"War and dissolution of the Union are identical."

After prophesying that if a war came it would be more ferocious, b.l.o.o.d.y, implacable, and exterminating than were the wars of Greece, the Commoners of England, or the Revolutions of France, Senator Clay predicted that it would be "not of two or three years' duration, but a war of interminable duration, during which some Philip or Alexander, some Caesar or Napoleon, would arise and cut the Gordian knot and solve the problem of the capacity of man for self-government, and crush the liberties of both the several portions of this common empire."

Happily, events have falsified most of these prophecies.

Then came the dying Calhoun, with a last speech in behalf of slavery and on the imaginary wrongs of the South. His last appearance in public life was pathetic. Broken with age and disease, enveloped in flannels, he was carried into the Capitol, where he tottered to the old Senate Hall and to a seat. He found himself too weak to even read his last warning to the North and appeal for his beloved inst.i.tution. The speech was written, and was read in his presence by Senator Mason of Virginia. He referred to the disparity of numbers between the North and the South by which the "equilibrium between the two sections had been destroyed." He did not recognize the fact that slavery alone was the cause of this disparity. He professed to believe the final object of the North was "the abolition of slavery in the States." He contended that one of the "cords"

of the Union embraced "plans for disseminating the Bible," and "for the support of doctrines and creeds."

He said:

"The first of these _cords_ which snapped under its explosive force was that of the powerful Methodist Episcopal Church. The next _cord_ that snapped was that of the Baptists, one of the largest and most respectable of the denominations. That of the Presbyterian is not entirely snapped, but some of its strands have given way.

That of the Episcopal Church is the only one of the four great Protestant denominations which remains unbroken and entire."

He referred to the strong ties which held together the two great parties, and said:

"This powerful _cord_ has fared no better than the spiritual. To this extent the union has already been destroyed by agitation."

He laid at the door of the North all the blame for the slavery agitation.

The admission of California as a free State was the immediate, exciting cause for Calhoun's speech.

Already, on October 13, 1849, after a session of forty days, a Convention in California had, with much unanimity, framed a Const.i.tution which, one month later, was, with like unanimity, adopted by her free, gold-mining people. It prohibited slavery.

It had been laid before Congress by President Taylor, who recommended the immediate admission under it of California as a State.

President Taylor had not overlooked the disunion movements. In his first and only message to Congress he expressed his affection for the Union, and warningly said:

"In my judgment its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and to avert that should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our own happiness, and that of countless generations to come. Whatever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it and maintain it in its integrity, to the full extent of the obligations imposed and the power conferred on me by the Const.i.tution."

Recommending specially that territorial governments for New Mexico and Utah should be formed, leaving them to settle the question of slavery for themselves, President Taylor, in his Message, said further:

"I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most ill.u.s.trious of my predecessors against furnishing any ground for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations."

Alluding to these pa.s.sages, Calhoun, in his last speech, said:

"It (the Union) cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on it, however splendid or numerous. The cry of 'Union, Union, the glorious Union,' can no more prevent _disunion_ than the cry of 'Health, Health, glorious Health,' on the part of the physician can save a patient from dying that is lying dangerously ill."

To the allusion of the President to Washington, Calhoun sneeringly said:

"There was nothing in _his_ history to deter us from seceding from the Union should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it was inst.i.tuted."

The prime objects for which the Union was formed, were, as he contended, the preservation, perpetuation, and extension of the inst.i.tution of human slavery. In the ant.i.thesis of this speech he asked and answered:

"How can the Union be saved?

"To provide for the insertion of a provision in the Const.i.tution, by an amendment which will restore to the South in substance the power she possessed of protecting herself before the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the action of this government."

The speech did not state what, exactly, this amendment was to be, but it transpired that it was to provide for the election of _two_ Presidents, one from the free and one from the slave States, each to approve all acts of Congress before they became laws.

Of this device, Senator Benton said:

"No such double-headed government could work through even one session of Congress, any more than two animals could work together in the plough with their heads yoked in opposite directions."(69)

In the same month (March 31, 1850) the great political gladiator and pro-slavery agitator and originator and disseminator of disunion doctrines was dead;(70) but there were others to uphold and carry forward his work to its fatal ending.

