With regard to internal affairs, Congress was invested with power to decide, in the last resort, on appeal, all disputes between two or more States, concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause; and also all controversies concerning land-t.i.tles, where the parties claimed under different grants of two or more States before the settlement of their jurisdiction; but no State was to be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. Congress was also invested with the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their authority, or by that of any of the United States; of fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States; of regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, who were not members of any State, provided that the legislative authority of any State, within its own limits, should not be infringed or violated; of establishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another, and exacting postage to defray the expenses; of appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States, and of making rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces, and directing their operations.

Congress was also invested with power to appoint a "committee of the States," to sit in the recess of Congress, to consist of one delegate from each State, and other committees and civil officers, to manage the general affairs under their direction; to appoint one of their number to preside, but authorizing no person to serve in the office of president more than one year in a term of three years; to ascertain and appropriate the necessary sums for the public service; to borrow money and emit bills on the credit of the United States; to build and equip a navy; and to agree upon the number of land forces and make requisitions upon each State for its quota, in proportion to the numbers of white inhabitants in such State. The legislature of each State was to appoint the regimental officers, enlist the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, at the expense of the United States.

Such were the powers conferred upon Congress by the Articles of Confederation. But the restrictions imposed, in the same instrument, greatly qualified and weakened, and in fact almost rendered nugatory, the greater part of them. It was expressly provided, that Congress should never engage in a war; nor grant letters of marque or reprisal in time of peace; nor enter into any treaties or alliances; nor coin money or regulate its value; nor ascertain the sums of money necessary for the public purposes; nor emit bills; nor borrow money on the credit of the United States; nor appropriate money; nor agree upon the number of vessels for the navy, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised; nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy;--unless nine States should a.s.sent to the same. The Committee of the States authorized to sit during the recess of Congress could not do any of these things, for the a.s.sent of nine States could not be delegated.

The revenues of the country were left by the Articles of Confederation wholly in the control of the separate States. It was provided, that all charges of war, and all other expenses for the common defence or general welfare, should be defrayed out of a common treasury; but this treasury was to be supplied, not by taxes, duties, or imposts, levied by or under the authority of Congress, but by taxes to be laid and levied by the legislatures of the several States, within such time as might be fixed by Congress. The amount to be furnished by each State was in proportion to the value of the land within its limits granted or surveyed, and the buildings and improvements thereon, to be estimated according to the mode prescribed by Congress. The sole means, therefore, which the Confederation gave to Congress of supplying the treasury of the United States, was to vote what sum was wanted, and to call upon the legislature of each State to pay in its proportion within a given time.

The commerce of the country was left entirely within the control of the State legislatures; rendering it the commerce of thirteen different States, each of which could levy what duties it saw fit upon all exports and imports, provided they did not interfere with any treaties then proposed, or touch the property of the United States, or that of any other State. The United States had no power of taxation, direct or indirect.

The Articles of Confederation were also entirely without any provision for enforcing the measures which they authorized Congress to adopt for the general welfare of the Union. It was declared in the instrument, that every State should abide by the determinations of Congress on all the questions over which the instrument gave that body control; that the Articles should be inviolably observed by every State; that the Union should be perpetual; and that no alterations should be made in any of the Articles, unless agreed to by Congress, and confirmed by the legislature of every State. But these declarations, however strong and emphatic in their terms, only made the Confederation in fact, as in name, a league or compact between sovereign States; for it gave the government of the Union no power to enforce its own measures or laws by process upon the persons of individuals, and consequently any party to the instrument could infringe any or all of its provisions, without any other consequence than a resort to arms by the general Confederacy, which would have been civil war.

These, with some restrictions upon the power of the States in regard to the making of treaties, engaging in war, sending amba.s.sadors, and some other topics, were the main provisions of the Articles of Confederation; and under the government thus const.i.tuted, the United States, on the second day of March, 1781, entered upon a new era of civil polity, and commenced a new existence, under somewhat happier auspices than they had known before.

