On The Magnet, Magnetick Bodies Also, And On The Great Magnet The Earth - On the magnet, magnetick bodies also, and on the great magnet the earth Part 27
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On the magnet, magnetick bodies also, and on the great magnet the earth Part 27

Albertus Magnus. _De Mineralibus et rebus metallicis_ (Venet., 1542, lib.

ii., _de lapidibus preciosis_, p. 192). There is a reference to the loadstone {7} also in a work attributed falsely to Albertus, but now ascribed to Henricus de Saxonia, _De virtutibus herbarum, de virtutibus lapidum_, etc. (Rouen, 1500, and subsequent editions). An English version, _The Secrets of Albertus Magnus of the vertues of hearbs stones and certaine beasts_ was publisht in London in 1617.

Matthaeus Silvaticus. _Pandectae Medicinae_ (Lugduni, 1541, cap. 446).

Hermolaus Barbarus. His work, _Hermolai Barbari Patritii Veneti et Aqvileiensis patriarchae Corollarii Libri quinque ..._ Venet., 1516, is an early herbal. On p. 103 are to be found descriptions of _lapis gagatis_ and _lapis magnes_. The latter is mostly taken from Pliny, and mentions the alleged theamedes, and the myth of the floating statue.

Camillus Leonardus. _Speculum Lapidum_ (Venet., 1502, fol. xxxviii.). An English translation, _The Mirror of Stones_, appeared in London in 1750.

Cornelius Agrippa. _Henrici Cor. Agrippae ab Nettesheym ... De Occulta Philosophia Libri Tres_ (Antv., 1531). The English version _Of the Vanitie and uncertaintie of Artes_ was publisht in London, 1569, and again later.

Fallopius (Gabriellus). _G. F. de simplicibus medicamentis purgantibus tractatus_ (Venet., 1566). See also his _Tractatus de compositione medicamentorum_ (Venet., 1570).

Johannes Langius. _Epistolarum medicinalium volumen tripartitum_ (Paris, 1589, p. 792).

Cardinalis Cusanus (Nicolas Khrypffs, Cardinal de Cusa). _Nicolai Cusani de staticis experimentis dialogus_ (Argentorati, 1550). The English edition, entitled _The Idiot in four books_, is dated London, 1650.

[9] PAGE 3, LINE 1. Page 2, line 42. _Marcellus_.--"Marcellus Empiricus, medecin de Theodose-le-Grand, dit que l'aimant, appele _antiphyson_, attire et repousse le fer." (Klaproth, _Sur l'invention de la boussole_, 1834, p.

12.) The passage from Marcellus runs: "Magnetes lapis, qui antiphyson dicitur, qui ferrum trahit et abjicit, et magnetes lapis qui sanguinem emittit et ferrum ad se trahit, collo alligati aut circa caput dolori capitis medentur." (Marcellus, _de Medicamentis_: in the volume _Medici antiqui omnes, qui latinis literis morborum genera persecuti sunt_. Venet., 1547, p. 89.)

[10] PAGE 3, LINE 11. Page 3, line 9. _Thomas Erastus_.--The work in question is _Dispvtationvm de Medicina nova Philippi Paracelsi, Pars Prima: in qua quae de remediis svperstitiosis & Magicis curationibus ille prodidit, praecipue examinantur a Thoma Erasto in Schola Heydebergensi, professore_.

(Basiliae, 1572. Parts 2 and 3 appeared the same year, and Part 4 in 1573.)

Gilbert had no more love for Paracelsus than for Albertus Magnus or others of the magic-mongers. Indeed the few passages in Paracelsus on the magnet are sorry stuff. They will mostly be found in the seventh volume of his collected works (_Opera omnia_, Frankfurt, 1603). A sample may be taken from the English work publisht in London, 1650, with the title: _Of the Nature of Things, Nine Books; written by Philipp Theophrastus of Hohenheim, called Paracelsvs_.

"For any Loadstone that Mercury hath but touched, or which hath been smeered with Mercuriall oyle, or only put into Mercury will never draw Iron more" (p. 23).

"The life of the Loadstone is the spirit of Iron; which may bee extracted, and taken away with spirit of Wine" (p. 32).

[11] PAGE 3, LINE 13. Page 3, line 11. _Encelius_ (or _Entzelt_, Christoph) {8} wrote a work publisht in 1551 at Frankfurt, with the title _De re metallica, hoc est, de origine, varietate, et natura corporum metallicorum, lapidum, gemmarum, atque aliarum quae ex fodinis eruuntur, rerum, ad medicine usum deservientium, libri iii_. This is written in a singular medley of Latin and German. Gilbert undoubtedly took from it many of his ideas about the properties of metals. See the note to p. 27 on _plumbum album_.