Calhoun was early accounted a sincere and honest man, a patriot of moderate views, and at one time was much esteemed North as well as South. It is believed than an unfortunate quarrel with President Jackson dashed his hopes of reaching the Presidency, and so embittered him that he became the champion, first of nullification, then of disunion.

There is not room here to speak in detail of the other champions of the great debate on the Clay resolutions.

On the 18th of April these resolutions, and others of like import, were referred to a committee of thirteen, with Clay as its chairman.

This was Clay's last triumph, and he accepted it with the greatest joy, though then in ill health and fast approaching the grave.(71)

Of his joy, Benton, in a speech at the time, said:

"We all remember that night. He seemed to ache with pleasure. It was too great for continence. It burst forth. In the fullness of his joy and the overflow of his heart he entered upon the series of congratulations."(72)

The sincere old hero was doomed to much disappointment; he did not live, however, to see his views on slavery contained in the Compromise measures (1) overthrown by an act of Congress four years later, (2) by a decision of the Supreme Court seven years later, and then (3) made an issue on which the South seceded from the Union and precipitated a war, in which for ferocity, duration, and bloodshed, his prophecies fell far short. On the 8th of May this memorable committee reported its recommendations somewhat different from his resolutions.

Its report favored:

1. The postponement of the subject of the admission of new States formed out of Texas until they present themselves, when Congress should faithfully execute the compact with Texas by admitting them.

2. The admission forthwith of California with the boundaries she claimed.

3. The establishment of territorial government, without the Wilmot Proviso, for New Mexico and Utah; embracing all territory acquired from Mexico not included in California.

4. The last two measures to be combined in one bill.

5. The establishment of the boundary of Texas by the exclusion of all New Mexico, with the grant of a pecuniary equivalent to Texas; also to be a part of a bill including the last two measures.

6. A more effectual fugitive-slave law.

7. To prohibit the slave trade, not slavery, in the District of Columbia.

Bills to carry out these recommendations were also reported.

A discussion ensued in both branches of Congress, which continued for five months; and daily Clay met and presided in caucus over what he called the Union men of the Senate, including Whigs and Democrats.

These measures were supported by Clay, Webster, Ca.s.s, Douglas, and Foote; opposed by Seward, Chase, Hale, Davis of Ma.s.sachusetts, and Dayton, anti-slavery men; also by Benton, an independent Democrat, a slaveholder in Missouri and the District of Columbia,(73) and by Jefferson Davis, and others of the Calhoun Southern type.

President Taylor opposed the Clay plan. He denominated the blending on incongruous subjects as an "Omnibus Bill." He favored dealing with each subject on its own merits. He regarded the Texas and New Mexico boundary dispute as a question between the United States and New Mexico, not between Texas and New Mexico.(74) He favored the admission of California with her free State Const.i.tution. Even earlier, he announced that he would approve a bill containing the Wilmot Proviso. He indignantly responded to Stephens' and Toombs'

demands in the interests of slavery, coupled with threatened disunion, by giving them to understand he would, if necessary, take the field himself to enforce the laws, and if the gentlemen were taken in rebellion he would hang them as he had deserters and spies in Mexico.(75)

Taylor died (July 8, 1850) pending the great discussion, chagrined and mortified over the unsettled condition of his country. His last words were: "_I have always done my duty; I am ready to die.

My only regret is for the friends I leave behind me_."

He was a great soldier and patriot, and his character hardly justified the whole of the common appellation, "Rough and Ready."

He was perhaps always ready, but not rough; on the contrary, he was a man of peace and order. On his election to the Presidency he desired some plan to be adopted for California by which "to subst.i.tute the rule of law and order there for the bowie knife and revolver."(76)

In August, 1850, the great debate ceased, and voting in the Senate commenced. The plan of the "thirteen" underwent changes, their bills being segregated, subst.i.tutes were offered for them, and many amendments were made to the several bills. Davis of Mississippi insisted upon the extension of the Missouri Compromise line--36 30'--to the Pacific Ocean. This brought out Mr. Clay's best sentiments. He said: