At the premature death of her husband, when only 45 years of age, she was left with the heavy responsibility of a large and helpless family, and an extensive plantation and many slaves. Had she possessed less character and spirit, less force and ability, she must have been prostrated. The disaster, however, seemed to call forth her strength, and gave such firmness and elevation to her character, that her friends and neighbors were filled with admiration and delight. This excellent woman, who had been during the prosperous period of her husband's life, all weakness and dependence, now displayed heroic qualities, showed herself equal to the trying position in which she was placed, displaying a mental force and firmness truly astonishing,--every difficulty was overcome, every obstacle put aside. She entered on her new career soberly and seriously, devoted herself to the education of her children and the management of their property. The children were taught to think justly of themselves and kindly of others. She aimed to store their minds with useful information and to form their moral and religious characters--thus giving them correct, practical ideas and good habits.

Religion was the basis of her teachings and her children went into the world with just notions of human life, prepared if prosperity smiled upon them, to receive it with humble grat.i.tude, and if calamity supervened to endure it with dignified patience. A kind Providence prolonged her life to see them a joy and a comfort to herself, and an honor to Virginia. She governed and directed the affairs of her estate with such skill and discretion that Old Stony Hill [3] put on a new face, showed successful husbandry and yielded abundant crops--so much so, that the casual observer even could not fail to see that both white and black there enjoyed prosperity and content. Greatly attached to this old family seat, where she had lived a half century, nothing but the marriage of her six children and their departure for new homes of their own, could have torn her from it. But when her only remaining son, Rowze, who had married a New York lady, mentioned his purpose of leaving Virginia and settling in New York, she quickly made up her mind to accept the invitation of her favorite son, John Howe, and to end her days at Montgomery Hall.

[3] STONY HILL. NOTE.--It may not be uninteresting to mention that the Stony Hill mansion was an old red brick building erected in the 17th century, with a wide hall and Grecian portico, commanding an extensive and beautiful view of Aquia creek and the Potomac river. The dwelling had grown to be a large and rambling domicile under the additions of four generations of the Peyton's, and all of them improving men. This fine old colonial house was demolished during the first year of the Civil-war, 1861-62, by Federal troops, on the spurious pretext that it was a necessity to have at once material for baking ovens. The old red bricks of this stately home, brought from England, as ballast in sailing vessels sent out to fetch back tobacco to Bristol, were used to erect many ovens in which bread was baked for the invading northern army.

When John Peyton lived at Stony Hill the estate consisted of 1900 acres of fine land, and as far as the writer knows, still does. It is owned and occupied in 1894, by Mr. Moncure, a son of the late President of the Virginia Court of Appeals, Judge R. C. L. Moncure, whose widow still lives, and is a descendent of John Peyton.

Mrs. Anne Peyton was a woman of worth, thoroughly honest, sincere and straightforward, with a fund of practical common sense. Her conversational powers were of no ordinary kind. A sincere, devout and humble Christian, a good wife, devoted mother, kind and sympathetic friend, she was in all respects a remarkable person. While it does not come within our scope to here enter at length into her life and character, it is right and due to her memory, that reference should be made to her exalted piety. So domestic, un.o.btrusive, and retired was her plantation life, that her name is little more than an echo in the age in which she lived, and might scarcely be even that, if it had not been kept somewhat in mind by the fame of her distinguished son. A considerable part of her time, after she fixed her residence at Montgomery Hall, was spent in the seclusion of her apartments, and much of every day was given to meditation and prayer. She left behind many voluminous ma.n.u.script books, in which she had copied the Psalms, the Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes, and many striking pa.s.sages from other parts of Holy Writ, and containing many prayers, (original and quoted,) and e.j.a.c.u.l.a.t.i.o.ns, suited to various occasions. These were of the following character, which will give an idea of the whole: "Supply, Oh Lord, the wants of a heart which knows not even how to lay them open before thee, which does not so much as think of doing it, and which too often shuts out the light and consolation of which it stands in need." And--

"These, O Jesus, are the things I ask. Intercede for me, that I may be truly sensible of the diseases that I labor under, and thankfully embrace the means which thy goodness has ordained for my recovery. Grant that the end of all my actions and designs may be the glory of G.o.d.

