In their forlorn condition Hazen, Simonds and White were obliged to furnish them with provisions and supplies in order to keep them from plundering their houses and stores. All that the trading company obtained in return was a bill of exchange on the Ma.s.sachusetts congress, which probably was never paid:

"Gentlemen,--At sight of this our second Bill (first of same tenor and date not paid) please to pay to Messrs. William Hazen, James Simonds and James White, or order, forty-one Spanish milled Dollars for value received of them.

EZEKIEL FOSTER, Lt., EDMUND STEVENS, Capt., DAVID PRESCOTT, Lt., DANIEL MESERVY, Lt.

Portland, Nova Scotia, December 14th, 1776.

To the Honorable Council of Ma.s.sachusetts State.

[102] A pretty full account of the siege of Fort c.u.mberland will be found in the Canadian Archives for 1894, pp. 355-366. Other particulars are to be found in Kidder's Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia, pp. 67-74.

James White says the supplies furnished to Prescott & Co., were regarded as for the common cause and benefit to get rid of a needy lawless banditti.

On the 10th February ensuing General Ma.s.sey wrote to the secretary of State that Eddy, Rogers, Allen and Howe were at the River St. John preparing with the Indians for attacks on various points in the Spring. To counteract the designs of Eddy and his a.s.sociates Colonel Michael Francklin was appointed Superintendent of Indian affairs about this time.

Early in May, 1777, a serious attempt was made by John Allan to establish a trading post for the Indians on the River St. John. James Simonds proceeded via Windsor to Halifax, and reported the matter to the civil and military authorities. Lieut.-Governor Arbuthnot at once sent Colonel Arthur Goold and an armed party, commanded by Major Studholme, to investigate, and on their arrival at St. John the Machias rebels promptly decamped. On the 9th May Goold wrote a letter to the inhabitants of the townships up the river stating that the government of Nova Scotia was well informed of their treasonable doings, and that the tenure of their present possessions was due to the clemency of "the most just, generous and best of Princes." He informed them that his object was to effect a reconciliation for them with Government, and added that while he came to them with the olive branch of peace, in the event of a refusal of his overtures an armed force would follow and employ a very different argument.

A meeting was immediately held at Maugerville, and in reply to Goold a letter was sent "by order of the body of the inhabitants a.s.sembled,"

written and signed in their behalf by Israel Perley. In this letter the inhabitants aver "that their greatest desire hath ever been to live in peace under good and wholesome laws," and they declare themselves "ready to attend to any conditions of lenity and oblivion that may be held out to them."

Colonel Goold in his reply expresses his pleasure at the unanimity of their resolution to observe loyalty and obedience to the government under which they lived and his surprise that they should suffer a few incendiaries to disturb the public tranquillity. He hoped the word "Committee" had nothing so terrible in its sound as to frighten a majority of the loyal people. "Why not," he says, "form a Committee in favor of Government and see which is strongest? I will throw myself into your scale and make no doubt but we shall soon over balance these mighty Law-givers."

On the afternoon of May 13, two of John Allan's lieutenants, William Howe and John Preble, arrived at Manawagonish Cove[103] in a whale boat, not knowing of the presence of a British sloop of war at St.

John. Captain Featus, the commander of the "Vulture," promptly dispatched a boat to the place and took their whale boat, but Howe and Preble and their party fled to the woods and eventually got back to Machias. The captain of the "Vulture" also intercepted two schooners laden with supplies for the proposed Indian "Truck House."

[103] Commonly called Mahogany Cove, about three miles to the west of the harbor of St. John.

Evidently there was a lack of harmony and mutual confidence among the inhabitants of Maugerville at this time, for on the 16th May they wrote to Colonel Goold a letter in which, after representing their recent conduct in the best light they could and admitting that they had acted in opposition to this Majesty's Government, they say: "As your honor is pleased to tell us that you bring the Olive Branch of Peace we humbly crave the benefit, and as we were jointly concerned in the first transgressions we now humbly request that no distinction may be made as to a pardon, there being in this place as in all others private prejudices and contentions, and perhaps some persons may avail themselves of this opportunity to got revenge by representing their private enemies as the greatest enemies of Government. We earnestly request no such complaint may prevail upon your Honor to make any distinction with regard to any person, on the River, and we beg your Honor's answer to this pet.i.tion from your Honor's most humble servants.