[12] PAGE 3, LINE 20. Page 3, line 21. _Thomas Aquinas._--The reference is to his commentaries upon the _Physica_ of Aristotle. The passage will be found on p. 96 _bis_ of the Giunta edition (Venet., 1539). The essential part is quoted by Gilbert himself on p. 64.

[13] PAGE 3, LINE 39. Page 3, line 45. _pyxidem._--The word _pyxis_, which occurs here, and in the next sentence as _pyxidem nauticam_, is translated _compass_. Eleven lines lower occurs the term _nautica pyxidula_. This latter word, literally the "little compass," certainly refers to the portable compass used at sea. Compare several passages in Book IV. where a contrasting use is made of these terms; for example, on pp. 177 and 202.

Calcagninus, _De re nautica_, uses the term _pyxidecula_ for an instrument which he describes as "vitro intecta." On p. 152, line 9, Gilbert uses the non-classical noun _compassus_, "boreale lilium compassi (quod Boream respicit)," and again on p. 178, line 3.

[14] PAGE 4, LINE 2. Page 4, line 2. _Melphitani._--The inhabitants of Amalfi in the kingdom of Naples. The claim of the discovery or invention of the mariners' compass in the year 1302 by one Joannes Goia, or Gioia, also named as Flavio Goia, has been much disputed. In Guthrie's _New System of Modern Geography_ (London, 1792, p. 1036), in the Chronology, is set down for the year 1302:

"The mariner's compass invented, or improved by Givia, of Naples. The flower de luce, the arms of the Duke of Anjou, then King of Naples, was placed by him at the point of the needle, in compliment to that prince."

In 1808 an elaborate treatise was printed at Naples, by Flaminius Venanson with the title, _De l'invention de la Boussole Nautique_. Venanson, who cites many authorities, endeavours to prove that if Gioia did not discover magnetic polarity he at least invented the compass, that is to say, he pivotted the magnetic needle and placed it in a box, with a card affixed above it divided into sixteen parts bearing the names of the sixteen principal winds. He alleges in proof that the compass-card is emblazoned in the armorial bearings of the city of Amalfi. This view was combatted in the famous letter of Klaproth to Humboldt publisht in Paris in 1834. He shows that the use of the magnetized needle was known in Europe toward the end of the twelfth century; that the Chinese knew of it and used it for finding the way on land still earlier; that there is no compass-card in the arms of the city of Amalfi; but he concedes that Gioia may have improved the compass in 1302 by adding the wind-rose card. The most recent contributions to the question are a pamphlet by Signorelli, _Sull' invenzione della Bussola nautica, ragionamento di Pietro Napoli Signorelli, segretario perpetuo della Societa Pontaniana; letto nella seduta del 30 settembre 1860_; Matteo Camera's _Memorie Storico-diplomatiche dell' antica citta e ducato di Amalfi_ (Salerno, 1876); and Admiral Luigi Fincati's work _Il Magnete, la Calamita, e la Bussola_ (Roma, 1878). An older mention of Gioia is to be found in Blundevile's _Exercises_ (3rd edition, 1606, pp.

257-258). See also Crescentio _della Nautica Mediterranea_, (Roma, 1607, p.

253), and Azuni, _Dissertazione sull' origine della bussola nautica_ (Venezia, 1797). {9}

There appears to be a slip in Gilbert's reference to Andrea Doria, as he has confounded the town of Amalfi in Principato Citra with Melfi in Basilicata.

One of the sources relied upon by historians for ascribing this origin of the compass is the _Compendia dell' Istoria del Regno di Napoli_, of Collenuccio (Venet., MDXCI.), p. 5.

"Ne in questo tacer Amalfi, picciola terra, & capo della costa di Picentia, alia quale tutti quelli, che'l mar caualcano, vfficiosamente eterno gratie debono referire, essendo prima in quella terra trovato l'vso, & l'artificio della calamita, & del bussolo, col quale i nauiganti, la stella Tramontana infallibilmente mirando, direzzano il lor corso, si come e publica fama, & gli Amalfitani si gloriano, ne senza ragione dalli piu si crede, essendo cosa certa, che gli antichi tale instromento non hebbero; ne essendo mai in tutto falso quello, che in molto tempo e da molti si diuolga."

Another account is to be found in the _Historiarum sui temporis_, etc., of Paulus Jovius (Florent., 1552), tom. ii., cap. 25, p. 42.