Enable me to resist all the sinful appet.i.tes of my carnal nature. Grant that I may hunger and thirst after righteousness" &c., &c.

These MS. books contained also evidence that she prayed often, fervently and importunately, and that like Anna, she served G.o.d with fastings and prayers night and day. Luke ch. 2, v 37. She was never, however, "rash with her mouth," heeding. Eccl., ch. 5, v 2. On the contrary, her words were few and innocent of those vain repet.i.tions against which our Saviour warns us in Matthew, ch. 6, v 7.

AFRICAN COLONIZATION.

He advocated the colonization of our African population in Liberia and was one of the managers of the Augusta County Colonization Society, founded in 1831-32 to promote this end.

The managers submitted to the Society their annual report on the 21st of April, 1832, the following extract from which will show the object and purposes of the Society:

Concerning the colony of Liberia, we have no information to communicate but such as the public prints have given from time to time, to all who wished to know what was going on at that interesting establishment. The sum of this information is, that the colony, gradually advancing in numbers, advances also in every branch of improvement and prosperity. We believe that in the whole history of colonization, there has never been an instance elsewhere of so cheering a degree of success from a similar amount of means and exertions. Divine Providence has evidently smiled upon the enterprise, and encouraged its friends to prosecute it with untiring perseverance.

Shall we close this paper here? A feeling which we a.s.suredly know to be no other than a sincere regard for the honor and welfare of our country, prompts us to offer to the society some additional reflections.

It was never expected by any man of sense that the voluntary a.s.sociation of which we form an humble part, would be able to effect, by its own very limited energies, any sensible diminutive of the large and pernicious ma.s.s of our colored population. But we did hope to evince the practicability of acquiring an extensive and fertile territory in a suitable climate and of removing our negroes to it and setting them in it, with fair prospects of their becoming a respectable and happy nation; and thus to pioneer the way for delivering this otherwise favored land of ours from a burden, the sorest that ever afflicted any people under heaven. And this hope, thanks be to G.o.d, we are permitted to see realized. The colony exists and flourishes. It remains that the legislative authorities of these Southern States, invigorated by the attainable and powerful aid of the Federal Union, take this business under their efficient patronage. And surely the period is now emphatically come for putting into action on this momentous subject our utmost talents and our utmost resources. After ages already lost in supineness, shall we still waste our precious time in disquisitions, as needless as they are unreconcilable with our boasted republican character, on what we call the right of property in our slave; while the deadly evil which we all profess to deplore, is gaining ground upon us with gigantic strides every year and every hour. We say needless disquisitions; for such they appear to us to be. Let liberal means be provided for removing far away those unfortunate beings amongst us whom we denominate free blacks, together with those slaves who shall be voluntarily manumitted for the purpose of removal. On this single condition, we are satisfied that there will be no necessity to interfere in a compulsory way with any man's right of property in his slaves. Public sentiment, incessantly acquiring expansion and strength will much better achieve the glorious consummation.

But suppose this to be a visionary picture. Suppose that yet greater sacrifices shall be found indispensable. What then? Shall we shrink from the making of those sacrifices for the salvation of our native land, the loveliest and the choicest of all lands? Shall we tamely sit still, and see Virginia despoiled of much of her strength by unexampled emigration to other regions, and by this means ripening the more speedily as a harvest for the scythe of the a.s.sa.s.sin. Shall we, after all that we have seen and heard within nine months past, persist in the slumber and indolence of infatuation? Or shall we soon arise in all our zeal, and all our united strength, to devise and to pursue the measures by which alone such a tremendous issue may be arrested, and our country rendered truly prosperous and happy? How these questions are to be answered by facts, time must discover, and G.o.d only, who is omniscient, can certainly foresee. For our part, though we deeply lament that the equally able and eloquent discussion which recently took place on this most important topic in the hall of our legislature was suffered to float away into the air, yielding no practical results; yet we think we ought not to abandon the cause of liberating our beloved country from the abominations and the curse of slavery, in utter despair. A better day may be about to dawn upon us. Perhaps the discussion to which we have referred, itself a wondrous phenomenon in Virginia, may not die away as a fruitless expenditure of feeling and genius. And in the meanwhile, let us continue our labors for the improvement of the Colony, that it may become a more capacious, and in every way convenient receptacle for drawing off, when the good season for the extended operations shall arrive, the pestilential nuisance of our African population.

