An entry in Evelyn's diary shows the general state of affairs at this time:--

'_October 11._ The armie now turned out the Parliament. We had now no government in the nation; all in confusion; no magistrate either own'd or pretended but the souldiers, and they not agreed. G.o.d Almighty have mercy on and settle us!'

Evelyn was not slack in doing what in him lay towards this much-desired settlement:--

'_November 7._ Was published my bold "Apologie" for the King in this time of danger when it was capital to speake or write in favour of him. It was printed twice, so universally it took.'

A fast was kept in secret, apparently about once a fortnight, by the Churchmen in London to pray 'for G.o.d's mercy to our calamitous Church.'

On _February 3, 1660_, Evelyn writes:--

'General Monk came to London from Scotland, but no man knew what he would do or declare. Yet he was met on all his way by the gentlemen of all the counties which he pa.s.sed, with pet.i.tions that he would recall the old, long-interrupted Parliament, and settle the nation in some order, being at this time in most prodigious confusion and under no government, everybody expecting what would be next and what he would do.'

Later in the same month Mr. Hyde wrote almost in despair to Dr.

Barwick:[75]

'It would be very good news if I could hear of my Lord of Ely being in full liberty, to whom I pray present my humble service. The truth is I have but little hope of the business of the Church but by his being at liberty, and therefore I hope he will make no scruple of accepting it if it be offered, or if it can be reasonably obtained.'

The suspense which Evelyn describes had not long to be endured. On February 11, the very day after Monk had dismayed the city by breaking down its gates and allowing the soldiers to march about it in triumph, he turned out the Parliament then sitting at Westminster, and called together the former one, to the great joy of the people. From this moment all hearts and wishes turned to the exiled royal family as the one hope left of tranquillity and order; thus suddenly, when the royalist hopes were lowest, their hearts' desire was given to them.

[_BISHOP WREN'S RELEASE._]

Monk, now in supreme power, did not forget the Bishop of Ely, whose fellow-captive he had been and who must have rejoiced to see Monk at last justify his confidence. On March 15 the lieutenant of the Tower received the order 'That Dr. Wren, Bishop of Ely, be discharged from his imprisonment.' Thus the eighteen years of captivity came to an end, and the Bishop came forth from the Tower, an old man of seventy-five, broken by many sorrows.

It cannot have been with unmixed joy that he once more trod another path than that wonted one on the leads of the Tower. True, the King was coming home in peace to a people longing to receive him. This return was a promise of deliverance for the Church, and an end to that difficulty of preserving the Apostolical Succession which had so nearly proved a fatal one. And yet, the flood, which in those eighteen years had pa.s.sed over the land, had swept away many whom the Bishop loved well. The King might return in triumph, but he was not the sovereign whom, from his youth, Bishop Wren had loved and served. The primate with whom he had worked, had been cruelly murdered; and none could restore the wife and children who had pined and died during the long years of his imprisonment. The Church, however, remained, and for her Bishop Wren would work while life lasted. Part of his employment in the Tower had been the writing of treatises and sermons, one of which on the Scotch Covenant, from the text 'Neither behave thyself frowardly in the covenant,' he dispersed over the dioceses of Norwich and Ely, lodging the while where he could in London, as he was not yet allowed to go back either to Downham in Suffolk or to Ely House in Holborn. It appeared, as was truly said, as if he had not been 'so much released as thrust out of prison.'

Homeless and penniless as he then seemed, Bishop Wren's spirit was in no respect daunted; when he left in safety the Tower where he had once thought to lay his head on the block, he planned the thank-offering which he would make to G.o.d. His children, from whom he had been so long separated, who were scattered everywhere and had been reduced to the greatest straits, he with much difficulty gathered together again, and they awaited the event of Monk's decision.

