the Liberators (in 43 bc) had been voted the same. These powers would represent the two pillars of a Roman emperor's position for centuries. Perhaps Augustus had also been thinking during his sickness of ensuring a successor. It would be easier to give someone these powers, which were detached from any need to be elected to office. But he had also surely been planning the change for his own immediate ends in the face of a crisis which was already brewing. In the storm he would enact a shrewd withdrawal, not from his power-base, but from centre stage. The senators could have back the consulships (it would be hard for him to go on monopolizing them any way in an age of 'peace'), but they would then learn the hard way that he was indispensable at Rome.

The sequel was severe disorder in the city. A plague, no doubt, was unforeseeable, but a severe grain shortage usefully caused Augustus to be begged to intervene: he settled it (having provoked it?) in ten days. He then left the city and went off to deal slowly with the question of Parthia in the East. In his absence, the people refused to elect two consuls for 21 BC BC. A const.i.tutional impa.s.se threatened. By 19, still in his absence, a new champion of the people's interests, Egnatius Rufus, had emerged in Rome and had to be stopped from running directly for the consulship by the 'ultimate decree', pa.s.sed by the Senate and enforced by the sole consul in office. By 19 there was a continuing crisis in the city which only Augustus could solve: like Pompey in 52, he had become indispensable.

In 19 BC BC envoys from Rome went out to him, finding him in Greece and persuading him to nominate a new consul (he chose a n.o.ble). Augustus then returned to Italy, to his villa near Naples, where he arrived, apparently quietly, in midsummer. At Rome, an emba.s.sy of the consuls, magistrates and leading citizens was duly dispatched to meet with him. It was a cardinal moment, a further capitulation by Rome's upper orders. Augustus did not want a triumph or a big daytime welcome, but before he entered Rome again details in his formal powers did need to be sorted out. His formal power was probably able to run inside Rome already, but henceforward it was to be made visible to onlookers bybeing accompanied with the formal insignia of office. Manifestly, he would be seen to combine the popular powers of a tribune with his power of command greater than all consuls and ex-consuls. The ambiguity between 'Senate' and 'people' in so much of the history of the Republic was now to be seen to be resolved in one man's hands, at the request of both parties. envoys from Rome went out to him, finding him in Greece and persuading him to nominate a new consul (he chose a n.o.ble). Augustus then returned to Italy, to his villa near Naples, where he arrived, apparently quietly, in midsummer. At Rome, an emba.s.sy of the consuls, magistrates and leading citizens was duly dispatched to meet with him. It was a cardinal moment, a further capitulation by Rome's upper orders. Augustus did not want a triumph or a big daytime welcome, but before he entered Rome again details in his formal powers did need to be sorted out. His formal power was probably able to run inside Rome already, but henceforward it was to be made visible to onlookers bybeing accompanied with the formal insignia of office. Manifestly, he would be seen to combine the popular powers of a tribune with his power of command greater than all consuls and ex-consuls. The ambiguity between 'Senate' and 'people' in so much of the history of the Republic was now to be seen to be resolved in one man's hands, at the request of both parties.

Instead of a triumph, Augustus opted for an altar to 'Fortune, the bringer-back'. It was false modesty, because there was no luck about his return. A separate festival, in October, was to be held just outside the city; more realistically, it was called the 'Augustalia' and became an annual event. One spectator, however, was absent: the poet Virgil whom Augustus had brought back, a sick man, from Greece. He had died in Naples, but his great epic poem, the Aeneid Aeneid, was almost complete. It already contained lines on the official view of the past, on the decadence of Antony, the Egyptian queen (never named personally), her dreadful G.o.ds and the saving of Roman values by the victor. Yet its view of its hero, Rome's founding father Aeneas, was more delicately shaded. If it had all been written thirty years later, there would have been even more pressure on Virgil to make Augustus' own deeds explicit. As the poem stood, it told future Romans to 'remember' that it was their role to 'spare those they subjected and to conquer utterly the proud in war'.9 This advice was all very well, but it did not characterize the Roman of the moment, Augustus himself. He had ruthlessly killed off his opponents, he had won no glory in battle and he had cheated and outmanoeuvred the proudest men left in Rome. This advice was all very well, but it did not characterize the Roman of the moment, Augustus himself. He had ruthlessly killed off his opponents, he had won no glory in battle and he had cheated and outmanoeuvred the proudest men left in Rome.

40.

Morals and Society The divine Augustus banished his daughter who was shameless beyond the very limits of the word. He made pu