The prominent men of that period a.s.sociated with Mr. Peyton in this good work were Rev. Conrad Speece, Joseph Cowan, Samuel Clarke, John McCue, George Eskridge, Charles A. Stuart and others.

RETIRES FROM THE BAR AND IS ELECTED TO THE SENATE.

Mr. Peyton determined some years before he was 60 years of age, to retire from the bar when he reached that time of his life, and did so.

After he was sixty he took no new cases, only in one case making an exception to this rule in favor of an old and valued friend, who earnestly implored and begged for his services. He gave them to this friend and lost the case in the circuit superior court of Augusta, but was so well satisfied that the case was erroneously decided that he took an appeal, and after Mr. Peyton's death the decision of the lower court was reversed and thus his client ultimately gained his cause. After he reached the age of 60 he only attended his office and the courts to wind up his business.

His friends knowing his purpose to give up the bar determined, if possible, to secure his services in the Senate. He was solicited on all sides to go to the Senate, and the following letter appeared in the Lexington and Staunton papers:

_To the Voters of the Senatorial District of Rockbridge and Augusta_:

FELLOW-CITIZENS--

The next session of the Legislature will be the most important which has occurred for many years past. The criminal laws of the Commonwealth are all to be revised, the subject of education is to be thoroughly considered, and the great schemes of internal improvement are to be brought forward and vigorously pressed by their respective friends.

Under these circ.u.mstances it is particularly important that this District should be ably represented in the Senate of Virginia, the body that must supervise and give the finishing touches to the Legislation on all three subjects. Rockbridge and Augusta, long famed for their morality and good order, have a deep interest in having the system of fixed laws brought to the highest state of perfection. They have their primary schools, the academies and colleges all requiring an _able champion_ and _enlightened patron_, and they have their respective schemes of improvement: the James River ca.n.a.l, the extension of the Louisa railroad and continuation of the macadamized turnpike from Staunton to Buchanan, demanding the support of a powerful intellect and matured experience.

In looking around for a suitable representative of the District, the eyes of everyone seem attracted to _John H. Peyton, Esq._, of Augusta, as the man. He is a gentleman of distinguished ability and unblemished integrity. He has long been known to Virginia as the ablest criminal lawyer in her borders, and hence he is peculiarly qualified to discharge the duties incident to the revision of those laws. His general attainments and enlightened views of, and on all subjects qualify him in a high degree to aid in constructing a system of public education which shall diffuse the genial rays of knowledge through all cla.s.ses of society, and he has evinced his deep interest in the success of the James river improvement by the most substantial of all proofs--the investment of large sums of money in its work.

Mr. Peyton now holds several lucrative offices and he is in the enjoyment of an extensive and extremely profitable law practice, but it is understood that he is willing to relinquish them all if his fellow-citizens should require his services in the Senate. It is a subject of congratulation to the district that such is the fact, and I cannot believe that the district will hesitate for a moment to avail itself of the services of so distinguished an individual. It would be a subject of just pride to our district to send such a man to the Senate.

He would tower head and shoulders above any other man in that body, and the impress of his talents and learning would be permanently visible upon the statute books of Virginia. Let the voters of the district then, go forward as one man, and record their votes for John H. Peyton. Let them recollect that it is a duty which they owe their country to select the man who, from his talents and acquirements, is best suited to discharge the duties of the station. When in the management of his private affairs, it becomes necessary to employ an agent or an attorney, they always seek the man best qualified, and upon the same principle, when they are about to choose an agent not only for themselves but for their country and posterity, (for in the administration affairs we are trustees for posterity) they should elect the man who is able to render the most efficient services to the public.

The office of Senator is at all times an important one; but under present circ.u.mstances, there is a peculiar propriety in selecting the strongest man, for it is universally conceded that there is a woeful deficiency of talent in the Senate. The election of Mr. Peyton would therefore be hailed with satisfaction by the whole State; and he would be from our district, the Senator of Rockbridge and Augusta.--Lexington Gazette and Spectator, May 2, 1839.