[_THE RESTORATION._]

At length came that 29th of May so often described in history and fiction. Evelyn's[76] account of it is interesting, as that of an eyewitness:--

'This day his majestie Charles II. came to London, after a sad and long exile and calamitous suffering both of the king and church, being seventeen yeares. This was also his birthday; and with a triumph of above 20,000 horse and foote, brandishing their swords and shouting with inexpressible joy; the wayes strewed with flowers, the bells ringing, the streetes hung with tapestry, fountaines running with wine; the maior, aldermen, and all the companies in their liveries, chaines of gold, and banners; lords and n.o.bles clad in cloth of silver, gold, and velvet; the windowes and balconies well set with ladies: trumpets, music, and myriads of people flocking even so far as from Rochester, so as they were seven houres in pa.s.sing the citty, even from two in afternoone till nine at night. I stood in the Strand and beheld it, and blessed G.o.d. All this was don without one drop of bloudshed, and by that very army which rebelled against him.'

By degrees, matters settled down to a more ordinary level. The Church Service was restored at Whitehall, and on June 28 Pepys mentions[77]

'poor Bishop Wren going to chapel, it being a thanksgiving day for the King's returne.'

The vacant sees were now filled up as speedily as possible. Bishop Juxon was translated to Canterbury, Sheldon succeeding him as Bishop of London; the northern province, then wholly without bishops, had its losses supplied.

The Prayer Book was not by any means commonly used again for some time.

Pepys characteristically says--[78]

'_July 1._--This morning come home my fine camlett cloak, with gold b.u.t.tons, and a silk suit which cost me much money, and I pray G.o.d make me able to pay for it. In the afternoon to the Abbey, where a good sermon by a stranger, but no Common Prayer yet.'

In the following November, to quote the same writer, 'men did begin to nibble at the Common Prayer.' Matters were really progressing, the cathedrals and the court chapels as well as those in the Bishop's palaces setting the example. In February (1661) Evelyn heard 'Dr.

Baldero preach at Ely House on St. Matthew vi. 33; after the sermon the Bishop of Ely gave us the blessing very pontifically.'[79]

[_ELY HOUSE._]

Ely House was an ancient possession of the see,[80] the gift of William de Ludd, who in the reign of Edward I. gave the house and endowed it with his manor of Ouldbourne, a name which soon grew into Holbourn. The garden and its strawberries are immortalised by Shakespeare. It was leased to Sir Christopher Hatton by Bishop c.o.x in Queen Elizabeth's reign, and a struggle between the Hatton family and the Bishops of Ely then began which lasted until 1772.[81] In Wren's time, the Bishops had recovered some of the buildings, and he had lived here before the rebellion. During that time the house had been used as a prison for 'malignant priests,' especially those of the city of London, and he must have found the whole building sorely defaced and injured.

The chapel, dedicated to S. Etheldreda, is a beautiful piece of Gothic architecture; and there, when it had been cleansed and restored to some order, many of the new bishops were consecrated, and Bishop Wren a.s.sisted at that preservation of the Apostolical Succession which but two years before had seemed well-nigh hopeless.

Much was done at Ely House. In the May of 1661 the Convocation of Canterbury met in S. Paul's, its marred, plundered condition not inaptly showing the adversities through which the Church of England had pa.s.sed.

The Convocation had much work before it, the most pressing being to prepare a service for the baptism of those of riper years and for May 29. In order to this a committee of both Houses of Convocation was formed, which met at Ely House, and of which Bishop Wren appears to have been the ruling spirit. Many were still half afraid of their true position and afraid of the Puritan party; eighteen years of confusion and persecution had slackened all discipline, and many things seemed natural to the new generation which neither Bishop Andrewes nor Archbishop Laud would have tolerated for a day. It is implied in Dr.

Barwick's Life that many of those who should have upheld the Church discipline were willing, from a mistaken notion of conciliation and peace, to let it go. Bishop Wren set his face resolutely against this doctrine.

[_REVISION OF THE PRAYER BOOK._]

In November the Convocation met again. Dr. John Barwick had been appointed to the deanery of S. Paul's, and in spite of very failing health, had resumed the weekly Communions, daily prayers, and musical services of the cathedral, and had succeeded in making the choir, where the Puritans had stabled their horses, once more fit for Divine service.