[Signed]. Israel Perley, Seth n.o.ble, Jonathan Burpee, Elisha Nevers, junr."

In reply to the letter, from which the foregoing is taken, Colonel Goold said that his ears would be shut to all insinuations as to the honesty of their submission, that their letter "seems to breathe the sentiments of a sincere repentance for inconsiderate follies past" and that he had not the least doubt it would meet with as favorable a reception as they could desire.

In spite of Goold's tact and diplomacy there were a few irreconcilables, and on the 19th of May he wrote from Maugerville to Major Studholme, who had remained with the troops at the mouth of the river:

"As notwithstanding every measure which I have taken to reclaim some of the princ.i.p.al people concerned in the late defection, amounting to rebellion, on this river has proved fruitless, and they still continue obstinately bent on quitting their houses and families rather than submit to his Majesty's gracious offers of clemency, I think it my duty to give you their names--Seth n.o.ble, Elisha Nevers, Jacob Barker--that you may act upon the occasion agreeable to the orders you may have received from Major General Ma.s.sey."

Colonel Goold administered the oath of allegiance to all but a few of the people and, as his last word, charged them on no account to suffer those who inconveniently absented themselves from accepting the proposals of the Lieutenant Governor to return to their habitations without first proceeding to Halifax to beg pardon for their past behaviour. "I have nothing more to observe to you," he adds, "but that you are not to pay any more respect to those Gentlemen, who lately styled themselves your rulers, than to every other common member of the community."

On his return to Halifax, Col. Goold reported to Lt.-Gov'r Arbuthnot that the inhabitants at the River St. John had cheerfully taken the oath of allegiance, after delivering up two pieces of ordnance, formerly concealed by the French inhabitants.

While he was at the River St. John Goold had an interview with the Indians and made a speech to them in French, which seems to have produced a strong impression. Eight of the chiefs and captains swore allegiance to King George the Third in the name of their tribe, and had they been let alone by Allan it is probable the Indians would have given no further trouble to the Government or Nova Scotia. Colonel Goold regarded his arrival as opportune as Allan, Howe and others from Machias were a.s.sembled "to play the same game as last year." Before he left the river he addressed a letter to the Indians in French, promising that he would represent to Lieut. Governor Arbuthnot their great desire to have a priest, and expressing his confidence that they might have Mons'r. Bourg, then stationed at the Bay of Chaleur, who would be put on the same footing as their late missionary Bailly.

John Allan was altogether too determined a man to abandon the struggle for supremacy on the St. John without another attempt. He learned on the 29th of May that the "Vulture" had returned to Annapolis and he set out the very next day from Machias with a party of 43 men in four whale boats and four birch canoes. At Pa.s.samaquoddy he met with some encouragement and thirteen canoes joined the flotilla, which proceeded on to Musquash Cove, where they arrived on the evening of the 1st of June. Having ascertained that there were no hostile vessels at St.

John harbor, Allan sent one of his captains named West with a party to seize Messrs. Hazen, Simonds and White. The party landed at Manawagonish Cove and marched through the woods to the St. John river above the falls, crossing in canoes to the east side of the river and landing at what is now Indiantown. Proceeding on through scrubby woods and over rough limestone they reached Portland Point undiscovered and took William Hazen and James White prisoners. James Simonds and Israel Perley had accompanied Col. Goold to Halifax, and in this way Mr.

Simonds escaped capture, but it seems that a little later he was not so fortunate. There was now no good will between the people of Portland Point and their neighbors to the west. Allan states in his journal "Hazen and Simonds jeered our officers, saying that they made breastworks of women and children." Tradition has it that on one occasion James Simonds told a party of marauders who had come to pillage that they would never dare to face the King's soldiers for their blood was nothing but mola.s.ses and water.

