1 July 1942. Find this for Captivity: Captivity: By unifying, always simplifying the book (in its entirety) must result in a struggle between individual destiny and collective destiny. Must not take sides.

My option: England's style of government by the middle cla.s.ses, unfortunately impossible, at least wishes to be revived, for in the end its essence is immutable; but it definitely will not happen until after I die: therefore left with two types of socialism. Neither of them appeals to me but there are the facts there are the facts!*26 One of them rejects me, therefore . . . the other . . . But that is out of the question. As a writer, I must state the problem correctly. One of them rejects me, therefore . . . the other . . . But that is out of the question. As a writer, I must state the problem correctly.

The struggle between the two destinies, this happens each time there is an upheaval, it's not logical; it's instinctive; I think a good part of oneself dies when this happens, but not all of oneself. Salvation, in general, is when the time allocated to us is longer than the time allocated to a crisis. Contrary to what is believed, what is general pa.s.ses, the whole remains, collective destiny is shorter than the destiny of the simple individual (that's not exactly right. It's a different timescale: we are only interested in the upheavals; the upheavals, either they kill us, or we last longer than them).

To get back to my subject: At first, J. Marie has a thoughtful and detached att.i.tude towards this great number of defeats. Naturally, he would like France to have its revenge but he realises that this is not a goal because whoever speaks of revenge speaks of hatred and vengeance, eternal war, and the Christian is upset by the idea of h.e.l.l and eternal punishment; he is upset at this idea that there will always be someone stronger and someone weaker; he therefore looks to unification . . . What he desires, what he yearns for, is harmony and peace. And collaborationism as it is currently practised disgusts him, and on the other hand he sees communism, which suits Benoit but not him. Therefore he tries to live as if the great, urgent, collective question isn't being asked, as if he only has to solve his own personal problems. But then he learns that Lucile has loved and perhaps still loves a German. He immediately takes sides, for the abstraction has suddenly been transformed into hatred. He hates a German and, because of him, through him, he hates or thinks he hates, which is the same thing, a way of thinking. In reality, what happens is that he forgets his own destiny and confuses it with someone else's destiny. For practical purposes, by the end of Captivity, Captivity, Lucile and J. Marie are in love with each other; this love is sad, unrequited, undeclared, completely conflicted! J. Marie runs away to fight the Germans-if that is still possible by the end of 1942! Lucile and J. Marie are in love with each other; this love is sad, unrequited, undeclared, completely conflicted! J. Marie runs away to fight the Germans-if that is still possible by the end of 1942!

The fourth part must be the return, if not the triumph of the chapter when J. Marie appears. Never forget that the public likes having the life of the "wealthy" described to them.

To sum up: struggle between personal destiny and collective destiny. To finish, stress Lucile and Jean-Marie's love and stress eternal life. The German's musical masterpiece. There must also be a reminder of Philippe. Which all in all would correspond to my deepest conviction. What lives on:

1Our humble day-to-day lives 2Art 2Art 3G.o.d 3G.o.d

Maie woods: 11 July 1942. The pine trees all around me. I am sitting on my blue cardigan in the middle of an ocean of leaves, wet and rotting from last night's storm as if I were on a raft, my legs tucked under me! In my bag, I have put Volume II of Anna Karenina, Anna Karenina, the diary of K. M. and an orange. My friends the b.u.mblebees, delightful insects, seem pleased with themselves and their buzzing is profound and grave. I like low, serious tones on voices and in nature. The shrill "chirp, chirp" of the small birds in the trees grates on me . . . In a moment or so I will try to find the hidden lake. the diary of K. M. and an orange. My friends the b.u.mblebees, delightful insects, seem pleased with themselves and their buzzing is profound and grave. I like low, serious tones on voices and in nature. The shrill "chirp, chirp" of the small birds in the trees grates on me . . . In a moment or so I will try to find the hidden lake.

Captivity:

1Corte's reaction. 2a.s.sa.s.sination attempt by Benoit's friends which horrifies Corte. 2a.s.sa.s.sination attempt by Benoit's friends which horrifies Corte. 3Corte learns something from the talkative Hubert . . . 3Corte learns something from the talkative Hubert . . . 4Through Arlette Corail etc. 4Through Arlette Corail etc. 5Her coquettish ways. 5Her coquettish ways. 6Denunciation. Hubert and J. Marie are locked up with many others. 6Denunciation. Hubert and J. Marie are locked up with many others. 7Hubert, thanks to the actions of his rich and right-thinking family, is released, J. Marie is condemned to death? 7Hubert, thanks to the actions of his rich and right-thinking family, is released, J. Marie is condemned to death? 8Here is where Lucile intervenes, the German. J. Marie is pardoned (compact description of the prison here or something of the sort). 8Here is where Lucile intervenes, the German. J. Marie is pardoned (compact description of the prison here or something of the sort). 9Benoit helps him escape. Sensational escape. 9Benoit helps him escape. Sensational escape. 10J. Marie's reaction to Germany and the Germans. 10J. Marie's reaction to Germany and the Germans. 11He and Hubert flee to England. 11He and Hubert flee to England. 12Benoit's death. Brutal and full of hope. 12Benoit's death. Brutal and full of hope.

