'Your sincere and affte. friend

'ALEXR. PICKLE.

'To Mr. William Blair, at Mr. Brodie's in Lille Street, near Leister fields--London.'

This illness of Pickle's was troublesome: it is to be feared the poor gentleman never quite recovered his health. As usual, he is in straits for money. England was already ungrateful. Here follows another despatch

Add. 32,843.

'Paris: March 15, 1753.

Dr. Sir,--I had a long letter leatly from Mr. Cromwell [Bruce]

contining in chief tow Artickles by way of charge; the first complaining of my long silence--t'other for not keeping a due and regular correspondence . . .What I beg you a.s.sure my mistress of, is, that had there been any new mode worth her notice invented since I gave her one exact patron of the last [the Elibank plot], I would not have neglected to have sent her due patrons. Please aquent my mistress that of leate they have comenced some new fashions in the head dresses, very little varying from the former one, yet they estime it is a masterpiece in its kind, for my part, I have but a slight idea of it, though they bost the people of the first rank of our country will use it. I would have wrot of this sooner, but my illness occasiond my not knowing anything of the matter till very leatly, and I was so very ill, that it was impossible for me to write, as you may see by Mr. Cromwell's letter. You may remember, dr. Papa, that I was always very desirous that my love intrigues should be secret from all mortalls but those agreed upon, and that my letters might be perus'd by non, but by my mistress and you, now if you have people how [who] were, and a few that still are, at the helme, that don't act honourably, I can't be possitive, neither will I mention them at this distance, beeing myself a little credulous, as I have but one under architect's word for it. Were I to credit some of the managers, some of the fundation stones are pleacd upon a very sandy ground, but our little thin friend, the Emba.s.sador [Earl Marischal?], gives it little or no credit, it may be but a puff in hopes to create suspicion, and make one of each other mistrustfull.

In consequence of all this the managers have derected our Northern friends [Lochgarry and the clans] to keep their posts. I can answer for such as regards me, and I beg least the Company [Jacobites] make banckrout that you proteck my parte of them. I am now pretty well recover'd of my leate illness, tho' I have been very much afraid of a relapse, having catch'd a violent cold at the Masquerad ball of Lundi Gras, beeing over perswaded to accompany our worthy friend Mr. Murray to that diversion, where I was greatly astonish'd to find Mr. STRANGE [Prince Charles] whom I imagin'd to be all this time in Germanie, for I took it for granted that he went for Berlin when I meet him at Furnes. I know not how long his stay was at Paris, for I was A LITTLE PICKT THAT HE DID NOT INQUIRE AFTER ME DURING MY ILLNESS. He left this early Tuesday morning, and our friend Mr. Murray gave him the convoie for some days, and yesterday he returnd to town. I am to dine with him this day, and you may be sure, we will not forget to drink a b.u.mper to our British friends and your health and prosperity in particular.

'I leave this in a cuple of days, and I must, tho, with reluctance, aquent you, my dear Papa, that my long stay here, together with my illness, has runn me quite aground, which forct me to borow very near 150l. St. and Mr. Woulf, Banquier, has my note payable the 5th of Aprile to his correspondent at Boulogne. As for the remaining 50, its not so pressing, as I had it from my Collegian friends [Scots College], now if I'm not enabled to pay this triffle, my credit, which was always good in this country, will be blown . . . I beg you ly me at my charming Mistress' feet [Pelham], and a.s.sure her how ardent my desires are to preserve her love and affections, which I hope very soon to a.s.sure her personally.

'I ever remain, my dear Papa

'Your most obedient, and most oblidged humble servt

'ALEXR. JACKSON.'

'P.S. Tho' I am still very weake, I will endeavour to leave this upon the 18th. Instant, and I stear my course for Imperiall Flanders.'

The following communication is undated, but, from the reference to Pickle's illness, it must be of March or April 1753. In April, Glengarry informed Edgar, as we saw, that he was going to England from Arras. He apparently went over, and handed in this intelligence. If he speaks truth, the Earl Marischal criticised the Elibank plot as a candid friend. There exists evidence of a spy on a spy, who tracked Glengarry to the Earl Marischal's house. 'Swem-rs M. P.' is a Mr. Swymmer.

Add. 33,050.

'Pickle remaind about ten days at Boulogne, where he was frequently in company with Sir J. Harrington who at that instant knew as little as Pickle of the P. Destination. Sir J. H-a-r-t-n was much cast down at the grand affair's [Elibank plot] being r.e.t.a.r.ded. He wrote to Ld.