Leaving a guard of sixty men at the mouth of the river under Capt.

West, the rest of the invaders proceeded up the river taking their prisoners with them. West and his party took possession of Woodman's store and buildings opposite Indiantown and occupied them for barracks. Allan directed them "To range the woods from Hazen's across the river above the falls round to the Old Fort," and in accordance with his instructions, the party came over every day to the Portland sh.o.r.e in order to capture any vessel that might enter the harbor and to prevent the landing of marines or seamen from any British man of war.

Allan in his diary gives an account of his trip up the St. John, which is of much local interest. He claims that the majority of the settlers, despite their late submission to Colonel Goold, were friendly to the American cause, although some were "great Zealots for Britain." Gervas Say and Lewis Mitch.e.l.l are said to have been instrumental in bringing Col. Goold to the river, and Allan endeavored to seize them. Mitch.e.l.l's influence was feared on account of his being of "an insinuating turn, particularly among the French and Indians."

Mitch.e.l.l was captured by strategy at his house above Grimross, but a few days later he "made his elopement" and with the a.s.sistance of other loyalists was not long in bringing a hornet's nest about the ears of his captors.

On the 5th of June, 1777, John Allan and his party arrived at the Indian village of Aukpaque where forty or fifty Indians arrayed in war costume of paint and feathers fired a salute of welcome. The visitors responded and in order still further to impress the Indians landed their two cannon and discharged them. Allan says that he found several of the Indian captains were vastly fond of Colonel Goold and seemed undetermined what to do. The inclinations of the head chiefs were diverse. Ambroise St. Aubin favored the Americans but Pierre Tomah, the head chief, inclined the other way. Allan, knowing full well by experience as an Indian trader the weak points of Indian character, flattered them, appealed to their cupidity, promised them presents and supplies at the trading posts he was about to establish, recalled the days when they regarded the French as their brothers affirming he had come to do them justice with the same authority Monsieur Boishebert had exercised in the French time. He was formally admitted into their tribe and as they had then no missionary the priest's house, adjoining the chapel, was placed at his disposal. During the next four weeks there were formal conferences with the Indians with the usual harangues, exchange of wampum belts and other ceremonies, in all of which the American agent appeared to advantage. The chiefs made quite a grand appearance on these occasions, particularly Ambroise St.

Aubin, who was attired in blue Persian silk coat, embroidered crimson silk waistcoat, scarlet knee breeches and gold lace hat with white c.o.c.kade. In the intervals between the formal conferences Allan visited the various wig-wams exercising his powers of persuasion. Messengers were sent up the river to invite delegates from Medoctec and Madawaska and they were not long in coming when they learned that Allan had a quant.i.ty of supplies and presents at his disposal. The Madawaska delegates arrived on the 20th of June in three birch canoes; in their party were seven chiefs and captains, one of whom had lately a.s.sumed the name of Washington. Allan wrote to Boston that he needed an abundance of things sent him as he had been forced to be very lavish in his dealings with the Indians. In the same letter he says of the white inhabitants on the river: "I am sorry to say that the people have not acted with that spirit that becomes the subjects of Liberty.

Much division has been among them * * and having no encouragement of success from the Westward and being surprised so suddenly by Col.

Goold the whole gave up and are now become the subjects of Britain.

The greatest part, I believe, is as zealous as ever and it is their earnest desire that a sufficient force be sent from the continent."

William Hazen and James White had been left by Col. Allan prisoners on parole at the mouth of the river but a little later they were brought up the river to Aukpaque by Capt. Preble. James White's long acquaintance with the Indians gave him an influence which Allan seems to have feared, for after they had been with him a week he issued the following order:--

"Wednesday, June 18, 1777, Prisoners Hazen and White are to mess by themselves for the future, not any of our people to join them."

The very next day they were sent to the mouth of the river again and placed in charge of Capt. West and his party.

After the arrival of the Indian delegates from Medoctec and Madawaska a general conference was held at Aukpaque, and it was agreed "that peace and friendship be now established permanent and lasting between the United States and the several tribes"; also that a truck house be established by John Preble where the Indians should obtain good prices for their furs.