Interspersed in all this must have Lucile's love for Jean-Marie.

The most important and most interesting thing here is the following: the historical, revolutionary facts etc. must be only lightly touched upon, while daily life, the emotional life and especially the comedy it provides must be described in detail.

APPENDIX II.

Correspondence 19361945

Irene Nemirovsky to Albin Michel7 October 1936 Thank you for the cheque for 4,000 francs. Regarding this, may I please remind you of my visit to you last spring when I asked if it would be possible for you to work out some arrangement for the future, for you will understand that the situation has become very difficult for me now. You told me then that you would do your very best to comply and that I should put my trust in you. Up until now, you haven't wanted to tell me how you proposed to arrange things, but you promised to make a decision within two months at the latest. You still haven't written anything to me about this since our meeting, which was nearly four months ago. I am therefore asking what you intend to do, for alas you understand the necessities of life for someone who, like me, possesses no great wealth and only lives by my earnings as a writer.

Editions Genio (Milan) to Albin Michel10 October 1938 We would be extremely grateful if you could tell us if Mme I. Nemirovsky is of Jewish descent. According to Italian law, anyone who has one parent, either mother or father, of Aryan race, is not considered to be Jewish.

Michel Epstein*1 to Albin Michel28 August 1939 to Albin Michel28 August 1939 My wife is currently in Hendaye (Villa Ene Exea, Hendaye-Plage) with the children. I am worried for her in these difficult times, for she has no one to come to her aid if she needs help. May I count on your friendship to send me, if you possibly can, a letter of recommendation she could eventually use for the authorities and the press in this area (Ba.s.ses-Pyrenees, Landes, Gironde)?

lbin Michel to Michel Epstein28 August 1939 The name Irene Nemirovsky should make it possible for her to open many doors! In spite of that, I would be more than pleased to give your wife a letter of introduction for the newspapers I know, but I will need certain details that you alone are in a position to provide. I would therefore ask you to please come and see me this evening.

Robert Esmenard*2 to Irene Nemirovsky28 September 1939 to Irene Nemirovsky28 September 1939 We are currently living in terrifying times which could become tragic overnight. Moreover, you are Russian and Jewish, and it could be that people who do not know you-though they must be few and far between given your fame as a writer-might cause problems for you, also, as we must try to antic.i.p.ate everything, I thought that my recommendation as an editor might be useful to you.

I am therefore prepared to confirm that you are a writer of great talent, which is also obvious, moreover, by the success of your works both in France and abroad where some of your works have been translated. I am also happy to confirm that since October 1933, the year you came to me after having published some books with my colleague Gra.s.set, including David Golder, David Golder, which was a resounding success and gave rise to a remarkable film, since then, I have always had the most cordial of relations with both you and your husband, apart from our professional relationship. which was a resounding success and gave rise to a remarkable film, since then, I have always had the most cordial of relations with both you and your husband, apart from our professional relationship.

21 December 1939

Temporary Travel Pa.s.s from 24 May to 23 August 1940 (for Irene Nemirovsky) Nationality: Russian Authorised to travel to Issy-l'eveque Authorised mode of transport: train Purpose: to see her children who have been evacuated

Irene Nemirovsky to Robert Esmenard12 July 1940 It's only been two days since the post is more or less back in service in the little village where I am. I am taking a chance and writing to your Paris address. I hope with all my heart that you have made it through these terrible times safe and sound and that you have no cause to worry about any of your family. As for me, even though military operations took place very close to here, we were spared. Currently my most serious concern is how to obtain some money.

Irene Nemirovsky to Mlle Le Fur*39 August 1940 I hope you have safely received my letter confirming receipt of the 9,000 francs. Here is why I am writing to you today. Just imagine that in a small local newspaper, I read the short announcement that I am sending you: Pursuant to a recent directive, no foreigners may contribute to the new newspaper.

I would very much like to have the details of this directive and I thought you might be able to provide them for me.

Do you think it applies to a foreigner who, like myself, has lived in France since 1920? Does it apply to political writers or to writers of fiction as well?

In general, you know that I am completely isolated from society and am unaware of all the recently adopted directives regarding the press.

If you think there is something that might be of interest to me, would you be so kind as to let me know. There's also something else. I am again going to ask your help, as I recall how very kind and obliging you are. I would like to know which writers are in Paris and who is being published in the current newspapers. Could you find out if Gringoire Gringoire and and Candide, Candide,*4 as well as the bigger magazines, intend to return to Paris? And what about the publishing houses? Which ones are open? as well as the bigger magazines, intend to return to Paris? And what about the publishing houses? Which ones are open?

Irene Nemirovsky to Mlle Le Fur8 September 1940 As far as I am concerned, there are persistent rumours here which lead me to believe that we might be part of the Free Zone one of these days and I wonder how I would then get my monthly payments.

Law on Jewish Residents4 October 1940*5 From the date of the dissemination of this current law, foreign residents of Jewish descent may be interned in special camps by decision of the Prefet Prefet in the department where they reside. in the department where they reside.