S-t-ln [Strathallan] aquenting him therewith, for Ld. S-t-ln and Young Ga [Glengarry?] had been sent some time before to sound Ld.

George Murray, not knowing how he stood affected, as he [Prince Charles] had once greatly disoblidgd him. S. J. H-a-r-t-n aquenting them of the disappointment in England, stopt further proceedings, so they return'd back to Boulogne. Pickle went streight from Boulogne to Paris, where he was very intimate with Ld. Marischal; few days past but Pickle was at his lodgings or M-r-l- at Pickle's. Ld. M-r- l- was first aquented with the intended insurrection in England by Goring who waited of him by his master's [Charles's] particular order, a person of distinction spoke very seriously to M-r-l- upon this head. Pickle does not know how [who] this was, M-r-l- declining to mention names, yet he estem'd this person as a man of weight, and good judgement, this person was publick at Paris, but waited of M-r-l at night--Carte has been several times over, he is trusted, and it is by his means chiefly, that the P. turn'd off Kelly, as Mr. Carte inform'd the P. that persons of note would enter upon no scheme with him whilst that fellow shar'd his confidence. Sir Jo: A-s-ly [?]

was over, and Pickle believes he met the P. at Paris. The pretence of Mr. Swem-rs, Memr. of Pt. traveling abroad with his lady, was to settle the English Scheme. Ld. M-r-l has not seen the P. but twice, before Pickle went over. He never saw him at Berlin, THO' HE BELIEVED THAT HE HAD TAKEN SEVERAL TRIPS TO THAT COURT. He saw Goring twice at Berlin. M-r-l knew nothing of a foreign Invation, and did not believe there could be any in time of peace. Pickle one day asking his opinion of their affairs, he answer'd that he could say nothing upon the head with certainty, he kept his mind to himself, that when they ask'd his Opinion, he told them he COULD NOT JUDGE SO WELL AS THEY, SINCE HE WAS QUITE A STRANGER TO LONDON, AND TO THE DIFFERENT POSTS, AND MANNER OF PLACING THEIR GUARDS, BUT THAT IF THEY EXECUTED ACCORDING TO THEIR PLAN LAID BEFORE HIM, HE DOUBTED NOT BUT THEY MIGHT SUCCEED, but Pickle making some objections as to the veracity of this plan, told him that he could not positively contrad.i.c.k them, and tell the P. that they impost upon him, for, says he, "what Opinion, Mr. Pickle, can I entertain of people that propos'd that I should abandon my Emba.s.sy, and embark headlong with them? what can I answer, when they a.s.sure me that B-d-rl, S-dh G-me- ele [?] with others of that party have agreed when once matters break out, to declare themselves? But you need not, Mr. Pickle, be apprehensive, you may safely waite the event, as you are not desir'd to make any appearance [in Scotland] untill London and other parts of England pulls off the mask, or untill there is a foreign landing."

This, and matters much of the same nature were the ordinary topicks of Mrl and Pickle's conversation.

'Pickle was not above six weeks in France, when he was determin'd to return, but was prevented by M-r-y [Count Murray, Elibank's brother]

