"History teaches us that all alliances arising from momentary and fleeting political combinations, even though sealed by the most solemn treaties, pa.s.s away as quickly as the circ.u.mstances that have created them. When, on the contrary, firm political relations between two nations and governments have arisen in the natural course of events, the alliance remains firm through every change of time, and reappears on every practical opportunity, whether founded on treaties or not. The first and most important condition of such a natural combination is a negative one, namely, that the interests of the two states should in no way cross each other, in no way clash. This first and indispensable condition exists in an eminent way in the relations between Prussia and Russia. I am sure your Excellency will agree with me. It is Prussia's mission to act towards the west. The German nation longs for unity, longs for a strong and powerful leader; Prussia's calling, Prussia's n.o.blest ambition is and must ever be, to place this leadership in the strong hand of her king. Prussia must struggle to command the whole of Germany; she cannot rest until she has attained this high aim for herself and the whole nation. What is now gained is a step--an important step--on the great path which Prussia's German policy must pursue--but it is not its completion. But this completion will come; for its greatest hindrance, Austria's power and influence in Germany, is broken--broken for long enough--as I believe, for ever. The path upon which Prussia has entered, which she must pursue to the end, may be crossed by the interests of France, of Italy, of England, but never by those of the grand Russian nation, ever increasing in preponderance and strength. For what is the aim, the legitimate aim, of Russian policy?"

Prince Gortschakoff's keen eyes looked inquiringly at the general's animated countenance; the conversation now approached its most important point.

The general looked down for a moment; then he continued with some slight hesitation:--

"Your Excellency must forgive me, if to you, whose genius inspires and guides the policy of Russia, I venture to describe the aim and object of this policy; nevertheless perfect candour is the foundation of friendship, and in proportion to our comprehension of opposing political problems, we see the reason, the necessity for this friendship."

The prince bowed again in silence, and waited.

"The problem of the great founder of the present Russian monarchy,"

proceeded General von Manteuffel slowly, as if he sought carefully for the most correct expressions for his thoughts, "Peter the Great's problem, was the creation of a state possessing European culture, and in order to solve this mighty problem he was forced to establish the seat of his government as near as possible to cultured Europe; he formed ca.n.a.ls through which civilization poured in through the veins of his vast kingdom, and made it live and bear fruit. So I understand the choice of St. Petersburg as a capital for new Russia, for with regard to the interior affairs and the resources of the great nation, this spot could never have risen to be its capital. Russia's resources lie, not in the north, not in this distant corner of the empire, they lie in the south, they lie there, where the great national powers of productiveness stream in rich abundance from the soil, they lie there, where the natural course of the world's commerce unites Asia to Europe, those continents to which Russia stretches out her two hands; these resources," he added, after a moment's silence, during which he gazed firmly at the prince, "lie near the Black Sea!"

Some slight emotion pa.s.sed rapidly over the features of the Russian statesman; involuntarily his eyes turned towards the parchment which von Hamburger had laid before him on the table.

Manteuffel continued:--

"The first great problem which Peter the Great proposed to himself is solved--Russia's broad, gigantic and national organization is saturated with European cultivation, and we must own with some shame that in one century you have outrun the whole of Europe."

"We had only to acquire what Europe had laboriously created," said Prince Gortschakoff politely.

"The last great measure of the Emperor Alexander," continued Manteuffel, "completed the work, and opened even the lowest strata of the people to the living spirit of civilization--in short, the first phase of Russian policy is completed, St. Petersburg has fulfilled its mission. In my opinion the problem of the future is this--to use Russia's internal productiveness as a centre-point for the fruitful development of her national strength, to inspire the organization already created, and to urge it to greater activity. For this you require the Black Sea and its rich basin; there lies the real centre of Russia, there must she develop her future, as the far-seeing eye of the Emperor Nicholas rightly discerned, when he endeavoured to secure the future of Russia in that direction."

Again the prince's eyes glided towards the parchment containing the doc.u.ment so important to Russia.

"But upon this path," said the general, with emphasis, "which I am convinced Russia ought to take, and to pursue to the very end, as we must continue our path in Germany, the Russian interests will never clash with those of Germany; rather shall we rejoice to see our powerful neighbour as fortunately accomplishing her national mission as we hope to accomplish our own."

He was silent, and looked at the prince inquiringly.

He said in a calm tone, with a slight sigh:

"Alas! the sad result of the Crimean war has placed an insurmountable barrier in the path, which your Excellency so brilliantly describes; and----"

"We too," cried Manteuffel, "have been often and long delayed upon our path; nevertheless we never forsook it,--we never gave up the hope of reaching the goal."