At this session of Convocation the Prayer Book was finally revised, after the Bishops had heard at the Savoy Conference all that the Puritans could urge against it. Bishop Wren had been actively engaged in this work, and suggested a considerable number of alterations and additions, many of which were adopted. A large number of grammatical errors had crept in to the old book: for example, 'which' instead of 'who' was in almost all the collects and the Apostles' creed. It still, by some oversight, survives in the Lord's Prayer.[82] 'The altering whereof,' says Bishop Wren, 'if it may seem strange at first to unskilful ears, yet will it not be a nine days' wonder, but for ever after a right expression in all our addresses unto G.o.d.'

Page after page he corrected with the utmost care, from the very t.i.tle-page and calendar to the end. July has the characteristic note, 'Out with Dog-days from amongst the Saints.'--A considerable number of his suggestions are part of the Prayer Book to this day. The final clause of the prayer for the Church Militant beginning 'We also bless, etc.,' though not Bishop Wren's composition, as he intended to have replaced the Commemoration of the Saints and the Thanksgiving as it stood in the first Prayer Book of Edward VI., is yet due to his suggestion. The whole series of notes and emendations is very interesting, though they are more than can be given here. Two things plainly appear: that he wished to return as nearly as possible to the first Prayer Book of Edward VI., as the one most closely resembling the offices of the Early Church; that he was very desirous to have the book made as full, as plain, and as clear as the English language could make it. He was anxious that no needless stumbling-blocks should remain in the path either of Churchmen or of Nonconformists, but at the same time he had no intention of bartering any portion of Church truth or discipline for the doubtful advantages of 'comprehension.'

It is a proof that he was not, with all his high-minded firmness, the persecuting prelate of Puritan pamphleteers, or the sour and severe man which, in early days, Lord Clarendon thought him, that both in Norwich, his former diocese, and in the one he then ruled, most of the clergy renounced the Covenant.[83]

S. Bartholomew's day, 1662, was the time fixed for those who refused to conform to the Church to resign their livings. It has been easy to represent this as a piece of cruel tyranny, as the turning out of a body of pious men who were labouring in the work which others neglected. In truth, as even Milton says, they were 'time-servers, covetous, illiterate persecutors, not lovers of the truth, like in most things whereof they had accused their predecessors.' To this grave indictment must be added that they were, in the strictest sense, intruders, thrust into charges by Cromwell's authority, while the true priests were imprisoned, fined, forbidden to minister, or even to teach as schoolmasters, and literally left to starve.

'The majority of these were dead and none had been ordained to fill up the gaps, during all the long years since the Church's overthrow.... Of the eight thousand intruding Nonconformists, a bare two thousand--1700 would probably be nearer the number--refused conformity.

'In other words, the Church of the Restoration had to begin her work with a clergy of whom at least three-fourths were aliens at heart to her doctrine and her discipline. To the politician this result was most satisfactory; to the Church little short of disastrous.'[84]

[_GARTER RECORDS RESTORED._]

One of the earliest appointments made at the Restoration was that of Dr.

Bruno Ryves[85] to be Dean of Windsor and Registrar of the Garter. In the August of 1660, Christopher Wren went to Windsor, and solemnly delivered to the Dean the three registers and the note books of the Order of the Garter, which Dean Wren had, with so much difficulty, recovered and hidden carefully until, at his death, he transferred the charge to his son. Dean Ryves gave a written acknowledgment to Christopher that he had safely received the books, and the service his father had done in preserving them was fully admitted. Gresham College had been cleansed and set in order after the Restoration, and Christopher resumed his lectures there, which were largely attended.

After one of these lectures given in November, Lord Brouncker, Mr.