It will be seen, in the further development of the period which followed the establishment of this Confederation, down to the calling of the Convention which framed the Const.i.tution, that what I have called the great office of the Confederation, in our political system, was indeed a function of vast importance to the happiness of the American people, but, at the same time, was one that was necessarily soon fulfilled, to be followed by a more perfect organization for the accomplishment of the objects and the satisfaction of the wants which it brought in its train.

This office of the Confederation was, to demonstrate to the people of the American States the practicability and necessity of a more perfect union. The Confederation showed to the people of these separate communities, that there were certain great purposes of civil government, which they could not discharge by their separate means; that independence of the crown of Great Britain could not be achieved by any one of them, una.s.sisted by all the rest; that no one of them, however respectable in population or resources, could be received and dealt with, by the governments of the world, as a nation among nations;--but that, by union among themselves, by some political tie, which should combine all their resources in the hands of one directing power, and make them, in some practical sense, one people, it was possible for them to achieve their independence, and take a place among the nations. The Confederation made it manifest, that these consequences could be secured. It did not, indeed, answer all the purposes, or accomplish all the objects, which had been designed or hoped from it: it was defective as a means; but it taught the existence of an end, and demonstrated the possibility of reaching that end, by showing that in some form, and for some purposes, a union of the States was both possible and necessary. It thus made the permanent idea of union familiar to the people of the different States. It did more than this. It created a larger field for statesmanship, by creating larger interests, to be managed by that higher order of men, who could rise above local concerns and sectional objects, and embrace within the scope of their vision the happiness and welfare of a continent. It introduced to men's minds the great ideas of national power and national sovereignty, as the agencies that were to work out the difficult results, which no local power could accomplish; and, although these ideas were at first vague and indefinite, and made but a slow and difficult progress against influences and prejudices of a narrower kind, they were planted in the thoughts of men, to ripen into maturity and strength in the progress of future years. When the eagle grasped in his talons the united shafts of power, and unfurled the scroll which taught that one people could be formed out of many communities, the destiny of America was ascertained.[154]

FOOTNOTES:

[152] That is to say, that a citizen of any State might go and reside in any other State, and be there ent.i.tled to all the privileges of a citizen of that State.

[153] The meaning of this is, that, on the production in any State of a law pa.s.sed or of a judgment rendered in any other State, properly authenticated, it should be admitted that such a law had been pa.s.sed or such a judgment rendered in the State whose act it purported to be, and that all the legal consequences should follow.

[154] The armorial bearings of the United States were adopted on the 20th of June, 1782. Journals, VII. 395.

BOOK II.

THE CONSt.i.tUTIONAL HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM THE ADOPTION OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, IN 1781, TO THE PEACE OF 1783.

CHAPTER I.

1781-1783.

REQUISITIONS.--CLAIMS OF THE ARMY.--NEWBURGH ADDRESSES.--PEACE PROCLAIMED.--THE ARMY DISBANDED.

The interval of time which extends from the adoption of the Articles of Confederation to the initiatory steps for the formation of the Const.i.tution, must, for our purpose, be divided into two periods; that which preceded and that which followed the peace of 1783; in both of which the defects of the Confederation were rapidly developed, and in both of which efforts were made to supply those defects, by an enlargement of the powers of Congress. Our attention, however, will be confined, in the present Book, to the first of these periods.

Congress a.s.sembled, under the Confederation, on the 2d of March, 1781, and the Treaty of Peace, which put an end to the war and admitted the independence of the United States, was definitively signed on the 3d of September, 1783, and was ratified and proclaimed by Congress on the 14th of January, 1784.