"Quum essem apud Philippum superuenit Ioachinus Leuantius Ligur a Lotrechio missus, qui deposceret captiuos; sed ille negauit se daturum, quando eos ad ipsum Andream Auriam ammirantem deducendos esse iudicaret. Vgonis uer cadauer, ut illudentium Barbarorum contumeliis eriperetur, ad Amalphim urbem delatum est, in aedeque Andreae apostoli, tumultuariis exequiis tumulatum. In hac urbe citriorum & medicorum odoratis nemoribus aeque peramoena & celebri, Magnetis usum nauigantibus hodie familiarem & necessarium, adinuentum suisse incolae asserunt."

Flavius Blondus, whom Gilbert cites, gives the following reference, in which Gioia's name is not mentioned, in the section upon Campania Felix of his Italy (_Blondi Flavii Forlinensis ... Italia Illustrata_, Basiliae, 1531, p. 420).

"Sed fama est qua Amalphitanos audiuimus gloriari, magnetis usum, cuius adminiculo nauigantes ad arcton diriguntur, Amalphi suisse inuentum, quicquid uero habeat in ea re ueritas, certu est id noctu nauigandi auxilium priscis omnino suisse incognitum."

There is a further reference to the alleged Amalphian in Caelius Calcagninus _De re nautica commentatio_. (_See Thesaurus Graecarum Antiquitatum_, 1697, vol. xi., p. 761.) On the other hand Baptista Porta, who wrote in Naples in 1558 (_Magia Naturalis_) distinctly sets aside the claim as baseless.

William Barlowe, in _The Navigators Supply_ (1597, p. A3), says: "Who was the first inuentor of this Instrument miraculous, and endued, as it were, with life, can hardly be found. The lame tale of one _Flauius_ at _Amelphis_, in the kingdome of _Naples_, for to haue deuised it, is of very slender probabilitie. _Pandulph Collenutius_ writing the Neapolitane historie telleth vs, that they of _Amelphis_ say, it is a common opinion there, that it was first found out among them. But _Polidore Virgil_, who searched most diligently for the Inuentors of things, could neuer heare of this opinion (yet himselfe being an Italian) and as he confesseth in the later ende of his third booke _de inventoribus rerum_, could neuer vnderstand anything concerning the first inuention of this instrument."

According to Park Benjamin (_Intellectual Rise in Electricity_, p. 146) the use of the pivotted compass arose and spread not from Amalfi at the hands of Italians in the fourteenth century, but from Wisbuy, at the hands of the Finns, in the middle of the twelfth century. {10}

Hakewill (_An Apologie or Declaration of the Power and Providence of God_, London, 1673, pp. 284-285) says:

"But _Blondus_, who is therein followed by _Pancirollus_, both _Italians_, will not haue _Italy_ loose the praise thereof, telling vs that about 300 yeares agoe it was found out at Malphis or Melphis, a Citty in the Kingdome of _Naples_ in the _Province_ of _Campania_, now called _Terra di Lovorador_. But for the Author of it, the one names him not, and the other assures vs, he is not knowne: yet _Salmuth_ out of _Ciezus & Gomara_ confidently christens him with the name of _Flavius_, and so doth _Du Bartas_ in those excellent verses of his touching this subject.

"'W' are not to _Ceres_ so much bound for bread, Neither to _Bacchus_ for his clusters red, As Signior _Flavio_ to thy witty tryall, For first inventing of the Sea-mans dyall, Th' vse of the needle turning in the same, Divine device, O admirable frame!'

"It may well be then that _Flavius_ the _Melvitan_ was the first inventor of guiding the ship by the turning of the needle to the _North_: but some _German_ afterwards added to the _Compasse_ the 32 points of the winde in his owne language, whence other Nations haue since borrowed it."

[15] PAGE 4, LINE 14. Page 4, line 14. _Paulum Venetum_.--The reference is to Marco Polo. He returned in 1295 from his famous voyage to Cathay. But the oft-repeated tale that he first introduced the knowledge of the compass into Europe on his return is disposed of by several well-established facts.

Klaproth (_op. citat._, p. 57) adduces a mention of its use in 1240 in the Eastern Mediterranean, recorded in a work written in 1242 by Bailak of Kibdjak. And the passages in the Iceland Chronicle, and in Alexander of Neckham are still earlier.

[16] PAGE 4, LINE 17. Page 4, line 17. _Goropius_. See _Hispanica Ioannis Goropii Becani_ (Plantin edition, Antv., 1580), p. 29. This is a discussion of the etymologies of the names of the points of the compass: but is quite unauthoritative.

[17] PAGE 4, LINE 23. Page 4, line 26. _Paruaim_.--Respecting this reference, Sir Philip Magnus has kindly furnisht the following note. A clue to the meaning of _Parvaim_, which should be written in English letters with a _v_, not a _u_, will be found in _2 Chronicles_, iii. 6. In the verse quoted the author speaks of gold as the gold of Parvaim, [Hebrew: WHAZAHAB ZHAB PARWAYIM], and [Hebrew: PRWYM] Parvaim is taken as a gold-producing region. It is regarded by some as the same as Ophir. The word is supposed to be cognate with a Sanskrit word _purva_ signifying "prior, anterior, oriental." There is nothing in the root indicating gold.

