(110) McPherson's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 4-8.

XXIV ACTION OF RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS, ETC.--1860-1

Significant above all other of the great events resulting from the secession of the Southern States was the dissolution of the great religious denominations in the United States.(111)

First, the Old School Presbyterian Church Synod of South Carolina, early as December 3, 1860, declared for a slave Confederacy. This was followed by other such synods in the South, all deciding for separation from the Church North. The Baptists in Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina were equally prompt in taking similar action.

Likewise the Protestant Episcopal Church, in a General Convention, held in Columbia, South Carolina, after having endorsed the Confederacy, adopted a "Const.i.tution of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States of America"; all its Southern bishops being present and approving, save Bishop Leonidas Polk of Louisiana, who was absent, a Major-General in the Confederate army.(112)

The Methodist Episcopal Church South endorsed disunion and slavery; it had, however, in 1845, separated from the Methodist Church North.

The Roman Catholic Church, through Bishop Lynch, early in 1861, espoused the Confederate cause, and he, later, corresponded with the Pope of Rome in its interests, receiving a conciliatory answer in the Pope's name by Cardinal Antonelli.

The Young Men's Christian a.s.sociation of New Orleans, May 22, 1861, issued an _Address to the Young Men's Christian a.s.sociations of North America_, declaring secession justifiable, and protesting, "in the name of Christ and his divine teachings," against waging war against the Southern States and their inst.i.tutions.

Later, in 1863, the "Confederate clergy" issued a most memorable "_Address to Christians throughout the World_," likewise protesting against further prosecution of the war; declaring that the Union was forever dissolved, and specially pointing out "the most indefensible act growing out of the inexcusable war" to be

"The recent proclamation of the President of the United States seeking the _emanc.i.p.ation of the slaves_ of the South."

And saying further:

"It is in our judgment a suitable occasion for solemn protest on the part of the people of G.o.d throughout the world."

Thus encouraged and upheld, the new Confederacy, with slavery for its "corner-stone," defiantly embarked.

The counter-action of the Church North was equally emphatic for _freedom_, and the Union of the States under one flag and one G.o.d.(113)

It is appropriate in connection with the att.i.tude of the religious people of the country toward slavery and the Confederacy, and the war to preserve the one and to establish the other, to quote from President Lincoln's valedictory Inaugural Address (March 4, 1865), in which he refers to the att.i.tude of opposing parties, the cause of the conflict, and to each party invoking G.o.d's aid.

"Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither antic.i.p.ated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. _Both read the same Bible and pray to the same G.o.d_, and each invoked His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just G.o.d's a.s.sistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us 'judge not that we be not judged.' The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully.

"The Almighty has His own purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offences. For it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh.' If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of G.o.d, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living G.o.d always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of woe may speedily pa.s.s away. Yet if G.o.d wills that it continue until all the wealth piled up by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.'

"With malice toward none, with charity for all; with firmness in the right as G.o.d gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations."

(111) _Hist. of Rebellion_ (McPherson), 508-520.

(112) He was, as Lieutenant-General, June 14, 1864, killed by a sh.e.l.l, at Marietta, Ga., while reconnoitering the Union lines.

(113) _Hist. of Rebellion_ (McPherson), pp. 460-508.

XXV PROPOSED CONCESSIONS TO SLAVERY--BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION AND CONGRESS--1860-1

The manner of receiving and treating the secession of the States by the administration of Buchanan and the Thirty-Sixth Congress can only here have a brief notice. There was a pretty general disposition to make further concessions and compromises to appease the disunion sentiment of the South. His administration was weak and vacillating. Two serious attempts at conciliation were made.

President Buchanan, in his last Annual Message (December 4, 1860), while declaring that the election of any one to the office of President was not a just cause for dissolving the Union, and while denying that "Secession" could be justified under the Const.i.tution, yet announced his conclusion that the latter had not "delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the Confederacy"; that coercion was "not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress." He did not think it was const.i.tutional to preserve the Const.i.tution or the Union of the States. This view was held by most leaders of his party at the time and throughout the ensuing war; not so, however, by the rank and file.

Buchanan did not believe that self-preservation inhered in the Const.i.tution or the Union.

The President in this Message suggested an explanatory amendment to the Const.i.tution: (1) To recognize the right of property in slaves in the States where it existed; (2) to protect this right in the Territories until they were admitted as States with or without slavery; (3) a like recognition of the right of the master to have his escaped slave delivered up to him; and (4) declaring all unfriendly State laws impairing this right unconst.i.tutional.

This was the signal for the presentation of a numerous brood of propositions to amend the Const.i.tution in the interest of slavery, and by way of concessions to the South.

A committee of thirty-three, one from each State, of which Thomas Corwin of Ohio was chairman, was (December 4, 1860) appointed to consider the part of the President's Message referred to.

Mr. Noel of Missouri proposed to instruct this committee to report on the expediency of abolishing the office of President, and in lieu thereof establishing an Executive Council of three, elected by districts composed of contiguous States--each member armed with a veto power; and he also proposed to restore the equilibrium of the States by dividing slave States into two or more.