Robert Boyle, Dr. G.o.ddard, Dr. Petty, Dr. Wilkins, Sir Robert Moray and others withdrew with Wren to his room, where they discussed a project for a philosophical College or Society. It was not an entirely new idea, for it had been a favourite scheme of Evelyn's, also of the poet Cowley's.[86] It was not a matter to be arranged in one sitting, and accordingly they settled to meet weekly in Wren's rooms after his lectures, and agreed that for incidental expenses each should pay down ten shillings and subscribe a shilling weekly. A list was made of between thirty and forty probable members, among them those previously mentioned, and Christopher's old friend Sir C. Scarborough, Dr. Seth Ward, Matthew Wren, Cowley, Sir Kenelme Digby, Mr. Evelyn and others.

Sir Robert Moray undertook to explain the project to King Charles, and brought back a gracious message that he well approved of it, and would be ready to give it every encouragement. One of the first orders of the Society was that Wren should at the next meeting of the Society bring in his account of the pendulum experiment, with his explanation of it: this experiment related to 'the determination of a standard measure of length by the vibration of a pendulum.'[87] There followed experiments for the improvement of shipping, in which Wren worked with Dr. Petty and Dr.

G.o.ddard. It was a question to what mechanical powers sailing, especially when against the wind, was reducible; 'he showed it to be a wedge; and he demonstrated how a transient force upon an oblique plane would cause the motion of the plane against the first mover. He made an instrument that mechanically produced the same effect and showed the reason of sailing to all winds.'

But to give all Christopher's experiments would be to write over again the already well-told history of the Royal Society. It had few more a.s.siduous members.

[_SAVILIAN PROFESSORSHIP._]

In 1661, Christopher resigned his Gresham Professorship, in order to accept the Savilian Professorship of Astronomy, at Oxford.[88] It had been held by Dr. Seth Ward, who was soon afterwards made Bishop of Salisbury in succession to Bishop Hyde. Shortly after his appointment, Christopher had a command from the King to make him a lunar globe, according to the observations made with the best telescopes. He constructed one 'representing not only the spots and various degrees of whiteness on the surface, but the hills, eminences, and cavities moulded in solid work.' This curious toy was highly admired, placed in the King's cabinet at Whitehall, and esteemed a great 'rarity.'

In this year Wren took his degree as Doctor of Civil Laws, Oxford, and received a similar honour from the University of Cambridge. King Charles purposed paying a visit to Oxford, and the Philosophical Society both there and in London resolved to give him an entertainment. Lord Brouncker wrote from London to Wren to consult him. Wren wrote back:--

'My Lord,--The Act and noise at Oxford being over, I retir'd to myself as speedily as I could to obey your Lordship and contribute something to the collection of Experiments designed by the Society, for his Majesty's Reception. I concluded on something I thought most suitable for such an occasion; but the stupidity of our artists here makes the apparatus so tedious that I foresee I shall not be able to bring it to anything within the time proposed. What in the meanwhile to suggest to your Lordship I cannot guess.'...

'Geometrical problems, and new methods, however useful, will be but tasteless in a transient show.' He enumerates various things which he had thought of and rejected: 'designs of engines, scenographical tricks, designs of architecture, chymical experiments, experiments in anatomy, which last are sordid and noisome to any but those whose desire of knowledge makes them digest it.' 'Experiments of Natural Philosophy are seldom pompous, and certainly Nature in the best of her works is apparent enough in obvious things, were they but curiously observed; and the key that opens treasures is often plain and rusty, but unless it be gilt it will make no show at Court.'

He proposed to show an experiment with a 'weather wheel to measure the expansions of air.' Another--'no unpleasing spectacle--of seeing a man live without new air as long as you please;' this was to be effected by an instrument of Wren's invention which cooled, percolated, and purified the air. Also 'an artificial eye truly and dioptrically made as big as a tennis-ball.'

['_SO MUCH TATTLE._']

'My Lord,' the letter ends, 'if my first design had been perfect I had not troubled your Lordship with so much Tattle, but with something performed and done. But I am fain, in this letter, to do like some chymist who when Projection (his fugitive darling) hath left him threadbare, is forced to fall to vulgar Preparations to pay his Debts.'