A form similar to Parvaim, and also a proper name, is Sepharvaim, found in _2 Kings_, xix. 13, and in _Isaiah_, xxxvii. 13, and supposed to be the name of a city in Assyria.

[18] PAGE 4, LINE 35. Page 4, line 41. Cabot's observation of the variation of the compass is narrated in the _Geografia_ of Livio Sanuto (Vinegia, 1588, lib. i., fol. 2). See also Fournier's _Hydrographie_, lib. xi., cap.

10.

[19] PAGE 4, LINE 36. Page 4, line 42. _Gonzalus Oviedus_.--The reference is to Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes. _Summario de la Historia general y natural de las Indias occidentales_, 1525, p. 48, where the author speaks of the crossing of "la linea del Diametro, donde las Agujas hacen la {11} diferencia del Nordestear, Noroestear, que es el parage de las Islas de los Acores."

[20] PAGE 5, LINE 8. Page 5, line 11. _Petri cujusdam Peregrini_.--This opusculum is the famous letter of Peter Peregrinus written in 1269, of which some twenty manuscript copies exist in various libraries in Oxford, Rome, Paris, etc., and of which the oldest printed edition is that of 1558 (Augsburg). See also Libri, _Histoire des Sciences Mathematiques_ (1838); Bertelli in Boncompagni's _Bull. d. Bibliogr._ T. I. and T. IV. (1868 and 1871), and Hellmann's _Rara Magnetica_ (1898). A summary of the contents of Peregrinus's book will be found in Park Benjamin's _Intellectual Rise in Electricity_ (1895), pp. 164-185.

[21] PAGE 5, LINE 12. Page 5, line 15. _Johannes Taisner Hannonius._--Taisnier, or Taysnier, of Hainault, was a plagiarist who took most of the treatise of Peregrinus and publisht it in his _Opusculum... de Natura Magnetis_ (Coloniae, 1562), of which an English translation by Richard Eden was printed by R. Jugge in 1579.

[22] PAGE 5, LINE 18. Page 5, line 23. _Collegium Conimbricense_.--This is a reference to the commentaries on Aristotle by the Jesuits of Coimbra. The work is _Colegio de Coimbra da Companhia de Jesu, Cursus Conimbricensis in Octo libros Physicorum_ (Coloniae, sumptibus Lazari Ratzneri, 1599). Other editions: Lugd. 1594; and Colon., 1596. The later edition of 1609, in the British Museum, has the title _Commentariorum Collegii Conimbricensis in octo libros physicorum_.

[23] PAGE 5, LINE 25. Page 5, line 31. _Martinus Cortesius_.--His _Arte de Navegar_ (Sevilla, 1556) went through various editions in Spanish, Italian, and English. Eden's translation was publisht 1561, and again in 1609.

[24] PAGE 5, LINE 26. Page 5, line 33. _Bessardus_.--Toussaincte de Bessard wrote a treatise, _Dialogue de la Longitude_ (Rouen, 1574), which gives some useful notes of nautical practice, and of the French construction of the compass. Speaking of the needle he says: "Elle ne tire pas au pole du monde: ains regarde, au Pole du Zodiaque, comme il sera discoursu, cy apres" (p. 34). On p. 50 he speaks of "l'aiguille Aymantine." On p. 108 he refers to Mercator's _Carte Generale_, and denies the existence of the alleged loadstone rock. On p. 15 he gives the most nave etymologies for the terms used: thus he assigns as the derivation of _Sud_ the Latin _sudor_, because the south is hot, and as that of _Ouest_ that it comes from _Ou_ and _Est_. "Come, qui diroit, Ou est-il? a scauoir le Soleil, qui estoit nagueres sur la terre."

[25] PAGE 5, LINE 28. Page 5, line 35. _Jacobus Severtius_.--Jacques Severt, whose work, _De Orbis Catoptrici sev mapparvm mvndi principiis descriptione ac usu libri tres_ (Paris, 1598), would have probably lapsed into obscurity, but being just newly publisht was mentioned by Gilbert for its follies.

[26] PAGE 5, LINE 30. Page 5, line 38. _Robertus Norman_.--Author of the rare volume _The Newe Attractiue_, publisht in London, 1581, and several times reprinted. This work contains an account of Norman's discovery of the Dip of the magnetic needle, and of his investigation of it by means of the Dipping-needle, which he invented. He was a compassmaker of the port of London, and lived at Limehouse.