Notwithstanding the solemn engagements into which the States had entered with each other, under the Articles of Confederation, the prospect of bringing the war to a close, through a compliance with those obligations, was exceedingly faint, at the commencement of the campaign of 1782. The United States had made a treaty of alliance with the king of France, in 1778;[155] and in pursuance of that treaty, six thousand French troops arrived at Newport in July, 1780, and in the spring of 1781 joined the American army near New York. The presence in the country of a foreign force, sent hither by the ancient rival of England, to a.s.sist the people of the United States in their contest for independence, encouraged an undue reliance upon external aid. Many of the States became culpably remiss in complying with the requisitions of Congress; and, although they had so recently authorized Congress to make requisitions, both for men and money, and had provided the form in which they were to be made, the adoption of the Articles of Confederation had very little tendency to render the States prompt to discharge the obligations which they imposed. In October and November, 1781, Congress called upon the States to raise their several quotas of eight millions of dollars, for the use of the United States, and recommended to them to lay taxes for raising these quotas separate from those laid for their own particular use, and to pa.s.s acts directing the collectors of the taxes, intended for the use of the United States, to pay the same directly into the treasury of the Union.[156] In December of the same year, Congress also called upon the States, with great urgency, to complete their quotas of troops for the next campaign.[157]

The aid of Washington was invoked, to influence the action of the States upon these requisitions. On the 22d of January, 1782, he addressed a circular letter to the governors of the States, to be laid before their respective legislatures, on the subject of finance; reminding them how the whole army had been thrown into a ferment twelve months before, for the want of pay and a regular supply of clothing and provisions; warning them that the recent successes in Virginia, by the capture of Lord Cornwallis's army, might have a fatal tendency to cool the ardor of the country in the prosecution of the war; a.s.suring them that a vigorous prosecution of that war could alone secure the independence of the United States; and urging them to adopt such measures as would insure the prompt payment of the sums which Congress had called for.[158] A few days afterwards, he addressed a similar letter to the States, on the subject of completing their quotas of troops, in which he told them that the continuance or termination of the war now rested on their vigor and decision; and that, even if the enemy were, in consequence of their late reverses, disposed to treat, nothing but a decidedly superior force could enable us boldly to claim our rights and dictate the terms of pacification. "And soon," he said, "might that day arrive, and we might hope to enjoy all the blessings of peace, if we could see again the same animation in the cause of our country inspiring every breast, the same pa.s.sion for freedom and military glory impelling our youths to the field, and the same disinterested patriotism pervading every rank of men, that was conspicuous at the commencement of this glorious revolution; and I am persuaded that only some great occasion was wanting, such as the present moment exhibits, to rekindle the latent sparks of that patriotic fire into a generous flame, to rouse again the unconquerable spirit of liberty, which has sometimes seemed to slumber for a while, into the full vigor of action."[159]

Notwithstanding these urgent appeals, the spring of 1782 arrived, and the summer pa.s.sed away, without any substantial compliance by the States with the requisitions of Congress for either men or money. When Washington arrived in camp, in May, to commence the campaign that was to extort from the British government--now in the hands of a new ministry, supposed to be more favorable to peace--the terms which he hoped might be procured, there were less than ten thousand men in the Northern army; and their numbers were not much increased during the summer.[160] Great and dangerous discontents now existed in the army, both among officers and soldiers, concerning the arrearages of pay; for, as the prospects of peace became brighter, it seemed to become more and more probable, that the army would ultimately be disbanded without adequate provision for its claims, and that officers and men would be thrown penniless upon the world, unpaid by the country whose independence they had achieved.

At this period there occurred the famous proceedings of the officers, called the Newburgh Addresses, on the subject of half-pay; and since the claims of the officers and soldiers, as public creditors of the United States, are intimately connected with the const.i.tutional history of the country, it is needful to give here a brief account of them.

The pay of the officers in the Revolutionary army was originally established upon so low a scale, that men with families dependent upon them could feel little inducement to remain long in a service, the close of which was to be rewarded only with a patent for a few hundred acres of land in some part of the Western wilderness. In the year 1778, it had become apparent to Washington, that something must be done to avert the consequences of the mistaken policy on which Congress had acted with reference to the army; and while at Valley Forge,--that scene of dreadful suffering by the army,--he wrote on this subject to the President of Congress the first of a series of most able and instructive letters, which extend through the five following years.[161]