A VOTER.

MR. PEYTON'S LETTER CONSENTING TO RUN FOR THE SENATE. HIS POLITICAL SENTIMENTS.

_To the voters of the Senatorial district composed of the counties of Rockbridge and Augusta._

FELLOW-CITIZENS:

Having authorized my name to be placed before you as a candidate to represent you in the Senate of Virginia, I deem it a duty I owe alike to you and myself to make a plain and distinct avowal of my political sentiments.

Though it is true that a member of the Senate of Virginia, has little to do with Federal politics, and may not during his whole term of service be called upon to express a single opinion upon them, yet, in a representative republic it is not only proper that the political sentiments of a candidate should be distinctly understood, but it is equally proper that he should possess political sentiments congenial with those of his const.i.tuents.

Under this impression, the following brief statement is made.

I came into public life about the period of the election of James Madison as President of the United States.[4] I served as a member of the House of Delegates of Virginia the two sessions of 1808-9, 1809-10.

I was a friend to the election of Mr. Madison and a warm and zealous advocate of the measures of his administration.

[4] FOOT NOTE.--Mr. Madison was elected President in 1809 and re-elected in 1813.

Among the measures to which I gave my hearty support was the establishment of the late Bank of the United States. Since that period I have not mingled in politics. As a citizen, however, I approved generally of the administration of James Monroe, and was opposed to the election of his successor, John Quincy Adams.

I advocated the election of Andrew Jackson, and supported most of the measures of his administration during his first term. I also voted reluctantly for his re-election, I disapproved of his veto to the bill to recharter the Bank of the United States, and the _ad captandum_ arguments used by him to justify the measure. I attributed the act then, however, more to the feelings created by the particular time when Congress pa.s.sed the bill--it being just previous to his second election, than to any settled hostility on his part to a United States Bank.

Shortly after his re-election, he commenced a train of measures to which I was utterly opposed; measures of a novel and alarming character, and which in their origin and subsequent developments, brought distress and embarra.s.sment upon the banks, upon the country at large, and especially upon all our great commercial interests. I allude to his wild, violent and undigested schemes of finance--commencing with his pet Bank system and ending with his order in council, the Specie circular.

This warfare upon the Bank of the United States, the currency and the commerce of the nation, reduced us in 1837 to the degradation of witnessing a general suspension of specie payments by the banks.

These acts connected with the corrupting system of party discipline introduced by that administration with the view of compelling private judgement to succ.u.mb to the behests of party, completely separated me from the administration of Andrew Jackson.

His successor who pledged himself in advance "to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor," and who has gone a bowshot beyond him in obstinately pressing upon a free and intelligent people; his thrice rejected scheme of a sub-treasury--to him and his measures I have always been strenuously opposed.

Upon those subjects which fall more legitimately within the scope of the duties of a Virginia State Senator--in advancing and promoting the great cause of internal improvement, and in the diffusion of light and knowledge among our people, and in the general objects of legislation, my interest is identified with yours.

Finally, occupying the relation I now do, fellow citizens, towards you, by no procurement of my own, but having been pressed into it by the solicitation of friends, I have thought it right thus briefly, but at the same time explicitly, to state my political views. I have felt this duty the more imperative--because having been once a supporter of General Jackson's administration, and no public occasion having since occurred, except at the polls, to make my subsequent opinions known were I silent some might cast their votes in this election under a misapprehension of my sentiments. Whilst, then, I would regard an election to the Senate of Virginia as a flattering proof of your confidence--I could not but regard that confidence misplaced and valueless, were it bestowed by the people without knowing where and how I stand.

JOHN H. PEYTON.

[_Spectator, May 9, 1859._]

He was duly elected and took his seat at the next session of the Senate.

MORE OLD LETTERS.

For want of a better place, the following bundle of old letters, running in date from October, 1823, to April, 1839, are here given. They possess a peculiar interest to the children of Mr. Peyton, unimportant as they are, since they exhibit, the domestic side of his character: are pages in the history of the family and it has been well said that, "Every family is a history in itself and even a poem to those who know how to search its pages."

JOHN H. PEYTON TO HIS WIFE.