All residents of Jewish descent may at any time be forced to live in a specified location by decision of the Prefet Prefet in the department where they reside. in the department where they reside.*6

Irene Nemirovsky to Madeleine Cabour*7 You now know all the problems I have had. What's more, we have been living with a considerable number of these gentlemen for a few days now. This is painful for all sorts of reasons. I am therefore looking forward with great pleasure to the little village you've told me about, but may I ask you for some information.

1How big is Jailly in terms of inhabitants and local retailers? 2Is there a doctor and a pharmacist? 2Is there a doctor and a pharmacist? 3Is it being occupied? 3Is it being occupied? 4Can you get any food, on the whole? Do you have b.u.t.ter and meat? 4Can you get any food, on the whole? Do you have b.u.t.ter and meat?

This is particularly important to me now because of the children, as one of them has just had the operation you know about.

Irene Nemirovsky to Robert Esmenard10 May 1941 Dear Monsieur, you will recall that, according to our agreement, I was meant to have 24,000 francs on 30 June. I do not need this money at the moment, but I admit that the recent laws regarding the Jews make me fear that difficulties might arise by the time this payment is made in six weeks' time, and that would be disastrous for me. I must therefore appeal to your kindness and ask you to bring forward this payment by immediately giving a cheque in that amount to my brother-in-law, Paul Epstein, made payable to him. I have also asked him to telephone you to come to an arrangement about this. Of course, he will sign a receipt to release you fully from your responsibility towards me. It distresses me to have to trouble you yet again but I am sure you will understand the reasons for my concern. I hope you still have excellent news regarding A. Michel.

Irene Nemirovsky to Robert Esmenard17 May 1941 Dear Monsieur Esmenard, my brother-in-law told me that you gave him the 24,000 francs you were to send me on 30 June. Thank you so much for your extreme kindness towards me.

Michel Epstein to the Sous-Prefet of Autun*82 September 1941 I have received a letter from Paris informing me that anyone categorised as Jewish may not leave the village where he resides without permission from the authorities.

I find myself in this situation, along with my wife, since, even though we are Catholics, we are of Jewish descent. I therefore am taking the liberty of requesting that you please authorise my wife, born Irene Nemirovsky, as well as myself, to spend six weeks in Paris where we also have a home, 10 avenue Constant-Coquelin, for the period from 20 September to 5 November 1941.

This request is made as my wife needs to sort out some business with her publisher, visit the ophthalmologist who has always treated her, as well as seeing the doctors who care for us, Professor Vallery-Radot and Professor Delafontaine. We intend to leave our two children, aged four and eleven, in Issy and, of course, we would like to be sure that there will be no problem returning to Issy, once we have attended to our affairs in Paris.

Doctor in Issy: A. Bendit-Gonin.

From the Progres de l'Allier Progres de l'Allier no. 2008 August 1941 no. 2008 August 1941 SOVIET, LITHUANIAN, ESTONIAN AND LATVIAN RESIDENTS ORDERED TO REPORT TO REGIONAL GERMAN HEADQUARTERS.

Every male resident over the age of fifteen of Soviet, Lithuanian, Estonian or Latvian extraction, as well as those who are stateless but who previously held Soviet, Lithuanian, Estonian or Latvian citizenship, are ordered to report in person to their Regional German Headquarters with their ident.i.ty papers no later than Sat.u.r.day 9 August 1941 (noon). Anyone who does not report in person will be penalised according to the decree concerning this order.

The Field Commandant.

Irene Nemirovsky to Robert Esmenard9 September 1941 I have finally rented the house I wanted here, which is comfortable and has a lovely garden. I am moving in on 11 November if these Gentlemen don't get there first for we are once again expecting them.

Irene Nemirovsky to Robert Esmenard13 October 1941 I was happy to receive your letter this morning, not just because it confirms my hope that you will do everything possible to help me, but also because it rea.s.sures me that someone is thinking about me, which is a great comfort.

As you can imagine, life here is very sad, and if it weren't for my work . . . Even the work becomes painful when the future is so uncertain . . .

Irene Nemirovsky to Andre Sabatier*914 October 1941 My dear friend, I was very touched by your kind letter. Please do not think that I underestimate either your friendship or M. Esmenard's; on the other hand, I perfectly understand the difficulties of the situation. Up until now, I have shown as much patience and courage as I could possibly muster. But, what can you do, there are moments which are very difficult. These are the facts: impossible to work and must be responsible for four people's lives. Added to that are stupid humiliations-I cannot go to Paris; I cannot have even the most basic necessities sent here, such as blankets, beds for the children etc., my books. A general and absolute prohibition has been declared regarding the apartments inhabited by people like me. I'm not telling you this to make you feel sorry for me, but to explain to you why my thoughts can only be dark [. . .]

Robert Esmenard to Irene Nemirovsky27 October 1941 I have explained your situation to my father-in-law and have also shown him the letters you recently sent me.

As I have told you, A. Michel only wishes to be of service to you in any way possible and he has asked me to offer you a monthly payment of 3,000 francs for the year 1942 which is the same amount he was sending you when it was still possible to publish your works and sell them regularly. Please be so kind as to confirm your agreement.