aquenting him that he would soon see the P. personally. Of this he at once aquented Mr. Cromwell [Bruce, English official] and that it was the only thing that detain'd him, but as Pickle in the interim went to Sens, in his return to Paris, HE WAS SEASED WITH A FLUXION DE POITRINE which had very near tript up his hiells. Pickle, when he recover'd, went to the Opera Ball, here to his great surprise he met the P. who received him very kindly, and he still insisted upon foreign a.s.sistance, and the great a.s.surances he had from England, and that he expected matters would go well in a very little time, he often mentioned foreign a.s.sistance by the Court of Berlin's influence, from Swedland. His conversation with Pickle was in general terms. Pickle told him that he intended returning to Britain. "Well then," says he, "I hope soon to send you an agreeable message, as you'l be amongest the very first aquented when matters coms to a Crisis: for my parte I hope to have one bold puish for all;" then after a.s.surances of his friendship, he went off, and Pickle has not seen him since; this was upon Lundie Gras. He left Paris that very morning, and Capt. Murray gave him the Convoy, and was absent four days. A few days after this, Pickle met, by meare accident, Goring going to Ld. Mrl. Gor was then upon his way to England where he did not tarry above six days. D.K-ns [Dawkins] went leatly over, and brought mony for the P. Pickle believes upwards of 4,000l. St. There is few weeks but Sir J. H-a-r-t-n leeves messages by means of the Smugglers. Eldermen Blastus Heth [Heathcote] B-n J- r-n-d Black, with many others, are mannagers in the City. IF ANYTHING IS TO BE ATTEMPTED, ITS TO BE EXECUTED BY A SET OF RESOLUTE DARING YOUNG FELLOWS, LAID ON BY A SET OF YOUNG GENTLEMEN, CONDUCTED BY A FEW REGULAR OFFICERS. If ever any attempt is made, it's to be a Night onset, and if they succeed in 'scaping the Guards then all will declare. The P. has been tampering with the Scots Dutch, he saw some of them. Pickle cant condescent who they were, his Agents spoke to many of them. No Officers are fitter for such attempts, as they are both brave and experienced. The P. depends upon having many friends in the Army, there being not a few added to their number by the [Duke of c.u.mberland's] conduct towards many gallant gentlemen and men of property, but whatever steps they have been taking, to sound or gaine over either Officers of the Land or Sea Service, they still keep a dead secret. As for B-r [Beaufort?], Ld. W-r-d [Westmoreland] Sir Jo-s-ps with other of the Cohelric [choleric?] and [Bould?] Pickle is very ready, as he is not accustom'd to such Surnames and t.i.tles, to forget them, but a.s.semblys of that nature are pretty publick, members of such meetings can't escape the vigilancy of the Ministry: Murray, when he came over in Novr. last, brought over several manefestos to England, with a very ample comission for --- [Glengarry?] to raise the Clans and command in Chief untill an Expressd Generall Officer landed, and even then the Clans were to have a particular Commander (a Highlander) this they insisted upon, knowing what tools they have been in times past to Low Country Commanders, no more experienced than the most ordinary amongest themselves. --- [?] was pitched upon, as the P. believed he would readily comploy with any reasonable plan that would be concerted by the Commander in Chief, what Pickle a.s.serts as to this, will probably be known by others. Neith. Drum.

Heb, were pitched upon to try the pulse of D. H. [Hamilton?] and other n.o.belmen and gentlemen of the South. Aber-ny with some of the excepted Skulkers were to manadge and concert matters with the North Country Lowlanders, and Menzy of Cul-d-re was to be agent betwixt the Lowlands and bordering Highlands. Several were sent to Scotland by the P. and mony given them in order to prepaire the people.

' --- [Glengarry] can fully answer for the Highlands, for nothing can be transacted there without his knowledge, as his Clan must begin the play, or they can come to no head there. What Pickle knows of English schemes he can't be so positive, as he was not designed to be an actor upon that Stage, yet in time he may perhaps be more initiated in those misterys, as they now believe that Pickle could have a number of Highlanders even in London to follow him, but whatever may happen, you may always rely upon Pickle's attachment.'

To be 'pick't' (piqued) by the Prince's neglect to inquire about Pickle's precious health is very characteristic of Glengarry. His vanity and pride are alluded to by men of all parties.

Pickle's remarks on Charles's receipt of 4,000l. must be erroneous.

His Royal Highness was in the very lowest water, and could not afford a new suit of clothes for his servant Daniel, 'the profet,' as he once calls him. This we learn from the following letter to Avignon:

To Sheridan and Stafford. From the Prince.

'April 10, 1753.

'This is to let you know that as I am extremely necessitous for money, it engages me out of economi to send for Daniell's Close which you are to Pack up in his own trunc, and to send it adresed to Mr.

Woulfe to Paris, but let there be in ye trunc none of Daniel's Papers or anything else except his Close.'

Meanwhile, on March 20, 1753, Archy Cameron had been arrested. His adventure and his death, with the rumours which flew about in society, bring us into collision with a great authority, that of Mr.

Carlyle.

'If you, who have never been in rich Cyrene, know it better than I, who HAVE, I much admire your cleverness,' said the Delphian Oracle to an inquiring colonist. Mr. Carlyle had never lived in the Courts of Europe about 1753; none the less, he fancied he knew more of them, and of their secrets, than did their actual inhabitants, kings, courtiers, and diplomatists. We saw that, in September 1752, according to Pickle, Prince Charles sent Archibald Cameron and Lochgarry to Scotland, with a mission to his representative, Cluny Macpherson, and the clans. The English Government, knowing this and a great deal more through Pickle, hanged Cameron, in June 1753, on no new charge, but on the old crime of being out in the Forty-five. Sir Walter Scott was well aware of the circ.u.mstances. We have already quoted his remark. 'The ministers thought it prudent to leave Dr.