The prince was silent a moment. Then he said slowly:

"I agree with your Excellency, that the interests of Prussia, even of the new Prussia and Germany, will not jostle those of Russia. I will not doubt, too, what your Excellency tells me, that the national movement in the Germany of to-day does not inherit the hatred to Russia by which the democratic movement of 1848 was actuated. I regard these a.s.surances with satisfaction, as a guarantee that no cloud will arise between us. Yet with the same candour with which your Excellency has spoken to me, I must say that I cannot perceive how the present situation and (if the lawful claims of treaties are regarded, the lamentable) alterations in the European balance of power can form a stronger political connection--can offer a firmer basis of eventual alliance in the future. You pursue your path with victorious success,--our own is closed for a long time, perhaps for ever."

"Permit me, your Excellency," said General von Manteuffel quickly, "to express myself on this point with the reckless freedom which," he added, laughingly, "you must expect in a soldier fresh from the camp, who only dabbles in diplomacy."

The prince's eyes half closed, and he looked at the general with an expression of good-natured satire.

Manteuffel pa.s.sed his hand lightly over his moustache, and said:

"The Emperor Napoleon desires compensation for his consent to the new acquisitions of Prussia and the new const.i.tution of Germany."

"Ah!" cried the prince.

"And," proceeded Manteuffel, "they are far from bashful in Paris in pointing out what they shall require as compensation."

"I have not been initiated in this bargaining," said the prince, with a look of great interest and lively anxiety.

"I can inform your Excellency fully," returned General Manteuffel; "they will demand the frontier of 1814, Luxemburg and Mayence."

The prince's face grew still more animated.

"_Will_ demand?" he asked.

"The demand is not yet stated officially," replied the general; "Benedetti has only named it in confidence."

"And what did Count Bismarck reply?" asked the prince.

"He put off the discussion of the question and its answer until after the conclusion of peace with Austria."

The prince gave a fine smile and a slight nod with his head.

"I can, however, tell your Excellency the answer beforehand," said the general.

"And it will be?" asked the prince.

"Not a foot's breadth of land, not a fortress,--no compensation," said General Manteuffel, in a firm, clear voice.

Prince Gortschakoff looked at him with surprise, as if he had not expected this short and simple answer.

"And what will France do?" he asked.

The general shrugged his shoulders.

"Perhaps declare war," he replied,--"perhaps be prudently silent, wait, and arm; any way, it will be a sharp disappointment, and war must be the final result."

The prince looked at this man with astonishment, who had just discussed with such fine intellect all the aims and threads of political interests, and who now, with soldier-like bluntness, spoke as of an ordinary event, of a war whose thunders must shake Europe to its very foundations.

"That is the situation," said Manteuffel; "I beg your Excellency's permission to express my views on its consequences, and the position of Russia with regard to them."

"I am most curious to hear!" said the prince.

"The situation I have just described," proceeded the general, "gives Russia the power of deciding for all future time the relations that shall exist between that empire and Germany. If the Russian policy uses adverse circ.u.mstances to make difficulties for us, this policy,--forgive me, your Excellency, I must touch on every possibility to make my views clear,--this policy, even though it secures success to France for a time, will not prevent the regeneration of Germany; and under all future circ.u.mstances--for ever--Prussia and Germany will regard Russia as a foe, who is ready to come to an understanding with the western powers upon the affairs of Europe, and to make their interests her own."

General von Manteuffel spoke in a firm and decided voice, and fixed his eyes firmly on the vice-chancellor.

The prince's eyes fell, and he bit his lips.

"I beg your Excellency to forgive me," said the general, "for having touched upon an eventuality, which is doubtless far removed from your enlightened policy. I now come to the other course--namely, that Russia, according to the old traditions of the two courts, shall regard the enlargement of Prussia with friendly and favourable eyes, and shall make use of the present opportunity to arrange with new Germany the foundations of that close connection which, according to my convictions, ought to exist in future, and which will so greatly further the interests of both nations. The compensation being refused,"

he proceeded, "France will probably declare war immediately,--we do not fear her; at this moment the whole of Germany would unite and accept war without hesitation, especially if we had Russia as a well-wisher to back us. But Russia can have no more favourable opportunity for breaking the bann which the treaty of 1856 laid upon her development and her natural and needful aims. Whilst we hold France in check, no one will prevent you from bursting asunder the unnatural chains with which the western allied powers, in conjunction with ungrateful Austria, fettered you upon the Black Sea, that spot where lies the future of Russia."

The prince's eyes brightened, his features expressed a smiling consent to the ideas so forcibly and convincingly unfolded by General von Manteuffel.

He continued: