[Sidenote: Monghyr.]

_Bhagulpore.--August 25th._--On Sat.u.r.day, we made an expedition to a place called Monghyr, about forty-five miles from here, where there is a hot spring, and something like _hills_. (I am told also, that on a particularly clear day I can see from here the highest mountain in the world.) We did not leave this till 3 P.M., and were back again by 8 P.M., having travelled some ninety miles by rail, and driven in carriages about ten or twelve more,--the fastest thing, I should think, ever done in India. There has been a good deal of rain, and I still feel well here, but I suppose on the 29th I must return to the Calcutta steam-bath. This forenoon I paid a visit to a school, one of the Government schools. The boys (upwards of 200) are not of the lowest cla.s.s. They all read English very well and when asked the meaning of words, gave synonymes or explanatory phrases with remarkable readiness. During their early years, I should certainly say that they are quicker than English children. They fall off when they get older.

_August 31st.--Calcutta._--We returned to this place on Thursday. It is cooler than when I left, but I fear we have not done with the heat yet. All agree that September is about the worst month in the year here.

_Calcutta.--September 8th._--I do not think that Dr. M. is particularly proud of the way in which I am bearing up against this oppressive and depressing season.... I wish that we were going to the Neilgherries instead of to Simla. The climate is, I believe, better, and the place more agreeable, but it is entirely out of the way of business for me now, whereas Simla is a natural stage to the most important part of my government.

_September 17th._--... I have given up my morning walks. It is now always sultry before sunrise, and the dullness of pacing up and down my garden at that hour is intolerable. So I walk till daylight in my verandah....

_September 23rd._--... It seems strange to think that this is one of the last letters which you will receive from me in England, but yet it is still a long time before I can hope to see you here. The poor boys!

You will be preparing to part from them, and all will be sad. Give them my love and blessing.

[Sidenote: Business revived.]

In the month of November the sittings of the Legislative Council, which had been suspended during the hot weather, were resumed, and the monotonous routine of the autumn was exchanged for more active, though hardly more laborious, work in maturing legislative measures. As President of this Council Lord Elgin threw himself with his usual zeal and a.s.siduity into the discussion of the various administrative questions which demanded solution.

As the cold weather came on, he suffered much from the transition. Writing on the 4th of November to Sir C. Wood, he says: 'At the commencement of the cool season, on which we are now entering, we suffer from all manner of minor ailments; so I hope you will excuse a short letter.' And again on the 9th: 'I am half blind and rather shaky from fever still, so that again I shall be brief in my epistle to you.' Soon, however, these ailments disappeared, and in the cooler temperature he regained to a great extent his usual health.

[Sidenote: Arrival of Lady Elgin.]

A few weeks later the long dreary months of separation from all that he most loved were happily ended by the arrival of Lady Elgin, who with his youngest daughter, Lady Louisa Bruce, reached Calcutta on the 8th of January 1863.

[Sidenote: State of India.]

In pa.s.sing from the personal narrative of these months, to their public history, it is necessary to bear in mind what was the state of the Indian Empire at the moment when Lord Elgin undertook its government.

[Sidenote: Peace.]

'India,' to use his own words, 'was at peace; at peace in a sense of the term more emphatic and comprehensive than it had ever before borne in India. The occurrences which had taken place during the period of Lord Dalhousie's government had established the prestige of the British arms as against external foes. Lord Canning's Vice-royalty had taught the same lesson to domestic enemies. No military operations of magnitude were in progress, to call for prompt and vigorous action on the part of the ruling authority, or to furnish matter for narrations of thrilling interest. On the contrary, a hearty acquiescence in the belief that no such opportunities existed, and that it was inc.u.mbent upon him, by all practicable means, to prevent their recurrence, was the first duty which the situation of affairs prescribed to a new Governor-General.'

[Sidenote: Questions to be solved.]