Cameron's new schemes in concealment, lest by divulging them they had indicated the channel of communication which, it is well known, they possessed to all the plots of Charles Edward.'

Mr. Carlyle, however, knew better. After giving a lucid account of the differences which, in 1752-1753, menaced the peaceful relations between England and Prussia; after charging heavily in favour of his hero Frederick, Mr. Carlyle refers to Archibald Cameron. Cameron, he says, was 'a very mild species of Jacobite rebel. . . . I believe he had some vague Jacobite errands withal, never would have harmed anybody in the rebel way, and might with all safety have been let live. . . . ' But 'His Grace the Duke of Newcastle and the English had got the strangest notion into their head; . . . what is certain, though now well nigh inconceivable, it was then, in the upper cla.s.ses and political circles, universally believed that this Dr. Cameron was properly an emissary of the King of Prussia, that Cameron's errand here was to rally the Jacobite embers into a flame, . . . ' and that Frederick would send 15,000 men to aid the clans. These ideas of the political circles Mr. Carlyle thinks 'about as likely as that the Cham of Tartary had interfered in the Bangorian Controversy.' {196a} Now, Horace Walpole says {196b} 'intelligence had been received some time before [through Pickle] of Cameron's intended journey to Britain, with a commission from Prussia to offer arms to the disaffected Highlanders . . . . That Prussia, who opened her inhospitable doors to every British rebel, should have tampered in such a business, was by no means improbable. . . . Two sloops were stationed to watch, yet Cameron landed.' Writing to Mann (April 27, 1753), Horace Walpole remarks: 'What you say you have heard of strange conspiracies fomented by OUR NEPHEW [Frederick] is not entirely groundless.' He adds that Cameron has been taken while 'feeling the ground.'

Information as to Frederick's 'tampering' with Jacobitism came to the English Government not only through Pickle, but through Count Kaunitz, the Austrian minister. On December 30, 1753, Mr. Keith wrote to the Duke of Newcastle from the Imperial Court. He had thanked Count Kaunitz for his intelligence, and had expressed the wish of George II. for news as to 'the place of the Young Pretender's abode.' He commented on Frederick's 'ill faith and ambition,' which 'could not fail to set the English nation against his interest, by showing the dangerous effects of any increase of force, or power, in a Prince capable of such horrid designs.' {197}

As between Mr. Carlyle in 1853, and the diplomatists of Europe in 1753, the game is unequal. The upper cla.s.ses and political circles knew more of their own business than the sage of Ecclefechan.

Frederick, as Walpole said, WAS 'tampering' with the Jacobites. He as good as announced his intention of doing so when he sent the Earl Marischal to Paris, where, however, the Earl could NOT wear James's Green Ribbon of the Thistle! But, to Frederick, the Jacobites were mere cards in his game. If England would not meet his views on a vexed question of Prussian merchant ships seized by British privateers, then he saw that a hand full of Jacobite trumps might be useful. The Earl Marischal had suggested this plan. {198a} The Earl wrote from Paris, February 10, 1753: 'The King of England shows his ill-will in his pretensions on East Frisia, in the affairs of the Empire, and in revoking the guarantee of Silesia. Your Majesty, therefore, may be pleased to know the strength of the party hostile to him at home, in which, and in the person of Prince Edouard [Charles] you may find him plenty to do, if he pushes you too far.'

The Earl then suggests sending a rich English gentleman to Frederick; this was Mr. James Dawkins, of the Over Norton family, the explorer of Palmyra. Pickle mentions him as 'D-k-ns.'

Frederick did not expect a rupture with England, but condescended to see the Earl's friend, Mr. Dawkins. On May 7 the Earl announces his friend's readiness to go to Berlin, and says that there is a project maturing in England. The leaders are Dawkins, Dr. King of Oxford, 'homme d'esprit, vif, agissant,' and the Earl of Westmoreland, 'homme sage, prudent, d'une bonne tete, bon citoyen, respectable, et respecte.' {198b} They will communicate with Frederick through the Earl Marischal, if at all. 'The Prince knows less of the affair than Dawkins does. The Prince's position, coupled with an intrepidity which never lets him doubt where he desires, causes others to form projects for him, which he is always ready to execute. I have no direct communication with him, not wishing to know his place of concealment: we correspond through others.'

Frederick (May 29, 1753) thinks the plot still crude, and advises the Jacobites to tamper with the British army and navy. 'It will be for my interest to encourage them in their design underhand, and without being observed. You will agree with me that the state of European affairs does not permit me to declare myself openly. If the English throne were vacant, a well conceived scheme might succeed under a Regency.'