On the 17th of April, after this first letter had been laid before Congress, a resolution was moved, that an establishment of half-pay be made for officers, who should serve during the war; to begin after its conclusion.[162] Four days afterwards, the sense of the house was taken on the question, whether there should be any provision made for the officers after the conclusion of the war, and the affirmative was carried, by the votes of eight States against four.[163] On the 26th of April, a proposition, that half-pay be granted for life, to commence at the close of the war, pa.s.sed by a majority of one State; six States voting in the affirmative, five in the negative, and one being divided.[164] The next day, the value of this vote was destroyed by a resolution, which provided that the United States should have the right to redeem the half-pay for life, by giving to the officer ent.i.tled six years' half-pay;[165] and on the 15th of May, Congress subst.i.tuted for the whole scheme a provision of half-pay for seven years, taking away the option of half-pay for life.[166]

This miserable and vacillating legislation shows the unpopularity of the scheme of such an establishment, although demanded alike by considerations of justice and policy.[167] The spirit which, for a time, actuated a large part of the people of this country towards the men who were suffering so much in the cause of national independence, evinces an extreme jealousy for the abstract principles of civil liberty, unmitigated by the generous virtues of justice and grat.i.tude.

This spirit was duly represented in Congress. The main arguments employed out of doors were, that pensions were contrary to the maxims and spirit of our inst.i.tutions; that to grant half-pay for life to the officers was establishing a privileged cla.s.s of men, who were to live upon the public for the rest of their days; and that the officers entered the service on the pay and inducements originally offered, without any promise or prospect of such a reward. This kind of impracticable adherence to a principle, working in this instance the greatest injustice and leading ultimately to a breach of public faith, was the princ.i.p.al cause that prolonged the war, and made it cost so much suffering, so much blood, and so much treasure. The people of the United States adhered so tenaciously to the principles and axioms of freedom, that, even when they had undertaken a war for their own security and independence against a foreign foe, they would not establish a government with the power of direct taxation, or organize an army with suitable rewards for service. The want of such a power in their government led to the enormous emissions of paper money, which brought with them a long train of sufferings and disasters, ending at last in national bankruptcy. The want of justice to the army placed the civil liberty of the country in imminent danger, and finally led to the cruel oppression of men, whose valor had first won, and whose patriotism then saved it from destruction.

In the six months which followed the vote of the 15th of May, 1778, the provision which it had made was found to be wholly inadequate, and General Washington, then at Philadelphia, again earnestly pressed the subject upon the attention of Congress. On the 11th of August, 1779, a report from a committee on this subject being under consideration, a motion was made to amend it, by inserting a provision that the half-pay granted by the resolve of the 15th of May, 1778, be extended so as to continue for life; and this motion was carried by a vote of eight States against four.[168] On the 17th, Congress resolved that the consideration of that part of the report for extending the half-pay be postponed, and that it be recommended to the several States that had not already adopted measures for that purpose, to make such further provision for the officers and soldiers enlisted for the war, who should continue in service till the establishment of peace, as would be an adequate compensation for their dangers, losses, and hardships, either by granting to the officers half-pay for life and proper rewards to the soldiers, or in such other manner as might appear most expedient to the legislatures of the several States.[169]

Before the pa.s.sage of this resolve, the State of Pennsylvania had placed her officers upon an establishment of half-pay for life, and with the happiest consequences. But no other State followed her example; and in the autumn of 1780, it became necessary for Washington to apply to Congress again.[170] At length, in consequence of his earnest and repeated appeals, a resolve was pa.s.sed, on the 21st of October, that the officers who should continue in service to the end of the war should be ent.i.tled to half-pay during life, to commence from the time of their reduction.[171]