There were indeed grave questions awaiting solution; questions of great perplexity and embarra.s.sment, though of a domestic and peaceful character; some of them the more perplexing because they bore upon 'those jealousies of race which are the sources of almost all our difficulties in India.' But as regards such questions his habitual caution, as well as the philosophic turn of his mind, led him to study very carefully all the conditions of each problem before attempting to propound any solution of his own; and in the meantime he felt that his duty was to employ any personal influence which he could acquire in smoothing the course of such measures as had been set in operation by the authority of others. 'The first virtue,' he said to one of his colleagues, 'which you and I have to practise here at present is Self-denial. We must, for a time at least, walk in paths traced out by others.'

But though, for the reasons above stated, it would be a mistake to look in the records of the time for any great measures, executive or administrative, on which he had set his mark, his various speeches and letters, more especially the full and frank communications which he addressed from time to time to the Secretary of State for India, Sir Charles Wood, show with what keenness of interest, as well as with what sagacity, he approached the study of Indian questions. A few extracts from his correspondence are here given to ill.u.s.trate this; and as affording some indication of the unremitting industry with which he laboured at this period, searching into and maturing his views upon one difficult subject after another, as well as the whole plan of Indian government.

_To Sir Charles Wood._

Calcutta, April 9th, 1862.

[Sidenote: The Army.]

Now for the Army. I must observe, in the first place, that in the reasoning employed here in favour of the maintenance of a large army, native and European, there is a good deal that is circular, and puzzling to a beginner.

When I ask why so considerable a native army is required, I am told that the native must bear a certain proportion to the European force; that Europeans cannot undertake cantonment duties, or, speaking generally, any of the duties which the military may from time to time be called to render in support of the civil power, during peace; that in war, again, they are admirable on the battle-field, but that they cannot turn their victories to account by following up a discomfited foe, unless they have the aid of native troops, nor perform many other services which are not less indispensable than great battles to success against an enemy who knows the ground and is inured to the climate.

This line of argument very naturally raises the question, wherefore then is the maintenance of so large a European army necessary?

Rebellion has been crushed, and European troops are not suited for the repression of such local disturbances as occasionally occur. There is little present prospect of war from without, though Persia is moving towards Herat, and apparently preparing for Dost Mohammed's death. The answer which I invariably receive is this--'You cannot tell what will happen in India. Heretofore you have held the Sikhs in subjection by the aid of the Sepoys, and the Sepoys by means of the Sikhs. But see what is happening now. The Sikh soldiers are quartered all over India.

They are fraternising with the natives of the South--adopting their customs and even their faith. Half the soldiers in a regiment lately stationed at Benares were converted to Hindooism before they left that holy place. Beware, or you will shortly have to cope in India with a hostile combination more formidable than any of those which you have encountered before.' If you draw from all this the inference that what you really dread is your native army, you get into the vicious circle again.

Do not suppose that I am tempted by these logical paradoxes to run to hasty conclusions. I am aware that for many reasons we must now entertain, and probably shall long find it necessary to entertain, a large army, native and European, in India. Practically, what we have to do is to endeavour, by a judicious system of recruiting, organisation, and distribution, to render our army as serviceable and as little a source of peril as may be. But I do think that they go far to prove that, notwithstanding our vast physical superiority to anything which can be brought against us, we should find it a difficult task to maintain our authority in India by the sword alone; and that they justify a very jealous scrutiny of all schemes of expenditure for military objects which render necessary the imposition or maintenance of taxes which occasion general discontent, or deprive the Government of the funds requisite for carrying on works of improvement that have the double advantage of stimulating the growth of wealth in the country, and increasing the efficiency of the means of self-defence which we possess.

_To a Friend in Scotland, interested in the Cultivation of Cotton._

Calcutta, May 21st, 1862.

[Sidenote: Cultivation of cotton.]