The account of John Allan's doings at Aukpaque, as found in the diary kept by his lieutenant, Frederick Delesderniers, is very interesting reading. It is apparent to one who reads between the lines that Allan felt he was engaged in a game at which two could play, and he feared the outcome. In spite of his zealous efforts and apparent success he was suspicious of his native allies. He complains that the impression Colonel Goold had made seemed to occasion in them an unsteady conduct, so much so that notwithstanding their fair speeches, he at times thought that they would desert him after all. He was the more uneasy when informed by Israel Perley, on his return from Halifax, that the government of Nova Scotia had appointed so competent a man as Col.

Michael Francklin agent of Indian affairs.

As soon as the authorities at Halifax were informed of Allan's expedition and of what was going on at the River St. John they sent the warship "Mermaid" and the sloops "Vulture" and "Hope" with a detachment of troops under Major Studholme to put a stop to the proceedings. Allan's force at the mouth of the river consisted of about sixty men under command of Captains West and Dyer. The "Vulture"

arrived on June 23rd and an attempt was made to land a party of troops at Portland Point, but being fired upon by the enemy and having no exact information as to their strength, nothing further was attempted until the arrival of the other ships. Allan says "The 'Vulture'

anch.o.r.ed within cannon shot of Simonds[104] where our party lay."

[104] That is Simonds house at Portland Point.

On the morning, of the 30th of June about 120 men under command of Major Studholme left the ships in eight barges and landed at "Mahogany bay," opposite the house of Samuel Peabody. They marched thence through the woods two and a half miles in the direction of the falls.

Near what is now called Fairville, Studholme encountered about 40 men under Captain West and a sharp conflict ensued in which several were killed on both sides. The American invaders were soon put to flight and retired with great precipitation. It is said that one poor fellow climbed into a tree and might have escaped, but the cracking of a branch betrayed his hiding place, and a soldier "dropped him like a little carrier pigeon." The next day Colonel Francklin arrived from Windsor with about 150 troops and militia.

Finding Studholme in hot pursuit West and his men ascended the Oromocto and crossing to the head waters of the Maguadavic managed to reach Machias. They had little or no provisions and endured almost intolerable hardships. When tidings of the disaster were brought to Aukpaque all was consternation. Pierre Tomah and some of the Indians were disposed to listen to the overtures of Michael Francklin, but Ambroise St. Aubin and the others were of a contrary mind.

The approach of the British filled the Indians with serious alarm, and this Allan did not try to allay, his greatest fear being that Pierre Tomah, "always considered a Tory," might induce the majority to make terms with the English. He succeeded in persuading the Indians that their safest course was to retire with him, a.s.suring them that the Americans would shortly regain possession of the river, and that the Ma.s.sachusetts government would provide for them and in the end reward them for their fidelity. The Indians resolved to accompany Allan to Machias. They abandoned their cornfields, took down their chapel bell and moved across the river to the mouth of the Keswick. A conference was held with the Indians in Mazroles's barn on Sunday, July 6th, at which Delesderniere says Colonel Allan made a very moving speech. The same night Allan's men were surprised at Aukpaque by a British detachment who secured the baggage, provisions, cannon and arms they had in charge. The party had separated and gone to various French houses in the vicinity that they might not crowd one another, otherwise they must inevitably have all been taken. According to Delesderniers' story the French did all they could to save Allan's men and for recompense had their houses pillaged and burned and some of themselves made prisoners by the English. It was reported that the English soldiers had expressed their determination to follow Allan to the gates of h.e.l.l to take him--they would at least follow to Medoctec.

All this time Pierre Tomah was trying to make terms with the British and was much dejected that he could not carry his tribe with him.

Allan now donned the garb of an Indian chief, resolved to wear it to Machias. On his arrival at Medoctec he was in such a sorry plight that he wrote to his friends "I am at present dest.i.tute of everything, I am forced to put up with the fare the Indians can provide. I must again implore some help for the Indians; I am still suspicious if I leave them they will turn."