From this time, therefore, the officers of the army continued in the service, relying upon the faith of the country, as expressed in the vote of the 21st of October, 1780, and believing, until they saw proof to the contrary, that the public faith thus pledged to them would be observed.[172] But they were destined to a severe disappointment; and one of the causes of that disappointment was the adoption of the Articles of Confederation. The very change in the const.i.tutional position of the country, from which the most happy results were antic.i.p.ated, and which undoubtedly cemented the Union, became the means by which they were cheated of their hopes. The Congress of 1780, which had pledged to them a half-pay for life, was the Revolutionary Congress; but the Congress which was to redeem this pledge was the Congress of the Confederation, which required a vote of nine States for an appropriation of money, or a call upon the States for their proportions. When the vote granting the half-pay for life was pa.s.sed, there were less than nine States in favor of the measure; and after the Confederation was established, the delegates of the States which originally opposed the provision could not be brought to consider it in its true light,--that of a compact with the officers. It was even contended that the vote, having pa.s.sed before the Confederation was signed and acted upon, was not obligatory upon the Congress under the Confederation, as that instrument required the votes of nine States for an appropriation of money. In this manner, men deluded themselves with the notion, that a change in the form of a government, or in the const.i.tutional method of raising money to discharge the obligations of a contract, can dissolve those obligations, or alter the principles of justice on which they depend. The States in the opposition to the measure refused to be coerced, as they were pleased to consider it, and in the autumn of 1782, the officers became convinced that they had nothing to hope for from Congress, but a reference of their claims to their several States.[173]

In November, 1782, preliminary and eventual articles of peace were agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain, by their plenipotentiaries. Nothing had been done by Congress for the claims of the army, and it seemed highly probable that it would be disbanded without even a settlement of the accounts of the officers, and if so, that they would never receive their dues. Alarmed and irritated by the neglect of Congress; dest.i.tute of money and credit and of the means of living from day to day; oppressed with debts; saddened by the distresses of their families at home, and by the prospect of misery before them,--they presented a memorial to Congress in December, in which they urged the immediate adjustment of their dues, and offered to commute the half-pay for life, granted by the resolve of October, 1780, for full pay for a certain number of years, or for such a sum in gross, as should be agreed on by their committee sent to Philadelphia to attend the progress of the memorial through the house. It is manifest from statements in this doc.u.ment, as well as from other evidence, that the officers were nearly driven to desperation, and that their offer of commutation was wrung from them by a state of public opinion little creditable to the country. They recited their hardships, their poverty, and their exertions in the cause; and all that they said was fully borne out by their great commander, in his personal remonstrances with many of the members of Congress. The officers a.s.serted, that many of their brethren, who had retired on the half-pay promised by the resolve of 1780, were not only dest.i.tute of any effectual provision, but had become objects of obloquy; and they referred with chagrin to the odious view in which the citizens of too many of the States endeavored to place those who were ent.i.tled to that provision.

But, from the prevailing feeling in Congress and in the country, nothing better was to be expected than a compromise in place of the discharge of a solemn obligation; and this feeling no American historian should fail to record and to condemn. If these men had borne only the character of public creditors, a state of public feeling which drove them into a compromise of their claims ought always to be severely reprehended. But, beyond the capacity of public creditors, they were the men who had fought the battles which liberated the country from a foreign yoke; who had endured every extremity of hardship, every form of suffering, which the life of a soldier knows; who had stood between the common soldiery and the civil power; and often, at the hazard of their lives, preserved that discipline and subordination which the civil power had done too much to hazard. They were, in a word, the men of whom their commander said, that they had exhibited more virtue, fort.i.tude, self-denial, and perseverance, than had perhaps been then paralleled in the history of human enthusiasm.

Painful, therefore, as it is, this lesson, of the wrong that may be done by a breach of public faith, must be read. It lies open on the page of history, and is the case of those to whose right arms the people of this country owe the splendid inheritance of liberty. All real palliations should be sought for and admitted. The country was poor: no proper system of finance had been, or could be, developed by a government which had no power of taxation; and the ideas and feelings of the people of many of the States were provincial, and without the liberality and enlargement of thought which comes of intercourse with the world. But, after every apology has exhausted its force, the conscientious student of history must mark the dereliction from public duty; must admit what the public faith required; and must observe the dangerous consequences which attend, and must ever attend, the breach of a public obligation.