I beg to a.s.sure you that I do not yield to yourself in my desire to promote the extension of cotton cultivation in India, and, above all, improvement in the quality of the staple. I consider that the interests of India are involved in this improvement to a greater degree even than those of Great Britain; for, no doubt, if the quality of the Indian product were so far raised as to admit of its competing on terms approaching to equality with that of America, it would obtain a permanent footing in the great market to which it has access now only at moments of extraordinary dearth.

Moreover, I do not scruple to confess to you that I am not so bigoted in my adhesion to the dogmas of political economy, as to be unwilling, at a season of crisis like the present, to entertain proposals for accelerating this result, merely because they contravene the principles of that science. On the contrary, I receive thankfully suggestions for accomplishing an object which I have so much at heart, more especially when they emanate from persons deeply interested and thoroughly conversant with the subject, like yourself--even when they fall within the category of what you style 'extraordinary measures.'

But you will surely allow that the _onus probandi_ lies very heavily on a Government which adopts measures of this cla.s.s; and that if, by abnormal interference, it checks the natural and healthy operation of the laws of demand on capitalists and cultivators, it incurs a weighty responsibility.

Even as regards the specific recommendation which you have made, and which has much to justify it in my eyes--because I would go great lengths in the direction of aiding the Ryots to improve their staple, if I could see my way to effect this object without doing more harm than good--I must observe that there are questions which have to be very gravely and carefully examined before it can be acted upon.

In the first place, it is right that I should tell you that the opinion which obtains here respecting the result of recent operations in Dharwar, in so far as the case furnishes a precedent for the interference of Government officers in such matters, differs widely from that entertained by you.

But, setting this point aside, and a.s.suming for the sake of argument that the interposition at Dharwar was attended by unmixed benefit to all concerned, does it follow that corresponding success would accompany the mission of fifty military officers to the cotton districts of India for the purpose of inducing the Ryots to subst.i.tute exotic for native cotton in their cultivation?

In order to do this exotic cotton justice, it must be treated with some care, especially at the time of its introduction into districts where it has been previously unknown. Conditions of climate as well as of soil must be taken into consideration in determining the time and method of cultivation. The climate of Dharwar, where the monsoons meet, differs widely from that of many parts of India, where the seasons are divided between a deluge of rain and a period of baking heat. Am I likely to find fifty young military officers who would be competent to advise the Ryots on points of so much delicacy? And if the Ryots, following their counsels, were disappointed in the expectations which they had been led to form, what would be the effect on the prospects of cotton cultivation in India?

I do not say all this in condemnation of your scheme, but in order to point out to you how much has to be thought of before it can be acted upon.

Meanwhile there are measures for promoting the interests of cotton cultivation in India, which the Government can adopt without abandoning its proper sphere of action; not only without danger, but with a high probability, perhaps I might say a certainty, of benefit to the great cause which we have in hand.

We can facilitate the establishment in India of European cultivators and landholders, who are the natural and legitimate advisers of the native peasantry on such questions as those to which I have been referring.

We can improve communication so as to render the transport of the raw material to the ports of shipment more cheap and rapid.

To these and similar measures the attention of the Government of India is earnestly directed; with every disposition to take such further means of stimulating production as prudence may justify.

I have written at some length, but the importance of the subject and my respect for your opinion are my excuse.

_To Sir Charles Wood._

Calcutta, May 9th, 1862.

[Sidenote: Orientals not satisfied with show of power.]

I know that it is customary with certain people whose opinions are ent.i.tled to respect, to act on the a.s.sumption that all Orientals are children, amused and gratified by external trappings and ceremonies and t.i.tles, and ready to put up with the loss of real dignity and power if they are only permitted to enjoy the semblance of it. I am disposed to question the correctness of this a.s.sumption. I believe, on the contrary, that the Eastern imagination is singularly p.r.o.ne to invest outward things with a symbolic character; and that relaxations on points of form are valued by them, chiefly because they are held necessarily to imply concessions on substantial matters.