Such is the att.i.tude of Frederick. He receives a Jacobite envoy; he listens to tales of conspiracies against his uncle; he offers suggestions; he will encourage treason sous main. In fact, Frederick behaves with his usual cold, curious, unscrupulous skill.

Frederick's letters have brought us to May 1753, when Archy Cameron, in the Tower of London, lay expecting his doom. While kings, princes, amba.s.sadors, statesmen, and highland chiefs were shuffling, conspiring, peeping, lying and spying, the sole burden of danger fell on Archibald Cameron, Lochgarry, and Cluny. They were in the Elector's domains; their heads were in the lion's mouth. We have heard Young Glengarry accuse both Archy Cameron and Cluny of embezzling the Prince's money in the Loch Arkaig h.o.a.rd, but Glengarry's accusations can scarcely have been credited by Charles, otherwise he would not have entrusted the Doctor with an important mission. Cluny's own character, except by Kennedy and Young Glengarry, is unimpeached, and Lochgarry bore the stoutest testimony to his honour.

The early biography of Archibald Cameron is interesting. As the youngest son of old Lochiel, he, with his famous brother 'the gentle Lochiel,' set about reforming the predatory habits of their clan, with considerable success. Archibald went to Glasgow University, and read Moral Philosophy 'under the ingenious Dr. Hutchinson.' He studied Medicine in Edinburgh and in France; then settled in Lochaber, and married a lady of the clan of Campbell. He was remarked for the sweetness of his manners, and was so far from being a violent Jacobite that he dissuaded his brother, Lochiel, from going to see the Prince at his first landing in 1745. This account of his conversion, from 'The Gentleman's Magazine' (June 1753), is naif.

'Dr. Cameron was at last brought to engage by the regard due to a benefactor and a brother, who was besides his Chief as head of his Clan, AND THREATENED TO PISTOL HIM IF HE DID NOT COMPLY.' Wounded at Falkirk (the ball was never extracted), he served at Culloden, escaped to France with Lochiel, was surgeon in his regiment, and later in Lord Ogilivie's, was guardian of Lochiel's son, and, as we know, came and went from Scotland with Lochgarry and Young Glengarry.

His last trip to Scotland was undertaken in September 1752. Of his adventures there in concerting a rising we know nothing. On March 20 he was detected near Inversnaid (possibly through a scoundrel of his own name), and was hunted by a detachment of the Inversnaid garrison.

They were long baffled by children set as sentinels, who uttered loud cries as the soldiers approached. At last they caught a boy who had hurt his foot, and from him discovered that Cameron was in a house in a wood. Thence he escaped, but was caught among the bushes and carried to Edinburgh by Bland's dragoons. On April 17 he was examined by the Council at the c.o.c.kpit in Whitehall. He was condemned on his attainder for being out in 1745, {201} and his wife in vain besieged George II. and the Royal Family with pet.i.tions for his life. 'The Scots Magazine' of May 1753 contains a bold and manly plea for clemency. 'In an age in which commiseration and beneficence is so very conspicuous among all ranks, and on every occasion, we have reason to hope that pity resides in that place where it has the highest opportunity of imitating the divine goodness in saving the distressed.'

They 'sought for grace at a graceless face.' Mrs. Cameron was shut up with her husband to prevent her troubling any of the Royal Family or n.o.bility with pet.i.tions in his favour. On June 8, Cameron was hanged and disembowelled, but NOT while alive, as was the custom. A London letter of June 9 says 'he suffered like a brave man, a Christian, and a gentleman. . . . His merit is confessed by all parties, and his death can hardly be called untimely, as his behaviour rendered his last day worth an age of common life.'

'One crowded hour of glorious life Is worth an age without a name!'

As Scott remarks, 'When he lost his hazardous game Dr. Cameron only paid the forfeit which he must have calculated upon.' The Government, knowing that plots against George II. and his family were hatching daily, desired to strike terror by severity. But Prince Charles, when in England and Scotland, more than once pardoned a.s.sa.s.sins who snapped pistols in his face, till his clemency excited the murmurs of his followers and the censures of the Cameronians.

They wrote thus:

'We reckon it a great vice in Charles, his foolish pity and lenity in sparing these profane blasphemous Red Coats, that Providence put into his hand, when, by putting then to Death, this poor Land might have been eased of the heavy Burden of these Vermin of h.e.l.l.' {202}