The immediate consequences which followed, in this instance, were predicted by General Washington, who gave the clearest warning, in advance of the officers' memorial, of the hazards that would attend the further neglect of their claims. But his warning seems to have been unheeded, or to have made but little impression against the prevailing aversion to touch the unpopular subject of half-pay. The committee of the officers were in attendance upon Congress during the whole winter, and early in March, 1783, they wrote to their const.i.tuents that nothing had been done.

At this moment, the predicament in which Washington stood, in the double relation of citizen and soldier, was critical and delicate in the extreme. In the course of a few days, all his firmness and patriotism, all his sympathies as an officer, on the one side, and his fidelity to the government on the other, were severely tried. On the 10th of March, an anonymous address was circulated among the officers at Newburgh, calling a meeting of the general and field officers, and of one officer from each company, and one from the medical staff, to consider the late letter from their representatives at Philadelphia, and to determine what measures should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain. It was written with great ability and skill.[174] It spoke the language of injured feeling; it pointed directly to the sword, as the remedy for injustice; and it spoke to men who were suffering keenly under public ingrat.i.tude and neglect. Its eloquence and its pa.s.sion fell, therefore, upon hearts not insensible, and a dangerous explosion seemed to be at hand. Washington met the crisis with firmness, but also with conciliation. He issued orders forbidding an a.s.semblage at the call of an anonymous paper, and directing the officers to a.s.semble on Sat.u.r.day, the 15th, to hear the report of their committee, and to deliberate what further measures ought to be adopted as most rational and best calculated to obtain the just and important object in view. The senior officer in rank present was directed to preside, and to report the result to the Commander-in-chief.

On the next day after these orders were issued, a second anonymous address appeared from the same writer. In this paper, he affected to consider the orders of General Washington, a.s.suming the direction of the meeting, as a sanction of the whole proceeding which he had proposed.

Washington saw, at once, that he must be present at the meeting himself, or that his name would be used to justify measures which he intended to discountenance and prevent. He therefore attended the meeting, and under his influence, seconded by that of Putnam, Knox, Brooks, and Howard, the result was the adoption of certain resolutions, in which the officers, after rea.s.serting their grievances, and rebuking all attempts to seduce them from their civil allegiance, referred the whole subject of their claims again to the consideration of Congress.

Even at this distant day, the peril of that crisis can scarcely be contemplated without a shudder. Had the Commander-in-chief been other than Washington, had the leading officers by whom he was surrounded been less than the n.o.blest of patriots, the land would have been deluged with the blood of a civil war. But men who had suffered what the great officers of the Revolution had suffered, had learned the lessons of self-control which suffering teaches. The hard school of adversity in which they had pa.s.sed so many years made them sensible to an appeal which only such a chief as Washington could make; and, when he transmitted their resolves to Congress, he truly described them as "the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; not only confirming their claim to the justice, but increasing their t.i.tle to the grat.i.tude, of their country."[175]

The effect of these proceedings was the pa.s.sage by Congress of certain resolves, on the 22d of March, 1783, commuting the half-pay for life to five years' full pay after the close of the war, to be received, at the option of Congress, in money, or in such securities as were given to other creditors of the United States.[176] On the 4th of July, the accounts of the army were ordered to be made up and adjusted, and certificates of the sums due were required to be given in the form directed by the Superintendent of the Finances. On the 18th of October, a proclamation was issued, disbanding the army.

From this time, the officers pa.s.sed into the whole ma.s.s of the creditors of the United States; and although they continued to const.i.tute a distinct cla.s.s among those creditors, the history of their claims is to be pursued in connection with that of the other public debts of the country. The value of the votes which fixed their compensation, and paid them in public securities, depended, of course, upon the ability of the government to redeem the obligations which it issued. The general financial powers of the Union, therefore, under the Confederation, must now be considered.

FOOTNOTES:

[155] The treaty was concluded at Paris, February 6, 1778, and was ratified by Congress on the 5th of May. Journals, IV. 256, 257.

[156] Resolves of October 30 and November 2, 1781. Journals, VII. 167, 169.

[157] Resolves of December 10, 1781. Journals, VII. 190.

[158] Writings, VIII. 226.