Arrived at the old historic village of Medoctec (eight miles below the modern town of Woodstock) John Allan and his dusky companions did not long hesitate what course to pursue. Two Indian scouts sent down the river quickly returned with information that the English had given up the chase of West and his party, who fled by way of the Oromocto river, and were on their way to Medoctec in pursuit of Allan. This decided the Indians to proceed at once to Machias. The exodus was a remarkable one even for so migratory a people as the Maliseets. On Sunday, July 13th, a party of about 480 Indians--men, women and children--embarked in 128 canoes. The journey to Machias occupied three weeks and the party had a sorry time of it. The midsummer heat was excessive, the mosquitoes abundant, provisions scanty and the lowness of the streams greatly r.e.t.a.r.ded the progress of the canoes. At each of the carrying places along the route a lively scene presented itself. "It is incredible," says Delesderniers in his diary, "what difficulties the Indians undergo in this troublesome time when so many families are obliged to fly with precipitation rather than become friends to the tyrant of Britain. Some backing their aged parents, others their maimed and decrepid brethern, the old women leading the young children, mothers carrying their infants, together with great loads of baggage. As to the canoes the men make it a play to carry them across." The Indians after a time became impatient and desirous to return. They represented to Allan that they had abandoned the fertile banks of the St. John, their cornfields and hunting grounds for his sake, and requested that the Americans would vigorously exert themselves to take possession of and fortify that river, promising that they would a.s.sist in an expedition to gain and hold it or lose their lives in the attempt.

Allan's enthusiasm over the spirit displayed by the Indians and their loyalty to him as their leader was somewhat dampened by their alarming consumption of his provisions and supplies, which he was obliged to dispense with a free hand or run the chance of their leaving him.

The account of Colonel John Allan's operations on the River St. John given in the former part of this chapter may be supplemented by Colonel Michael Francklin's official report to the Governor of Canada, Sir Guy Carleton, which follows:

Nova Scotia, River St. John, Maugerville, 23d July, 1777.

Sir,--The Continental Congress having by their Emissarys taken every method to alienate the affection of the savages of this Province from His Majesty so far prevailed as to induce part of the Tribes of this River, Pa.s.samaquoddie and Pen.o.bscott to a.s.sociate last Fall with a few banditti from the eastern parts of New England, who together with some of our Provincial Rebels plundered the peaceable inhabitants of the County of c.u.mberland, seized upon the King's provision vessels, and presumed to invest Fort c.u.mberland, but were finally defeated by His Majesty's Troops under the command of Major Batt of the Royal Fencible American Regt.

Since last Fall a John Allan, late an Inhabitant of this Province, has been appointed by the General Congress agent to the Indians, and the beginning of June entered the River with Two pieces of cannon and about 120 Rebels, who were to be followed by a more considerable body. These Rebels were defeated the 30th of June at the mouth of the River by the King's Troops under the command of Brigade Major Studholme, sent by Major General Ma.s.sey. The day following I arrived in a civil capacity with about 150 Troops and militia from Windsor. These Rebels in their flight have been obliged to divide, one part pa.s.sing over our western Boundary at about twenty miles from the sea, but Allan with the other part have been pursued up this river more than 120 miles and have retired from Medoctic by way of Pen.o.bscott. This last party were joined by Ambrose St. Auban, an Indian Chief, and some others whom I could not possibly draw off frown a.s.sisting the enemy, without whose aid they must have perished, having lost their little baggage, provisions, cannon and arms by one of our detachments falling on them on the 6th instant at Augpeake, ninety miles up this river. We are friendly with Pierre Toma, the other Indian chief, and part of the savages, and hostilities have not even been committed by us against the others.

"I have been particular that you Excellency may know our situation. An Indian war is of all others the most to be dreaded by this Government from the scattered situation of our settlements, and a word from your Excellency to the savages of this River, Pa.s.samaquoddie and Pen.o.bscott, sent by some of your well affected Indian Chiefs of the neighborhood of Quebec may have a very great weight with them and prevent much ruin and expense.