Mr. Hindman of Arkansas proposed to amend the Const.i.tution so as to expressly recognize slavery in the States; to protect it in the Territories; to allow slaves to be transported through free States; to prohibit representation in Congress to any State pa.s.sing laws impairing the Fugitive-Slave Act; giving slave States a negative upon all acts relating to slavery, and making such amendment unalterable.

Mr. Florence of Pennsylvania and Mr. Kellogg of Illinois each proposed to amend the Const.i.tution "granting the right to hold slaves in all territory south of 36 30', and prohibiting slavery in territory north of this line," etc.

Mr. Vallandigham of Ohio proposed a long amendment to the Const.i.tution, the central idea of which was a division of the Union into four sections, with a complicated and necessarily impracticable plan of voting in Congress, and of voting for the election of President and Vice-President.

These are only samples of the many propositions to amend the Const.i.tution, but they will suffice for all. None of them had the approval of both Houses of Congress.

There were many patriotic propositions offered looking to the preservation of the Union as it was. They too failed.

The great committee reported (January 14, 1861) five propositions.

The first a series of resolutions declaratory of the duty of Congress and the government to the States, and in relation to slavery; the second an amendment to the Const.i.tution relating to slavery; the third a bill for the admission of New Mexico, including therein Arizona, as a State; the fourth a bill amending and making more efficient the Fugitive-Slave Law, among other things giving the United States Commissioner _ten dollars_ whether he remanded or discharged the alleged fugitive; and the fifth a bill for the rendition of fugitives from justice. These several propositions (save the fifth, which was rejected) pa.s.sed the House, the proposed const.i.tutional amendment of the committee being amended on motion of Mr. Corwin before its pa.s.sage.

None of the propositions were considered in the Senate save the second, and even this one did not receive the support of the secessionists still lingering in Congress.

The proposition to amend the Const.i.tution pa.s.sed both Houses by the requisite two thirds vote. It read:

"Art. XIII. No amendment shall be made to the Const.i.tution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic inst.i.tutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of any State."

_Two_ States _only_--Maryland and _Ohio_ (114)--ratified this proposed amendment. It was needless, and, if adopted, would have taken no power from Congress, which any respectable party had ever claimed it possessed, but the amendment was tendered to answer the false cry that slavery in the slave States was in danger from Congressional action.

(What a contrast between this proposed Thirteenth Amendment to the Const.i.tution and the Thirteenth Amendment adopted four years later!

The former proposed to establish slavery forever; the latter abolished it _forever_.)

The resolutions of John J. Crittenden in the Senate proposed various amendments to the Const.i.tution, among others to legalize slavery south of 36 30'; to admit States from territory north of that line, with or without slavery; to prohibit the abolition of slavery in the States and also in the District of Columbia so long as it existed in Virginia or Maryland, such abolition even then to be only with the consent of the inhabitants of the District and with compensation to the slave owners; to require the United States to pay for fugitive slaves who were prevented from arrest or return to slavery by violence and intimidation, and to make all the provisions of the Const.i.tution, including the proposed amendments, unchangeable forever. The Crittenden resolutions, at the end of much debate, and after various votes on amendments proposed thereto, failed (19 to 20) in the Senate, and therefore were never considered in the House.(115)

It was claimed at the time that had the Congressmen from the Southern States remained and voted for the Corwin and Crittenden propositions the Const.i.tution might have been amended, giving slavery all these guarantees.

(114) Joint resolution of ratification, _Ohio Laws_, 1861, p. 190.

(115) _Hist. of Rebellion_ (McPherson), pp. 57-67.

XXVI PEACE CONFERENCE--1861

By appointments of governors or legislatures, commissioners from each of twenty States, chosen at the request of the Legislature of Virginia, met in Washington, February 4, 1861, in a "_Peace Conference_."(116) Ex-President John Tyler of Virginia was made President, and Crafts J. Wright of Ohio Secretary.(117)

It adjourned February 27th, having agreed to recommend to the several States amendments to the Const.i.tution, in substance: That north of 36 30' slavery in the Territories shall be, and south of that line it shall not be, prohibited; that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature shall pa.s.s any law to prevent slaves from being taken from the States to the Territories; that no Territory shall be acquired by the United States, except by discovery and for naval stations, without the consent of a majority of the Senators from the slave and also from the free States; that Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in any State, nor in the District of Columbia without the consent of Maryland; nor to prohibit Congressmen from taking their slaves to and from said District; nor the power to prohibit the free transportation of slaves from one slave State or Territory to another; that bringing slaves into the District of Columbia for sale, or to be placed in depot for transfer and sale at other places, is prohibited; that the clauses in the Const.i.tution and its amendments relating to slavery shall never be abolished or amended without the consent of all the States; and that Congress shall provide by law for paying owners for escaped slaves where officers, whose duty it was to arrest them, were prevented from arresting them or returning them to their owners after being arrested.

"The Peace Conference" was composed of 133 members, among whom were some of the most eminent men of the country, though generally, however, only conservatives from each section were selected as members. Its remarkable recommendations were made with considerable unanimity, voting in the conference being by States, the Continental method.